Evening Star Newspaper, June 6, 1937, Page 31

Editorial Page Special Articles Part 2—12 Pages TRADE PACTS PAVE WAY TO EUROPEAN ALLIANCE Negotiations for En, glish Treaty Seen as Wedge to Break Effect of Johnson Act, Neutrality Law. BY CONSTANTINE BROWN. . HE man from Mars, who makes a trip to earth every 20 years, showed up in Washington on the anniversary of our enter- Ing the last world conflict, when America’s man power and America's financial and economic resources were marshalled to make the world *safe for democracy.” He was somewhat astonished. Not because the nations of this planet were once more preparing to jump at each other's throats, but because | the United States, which he considered the only sane country on the globe, ‘was slowly drifting toward another “saving” act. And in his somewhat unsophisticated Martian mentality, he could not quite understand w the proverb “once bitten, twice shy” ‘was not used to good purpose by the 1 Government of this republic We have placed barbed wire en- tanglements around this country to preserve the Nation from another sad experience. . We have a neutrality act which is supposed to “prevent America from becoming involved in another conflict alien to our national interests.” We have the Johnson act to prohibit defaulting nations—that is to say, all major European powers which participated in the last war— from obtaining credits which would admit the possibility of starting and carrying on another war successfully. But as soon as Congress surrounded the United States with this barbed wire fence to guarantee our political isolation, cut it in certain places so as to make | 1t possible for the forces of this coun- try to get out and fight again for the democratic ideal. Two important in- struments are, at the present time, being used for the cutting of the barbed wire: Foreign propaganda, and diplomacy. The former is manifest in many ways—Ilectures, press news, alluring suggestions of purchases from farmers and industrialists and appeals to the emotional side of the American citizens who are told of the dastardly methods applied by the European dictators, mainly Mussolini and Hitler. The “hands across the sea” and the “cousin” stuff used between 1914 and 1917 no longer works. Would Ruin Johnson Act. The neutrality act and its flaws, which might enable the Chief Execu- tive to play favorites in the event of another world conflagration, were dis- cussed in this column three weeks ego. There is now another movement afoot to facilitate the task of Great Britain and her eventual associates in fighting their potential enemies— the junking of the Johnson act as far as the democratic countries are concerned. A reciprocal trade agree- ment, which will pull the teeth out of the Johnson act, making it inoperative with respect to France and Great Britain, is being discussed by the Washington, London and Paris governments. Three important men have visited ‘Washington in the course of the last few months—Walter Runciman, presi- dent of the board of trade (the British secretary of commerce); Mackenzie King, Premier of Canada, and Lord Tweedsmuir, governor gen- eral of that Dominion. With Walter Runciman the President discussed principally the debt question. The ‘White House guest explained to his host that a settlement of that problem, as irksome for the British as it is for the American Government, could not be reached unless there was a certain | downward revision of the debt and | unless the payments could be made in kind instead of in shipments of gold. ‘This thought has been repeatedly ex- pounded, publicly and privately, by Leon Blum, premier of France. Last August M. Blum said to this writer that he and his cabinet were in favor of settling the debt but means must be found whereby gold could be re- placed by other commodities. Gold payments would be detrimental, he said, to both countries; the creditor nation already has too much and the other too little. Officials Weaken. This thought has been taken up by the British and the argument was successfully driven home by Mr. Runciman last Spring, in his con- versations with Mr. Roosevelt. Secretary Hull had a love feast with the British cabinet officer. The pros- pect of a trade agreement was dis- cussed at length and our Secretary of State accepted the thesis of his visitor that any agreement pertaining to an effective exchange of goods must apply in the same measure in peace as well as in war time. In other words, it was agreed, in principle, that the United States would not place any restrictions on the export of raw materials nec- essary in war time, provided the British agree to import them from this country under normal circumstances. Mackenzie Xing discussed the po- litical angle of an eventual British- American entente. He, too, pointed out that in order to achieve real harmony in the economic fleld, in addition to a free interchange of goods in time of peace and war, there must be also a more liberal financial co- operation between governments, and not only between banks as it exists at this moment. And as long as the Johnson act penalizing Great Britain