Evening Star Newspaper, October 29, 1936, Page 34

B—14 %« Text of Roosevelt Speeches President Assails **Pay Envelope Propaganda” and Raiders of Market Basket in Pennsylvania Addresses. B the Assoclated Press. WILKES - BARRZ, Pa., October 29.—The text of President Roose- velt's speech here today follows: When I found that I was to speak in Harrisburg today, and realized that it is John Mitchell day. I determined to come by way of Wilkes-Barre. T wanted to pay my tribute to him. In 1913 I was Assistant Secre- tary of the Navy. I was asked to examine charges of collusion in coal bids for the Navy. I needed help from some one whose integrity and knowledge I could trust. I re- called then how impressed Theo- dore Roosevelt had been with John Mitchell’s handling of the great coal strike of 1902. I asked John Mitchell to help me. In three days he taught me a great deal about coal and mining. What he taught me saved the United States Navy many hundreds of thousands of dollars a year in its coal bill. You in this anthracite region and miners in every other coal field in the United States, have a fuller picture of this man, who was one of the most significant figures in American labor history. For years he went about the unspectacular but necessary job of clearing the ground for the progress of a great labor movement. He taught a dispersed industry how to or- ganize. He taught both manage- ment and labor that the only basis for stability is to be found in contracts that can and will be lived up to by both management and labor. Broke Tradition of Defeat Among Mine Workers. By victory in the first great battle of the mine workers, he broke the tradition of defeat which had always hung over the aspira- tions of those he led. He con- wvinced the public that the gains of labor were the gains of all—that the labor movement was some- thing to be welcomed rather than feared. He made public opinion & judge to which labor could more confidently appeal. His work was necessary before other men could do theirs. We now build upon the work of John Mitchell. He pioneered in his day for collective bargaining. Today we have put upon the Fed- eral statute books the legal mechanism to make collective bar- gaining a reality. He pioneered in his day for the education of the public. Today we aim to make the public conscious that the welfare of labor is the welfare of all. Carrying forward his work and that of others like him, we have begun to build a system of old-age pensions and unemployment in- surance to substitute for uncer- tainty a new security in the life of the wage-earner and his family. Attempt to Coerce Labor in Social Security Act Scored. How far we have come is shown by the patriotic resentment with which labor and the public alike are meeting the latest attempts of a handful of employers to mislead and coerce labor with regard to the social security act. Here is repetition of the arrogance and the ruthlessness which the operators utilized to try to break the solid ranks of labor when the miners fought at Armageddon in 1902. No employer has a right to put his political preferences in the pay envelope. That is coercion even if he tells the whole truth. But this propaganda misrepre- sents by telling only half the truth. Labor and a fair-minded public must place such tactics in a class with the coercion of the strong- arm squad and the whispering of the planted labor spy. This pay envelope propaganda has one clear objective—to sabo- tage the social security act. To sabotage that act is to sabotage labor. For that act, as you know, was worked out with labor and en- acted with the active support of labor—all kinds of labor. Cites “Reasons” for Fight On Social Security Act. ‘Why do these employers seek to repeal the social security act? Be- cause under the act they have to pay for far more than half of the insurance given to the workers. Get these facts straight: The act provides for two kinds of insurance for the worker. For that insurance both the em- ployer and the worker pay pre- miums—just as you pay premiums on any other insurance policy. Those premiums are collected in the form of the taxes you hear so much about. The first kind of insurance cov- ers old age. Here the employer contributes $1 of premium for every ‘dollar of premium contrib= uted by the worker; but both dol- lars are held by the Government solely for the benefit of the worker in his old age. In effect, we have set up a sav- ings account for the old age of the worker. Because the employer is called upon to contribute on a fitty-fifty basis, that savings ac- count gives exactly $2 of security for every dollar put up by the worker, Unemployment Insurance Cost Defrayed by Employers. The second kind of insurance is unemployment insurance—to help the