as a defaulter remains operative, there is no possibility 0. such co-operation. Ambassador-at-large Norman H. Davis did not spend all his time in London talking of sugar. He had frequent interviews with the mighties of the British cabinet, especially with Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, then Chancellor of the Exchequer. ‘While no definite understanding was reached, the fundamental principles were laid down for an agreement to be arrived at in the course of this year. To Talk Debt Settiement. They are, briefly, as follows: The British government is willing to study sympathetically the American pro- posals for a trade pact since the new neutrality law removes the danger of the President’s being compelled to place restrictions on British imports from this country. Futhermore, the British government is willing to accept the suggestion that any trade agree- ment with this country should em- race the whole empire, not Great Britain alone. There is ample basis for a fair exchange between the empire and the United States, since Britain possesses a number of essential #aw materials which are indispensable ] A ¥ the means were found to | to American industry. Moreover, both the United States and the British government intend to renew conver- sations for a settlement of the debt question. This is, of course, nominally outside the scope of any trade agree- ment since any reduction of the debts must be approved by Congress. But to the British the amount they owe us is less important than the mode of payment. The administration be- 1 lieves it will encounter little opposition from the Senate if a fair sum is agreed upon and if the British are willing to pay it over a number of years out of their trade balance with the United States. There are a num- ber of other questions such as dollar~ pound stabilization, gold policy, etc., which are currently forming subjects of conversations between the two governments. But as soon as this agreement is concluded, the Johnson act, while remaining on the statute | books of the United States, becomes | inoperative as far as Great Britain is concerned. The London-Washington conversa= tions are being carried out with the utmost secrecy. But secret diplomacy | cannot remain long secret these days. Information percolating from London and Washington indicates that Great Britain is satisfied with the contents of the neutrality act and with proposed debt arrangement which would shelve the Johnson act. Britain now is will- ing to make concessions desired by Mr. Hull, which heretofore have been refused. France Wants New Pact. Although a reciprocal trade agree- ‘ment with France was signed last June, it is an open secret that the French government desires to negoti- ‘the British-American agreement, | These conversations will not start until the British pact has been signed. The Johnson act is much more irksome to the French govern~ ment than it is to the British, and M. Blum, or his successor, will be willing to go far in the line of con- cessions to obtain a settlement of the debt question based on payment in kind. After all, the theory of pay- ments from the surplus trade balance is nothing else but acceptance of goods instead of gold. So far, the reversal of our policy regarding the war debts, sugar-coated in a trade agreement, does not appear to affect our desire to remain neutral in the event of another world con- flagration. But the situation is not | so simple as all that. Germany and Italy are among the nations which are affected by the Johnson act. These two nations come under the pale of the measure and are not able to obtain loans in theg United States. The chances of these two dictatorships’ evading the pen- | alties imposed by the Senate on de- faulters are exceedingly slim, because there is no likelihood whatsoever of their concluding a reciprocal trade agreement with this country in the near future. . The Italian government opened negotiations for a pact long before the British and the French govern- ments dreamed of such an approach. But the conversations were abruptly suspended when Mussolini's legions invaded Ethiopia. At that time, of course, the Rome government was anxious to push for the conclusion of a reciprocal trade treaty, but Ambas- sador Augusto Rosso was told by the State Department that the various restrictions imposed by his government on trade were against the principles of economics of the Stat¢ Department and nothing more was done about it. The department admitted, unofficially, that the arbitrary act of I1 Duce defying all international agreements was the real reason why the talks had been indefinitely postponed. Italy Seems Out. They have never ‘been” resumed despite the efforts of the Italian government. An old treaty of “Commerce and Amity” was de- nounced a few months ago. Now the State Department holds the position that until a new commercial treaty is signed, it would be useless even to talk about a reciprocal trade agree- ment. And this bids fair to take a long, long time. In regard to Germany, the situation is still less promising. There were vague private conversations between the former German Ambassador, Dr. Hans Luther, and officials of the State Department—principally with Assist- ant Secretary Sayre. But these never got beyond personal talks. The State Department is opposed to the dis- criminatory trade policy of the Reich and, until Hitler decides to abandon it, there is mightly little chance that even exploratory conversations will be initiated. Thus, while the obstacle to financing wars with American money will be removed for the French and the British governments as soon as they conclude trade agreements which will incorporate a settlement of the war debts, the German and the Italian governments will remain barred from the financial and export markets of the United States. Literally, however, there is no reason why these latter two countries should not individually negotiate a settlement to their gover- mental indebtedness of the United States. The man from Mars seems to think there is only a very short step from an economic affinity of interests to a political understanding—a political understanding which must inevitably be translated into a pact promising support, other than material, to one group of belligerents. (Copyright, 1937.) U. S. Using Autogiro To Fight Cotton Pest MIAMI, Fla. (#)—The Federal Government is using the auto-giro in a campaign along the Florida coast to destroy wild cotton, host for the dread pink boolworm. Observers in the slow-flying “wind- mill” planes locate wild cottor trees, which are then destroyed by workers. They are able in a few hours to cover areas of mangrove swamps and inac- cessible regions that would require days of inspection from the ground. The pink boolworm is the boll- weevil’s successor as cotton’s enemy No. 1. A ate another pact as wide in scope as | WASHINGTON; D. C, BY JOHN H. CLINE. HEN history records its ver- sion of the momentous Supreme Court session that ended last week, one of the principal chapters will deal with the career of a German immigrant lad who learned his first word of English at the age of 8 and went on from there to rewrite the meaning of the Ameri- can Constitution. This crowning achievement of his long and successful career comes as no surprise to Senator Robert F. ‘Wagner of New York. Years ago, when he was struggling to survive the grind- ing poverty of New York's Avenue A, young “Heinie” Wagner convinced himself that the day must come when American workmen would share more liberally in the fruits of their toil. To that end he has devoted his life with a singleness of purpose that has borne amazing results. His zeal for the .inder-privileged began to take fr . when he was 9 years old and ".ad to get up 3 o'clock every morning to deliver newspapers to his tenement customers. “Things were hardest for us then,” he said, “and I have never forgotten the endless worry that plagued my father. He earned $15 a month and couldn’t save a dime. Fear of what might happen to his family darkened his life and I realized then that heavenly rewards are not enough—a man must have some happiness and some security on earth.” ‘Won by Long Study. With this brief background, it is not surprising that the stocky, square- jawed Wagner was championing the cause of social reform long before it spelled success on election day. He is not in any sense a New Deal re- former, although his major victories have been won under the Roosevelt banner. More than 30 years of patient, in- telligent and determined study went into the drafting of the national labor relations act and the social security act—recently approved by the Supreme Court in language that lends new meaning to our Constitution. For the first time in the history of the country the high court has sanctioned the right of the national government to deal with the ugly problem chil- dren of expanding industry. From now on American workmen are assured the right to bargain col- lectively for the advancement of their own welfare. No longer need they live in haunting fear of a penniless old age or watch their families go without the necessities of life should they lose their jobs in some future depression. It is difficult to say how much of the credit for the incorporation of these doctrines into the body of our law should go to Senator Wagner. He claims none, but it is nevertheless certain that his efforts contributed largely to the result.* Had it net been for his unremitting work these con- oepts of social justice might still be regarded as repugnant to the Con- stitution. Student of Constitution. Although not a constitutional law- yer in the conventional sense, Senator ‘Wagner has made an intensive study of the Constitution,and the decisions interpreting it. As a practicing law- yer, 8s & member of the New York Legislature and as & justice of the courts of that State, he was constantly confronted with problems of constitu- tional law, studying them always in their relation to social welfare. When he began work on the labor relations act he made a careful survey of the industrial feld, personslly visit~ ing plants in various sections of the country to observe conditions at first ) EDITORIAL SECTION he Swundwy Star Part Two Travel — Resorts D Immigrant Reforms U. S. band. This was followed by ex- haustive hearings in which all thé ramifications of modern industry were studied in relation to their effect on interstate commerce. As a result, when the Government lawyers went before the Supreme Court to défend the act, they had not only a carefully drawn statute but a mass of factual material to bolster their position. The value of this careful prepara- tion became apparent when Chief Justice Hughes delivered the opinion of the court upholding the act. The Government, he said in substance, has submitted enough facts to con- Senator Wagner’s Fight for Liberalized Constitution Rooted in Hardship as a Boy. vince the court that big manufactur- Ing concerns should be subject to national regulation in matters affect- ing interstate commerce. Until, that decision, manufacturing had been re- garded as an intrastate activity and beyond the reach of Congress. The same thing happened again in the ruling on social security. Justice Cardozo reviewed at length the im- pressive statistics—gathered at the behest of Senator Wagner— which formed the basis for the court’s find- ing that relief of unemployment and old-age destitution are national prob- lems. Senator Wagner said he was not CANADA AGAIN PONDERS ST. LAWRENCE PROJECT Ontario Premier’s Opposition to Power Be Shifted if Roosevelt Gains International Agreement. BY D. M. HALLIDAY. ORONTO.—President Roose- Plans May velt's intention of doing every- thing within his power to bring I about an agreement which will start construction of the St. Lawrence Seaway “at the earliest possible date” has revived speculation regarding Ontario’s attitude toward the project. In recent years, while the Dominion government of Premier Mitchell Hep- burn has been opposed on the ground that present waterpower developments are sufficient to meet power demands for many years. Mr. Hepburn has refused to ratify the Dominion- Ontario agreement of 1932, and this refusal makes the whole plan econom- ically impractical for Ottawa. If the Dominion government em- barked on the venture in direct co- operation with the United States, without Ontario’s financial aid, en- tirely as & navigation scheme, dropping the power development aspect of the project, the cost would be increased by $67,000,000. : Should the Domiinion wish o de- velop power as well, another $36,900,- 000 would be added to the cost. This would bring the total expenditure by the Federal Government to $142,205,- 000 instead of the $38,071,000 which was originally estimated. This expenditure would be in ad- dition to the large sums already ex- pended on the deep waterway system which includes the Welland Canal, built at & cost of $128,000,000. Share Placed at $67,200,000. Under the 1932 pact, Ontario would pay for the power works in the St. Lawrence for electrical energy which would be available to the province. ‘The share of the canalization amounts to $67,200,000, which was to be in the form of a cash payment by the prov- ince to the Dominion. In addition to this, Ontario was to pay for construction of power houses and other equipment which would become its property. These would cost $36,900,000. The agreement between the United States and Canads, which was signed simultaneously with the signing of the Canada-Ontario pact, was to become effective on ratification by the both governments. Canada took the stand that it would make no move for ratification until the United States Benate had given its approval. The treaty, drawn up during the Hoover sdministration, was submitted to the Senate by President Roosevelt in 1934, and failed by 12 votes. One of the hitches in the ratification was understood to be the stipulation that part of the works on the Canadian side of the St. Lawrence should be constructed by Canadian engineers, Canadian labor and with Canadian materials. It was suggested in Wash- ington that Canada permit the use of a proportion of United States labor and material on the Canadian side. Growing demand for power in Ontario with a steady rise in industrial production has given the Ontario ad- ministration some cause for concern, and various projects for new power developments have been talked of. One of these, a diversion of the Ogoki River in Northern Ontario, where new mines are rapidly being brought into production with consequent in- creases in the provincial power load, has been under favorable consider- ation, but nothing definite has re- sulted to date. Hepburn May Change Views. If Mr. Hepburn can be convinced that there is any danger of a power shortage within the next few years, or that new industries would be attracted to the province to locate along the St. Lawrence River valley by provision of a portion of the 2,000,000 horse- power that is estimated to be running to Waste in the international rapids, there is a very strong possibility that he would be induced to withdraw his opposition. His attitude in this respect may be influenced to some extent by Federal co-operation with him in his labor policies and in financial assistance toward unemployment relief. Ottawa is working toward a steady curtailment of relief grants to the provinces, and has made Mr. Hep- burn's burden as provincial treasurer more onerous. But the Mackenzie King government may be convinced that much of the pressing problem which has cost federal, provincial and municipal administrations $750,000,000 since the depression started can be solved by giving most of the un- employed jobs in constructing the St. Lawrence Seaway. In the next fiscal year most of the federal public works projects will have been finished, and with Premier Hepburn's acquiescence, the waterway is a ready-made new one which could be justified as economical to the taxpayers in reducing the diminishing ranks of the jobless. (Copyright, 1937.) ) SUNDAY MORNING, JUNE 6, 1937. surprised when the court upheld the two statutes. “After all” he said, “the justices of ‘the Supreme Court are reasonable men. They know that conditions change and the law must be adapted to these changes. But it is too much to expect them to take judicial notice of altered conditions. It is the duty of the lawmaker to draft his statute with care and be prepared to produce the facts showing the necessity for a broader interpretation of the Con- stitution.” Senator Wagner has sponsored two laws that were declared unconstitu- | tional by the high court, but he admits defeat in only one—the N. R. A. The other was the original railway pension act. Sees Reversal of Court. | “They rejected the railway pension | act,” he said, “on the main ground | that it was unconstitutional to tax employes and employers for the bene-{ fit of certain classes of workers. That is the very thing that was upheld in the social security cases. The court reversed itself, and maybe it was because we were in a better position to show the facts in the latter case.” Wagner's career is a typically American success story. During his bitter fight upward from newsboy to United States Senator, he joined forces with some of the worst ele- ments in American politics but he kept himself clean. No one can question the sincerity of his devotion to the cause of the “forgotten man” and no hint of corruption has ever attached to his name. It was Christmas eve, 1885, when young Wagner first set foot on Ameri- can soil. With his parents, he had come over in steerage accommoda- tions. They were met at the dock by an older brother, Gus, who had come over earlier and secured a job as a chef. They moved in with Gus on Avenue A until the father found a job as janitor of a tenement house on East One Hundred Sixth street, between Second and Third avenues. His sal- ary was $15 a month and the use of a basement apartment. Fought Also With Fists. Young Robert was promptly en- rolled in the public schools. Just learning the language, he was the target of many ‘‘wise-cracks” from his schoolmates. Although unable to understand most of them, the sturdy German youngster knew they were not intended as compliments and he engaged in many a rough and tumble battle before the boys of the neighbor- hood accepted him as one of the crowd. Even at that early age, how- ever, he was demonstrating his capac- ity for making friends, for the boys with whom he fought elected him captain of the school base ball team the next year. Determined to make the most of his educational opportunities, young TRIO OF BILLS HOLDS FATE OF GOVERNMENT Drastic Change in System of Society Seen if Reorganization, Court and New N. BY MARK SULLIVAN. HERE are now before Congress three presidential measures which, if enacted, will change the country’s form of Govern- ment. They are: the measure for the reorganization of the courts, the meas- ure for Executive reorganization (which greatly increases the authority of the President, largely at the ex- pense of Congress), and the so-called “new N. R. A" which, among other effects, tends to deprive the States of their identities and the State Legislatures of many of their powers and functions. All three of these bills are long and intricate. Any bill that would set out forthfightly to change the form of Government would be long and in- tricate under any conditions. These three measures are long and intricate for the additional reason that the purpose is not revealed. To achieve a purpose indirectly takes many more words than to achieve it directly, and many of the extra words must be what Theodore Roosevelt called ‘‘weasel words.” Because of this, public understand- ing of these measures takes a long time. careful reading by students and other persons equipped to understand; then careful analysis and discussion, in Congress, in newspapers and maga- zines, and over the radio. Finally comes understanding by the public. Public Finally Reacts. The process consists of, first, | R. A. Pass. have a court in which, ultimately, more than half of the justices will be Mr. Roosevelt's justices. In short, Mr. Roosevelt must have a court so changed that the present three so- | called liberals—Mr. Brandeis, Mr. Cor= dozo and Mr. Stone—will be & cone servative minority. Revolution for Society. There are before Congress the three measures Mr. Roosevelt sent— his court measure, his executive re~ organization measure and his new |N. R. A. In addition, there is .a measure which he did not write but ‘to which he has given his approval, the measure for control of agricul- | turad production. The sum of these | measures, if they are passed, will | be a revolution; not merely a revolu- tion in’ our form of government but | in our form of society. The production of farm crops would be allocated to States, countfes and administration areas; quotas for ine | dividual farmers would be fixed. Ene | forcement would be carried out by | punitive taxes on amounts marketed in excess of quotas. This is much the same as the old triple A Starting with control and allocas | tion of farm crops, there would fole low control and allocation of manu=~ | facture and distribution, at every | step, through to the final consumer. | This control of manufacture and dis- | tribution is not yet provided for, but |it will follow with automatic cer= tainty from control of production on the farm By the new N. R. A. there would be control of wages and salaries in every line of industry. At present the new N. R. A. provides mainly | for minimum standards, but the bill | gives power to set standards above Voted to consideration of that part of | Minimum. Partly by powers the court measure which has to do within the bill and partly as an ine with the Supreme Court. That, when | €"3table consequence of fixing minie understood. was sensational. But real | UM Wages, it would follow that prac- concern only came after the students | UIC3llY every wage and salary must and authorities got around to putting | ?¢ fixed by the Federal Government, their microscopes upon that part of | Price Control Inevitable. the measure which had to do with From the control of farm crops, the lower Federal Courts. and the ensuing control of manu= As to the measure for executive | facture and distribution, added to reorganization, greatly enlarging the | the control of wages, it would follow President’s powers, and taking much | automatically that there must be cone power away from Congress, that is | trol of prices. Control of prices is not not yet understood. Because the | mentioned in any of Mr. Roosevelt's students and authorities have been | measures, and he does not like to busy with the court measure, few of | have it said that control of prices will them have even read the measure | follow from his measures. But price for executive reorganization When | control must follow with the certainty read, that measure will turn out to | of & law of physics. be almost as startling as the court| To carry on all this and enforce 1t, measure. Mr. Roosevelt wants from Congress Before either the court measure or | enormously increased power$ for the The arrival of a considerable por- | tion of the public at understanding of | the court measure took over three months; the measure was first sent to | Congress by Mr. Roosevelt February | 5, it was the first of May before any large proportion of the public grasped it. Most of the early weeks were de- the executive reorganization measure were fully grasped, the President, on May 24, sent the new N. R. A. to Congress. That again is long and complex. It contdins some 10,000 words. It is vague. Much of the vagueness, I think, is deliberate. It is deliberately. vague for the reason, I think, that the writers of the meas- ure must have known they were try- ing to bring about something utterly unconstitutional. Gen. Johnson Gasps at Powers. executive branch of Governmant. These added powers he would get in | part through the new N. R. A. and | in part through the agricultural eon- trol bill. Yet more of his new powers he would get from the executive re- | organization bill. Finally, through the court reor- ganization measure, it would come | about that every case in the courts between a citizen and the Govern- ment could be heard by a judge hand- picked by the Government and brought to a decision fore-ordained | one. There is one man who ought to| come nearer to understanding the | new N. R. A. than any other. He is| Gen. Hugh 8. Johnson, formerly head | of the old N. R. A, the Blue Eagle | Gen. Johnson wrote most of | the old N. R. A. and administered all of it. When the present ‘“new N. R. A" came out, Gen. Johnson | read it, read it many times, put his | by the Government. (Copyright, 1937.) o British Rearmament Hits Italian Industry MILAN, Italy (#)—Great Britain's mind on it most earnestly. After several days of study he told me he had a headache. But Gen. Johnson’s study of the new N. R. A. arrived fairly promptly at one conclusion. He found the new N. R. A. to be more drastic than the old one. He writes: “The (new N. R. A) bill is being commented upon as very mild and not at all arbitrary. N. I. R. A, the old measure, compares with it in feroc- ity about as Little Red Ridinghood with the Big Bad Wolf. It is an out- right delegation of almost unlimited wage-and-hour-fixing power to an ex- ecutive board of five, with penalties so severe that violation is a sentence of economic death. . . . The board has almost complete discretion to fix any wages and hours anywhere for any class at any time.” Now if, as Gen. Johnson says, the new N. R. A. is more far-reaching than the old one, how then can Mr. Roosevelt expect the Supreme Court to uphold it? The old N. R. A. was held unconstitutional, not by a divided Su- preme Court, not by any 5-to-4 decision. The decision against the old N. R. A,, handed down May 27, 1935, was unan- imous. And after all nine justice had united in condemnation of the old N. R. A, one of the three so-called lib- eral justices, Mr. Justice Cardozo, was moved to give it an extra slap. He said, “This is delegation running riot. s So how can Mr. Roosevelt expect the court to uphold the new N. R. A.? I think the answer is that he can't and he doesn’t. I think he does not expect that any one of the nine jus- tices now on the bench would find the new N. R. A. constitutional. I have not yet read the new N. R. A. closely enough to compare it in detail with the old one, and I haven't siudied the recent decisions of the Supreme Court with sufficient care to say how far they have modified the former position of the court. (To read all the important documents that emerge at Washington, and keep abreast with developments, takes more time than the average reader would suppose.) But, speaking with that limitation, it seems to me a fair judgment that not one justice of the Supreme Court ‘Wagner applied himself to the English ¢ with the same unswerving intensity that marked his later career. The result was that he was graduated from the public schools as an honor student and valedictorian of his class. During his early school days, he peddled newspapers and sold candy on the streets. One Sunday his brother took him to Coney Island, and Robert, noting the crowds on Brooklyn Bridge, decided to set up his Sunday business there. He suc- ceeded after several fights, moving in just after another hustling youngster, one “Al” Smith, had given up his news stand on the bridge to enter the fish mongering business. Vastly pleased with the boy’s work (Continued on Page D-3.) as it now exists would approve the new N. R. A. It seems to me it would be disapproved as much by the so- called liberai justices—Mr. Brandeis, Mr. Cardoso and Mr. Stone—as by the so-called conservative justices. If this opinion of mine is sound, then we can understand why Mr. Roosevelt wants to appoint six new justices to the Supreme Court, and why he insists on his court measure being passed, even after an apparent majority of public opinion is against it, and after it has become unlikely that Congress will pass it. It seems evident that Mr. Roosevelt ‘wants a court, and to achieve his broad purposes must have a court of which s majority will uphold Mr. Roosevelt's a8 yet undisclosed purposes.. He must A rearmament program willing or unwill- | Ingly is squeezing Italy industrially | through producing a scarcity of heavy | raw materials, business circles say. By buying up all the available steel | and several other primary products on the world markets, Britain is throwing Italian manufacturers into some embarrassment and is causing Mussolini’s government to take steps to alleviate the situation. A ministerial decree has just been issued to restrict building operat because of the “desirability of lim‘ ing the use of iron to quantities strictly necessary.” Manufacturers are particularly un- | certain over the situation because they | know that the military needs of the nation have first call on :aw materials. | The Fascist Grand Council declar=< | on March 2, with regard to raw mae terials, the principle of “sacrifica, | even total if necessary, of the civil requirements for the military requires ments.” Book-Pirating Chinese Turn to Photostats SHANGHAI, China (#).—Photo= static copies of American and Euro- pean books are flooding Shanghai markets and doing holders of copy- wrights out of large sums. Although sale of pirated editions is banned and they are not advertised to any extent, persons in the know can get foreign books at one-fourth the published prices. More than 1,000 titles are listed, most of them on tech- | nical subjects. This form of pirating started in Tientsin when an engineering school printed photostatic copies of texte | books for its own students. Then the | college began to supply schools all over the country. Book stores, recog- nizing a good thing, soon followed suit. Animated Cartoon Inventor Pauper Paris has discovered ‘that the ine ventor of the animated animal care screen is in a city workhouse ine firmary. ) Emile Cohl, at 80, is unknown, al= though his invention has made for- tunes for others. He can look back on the day 30 years ago when his phantasmagoria was shown and ac- claimed in Paris. He made more than 1,800 drawings, each a little dif~ ferent from the one which went be- fore. The cartoons had comic figures with= out any background, and proved so popular that in four years Cohl sold 300 of these films, but the highest price he ever received was about.$80. In 1912 he showed his cartoons in the United States, and since then the idea has gone round the world. ] toons now so popular on the silver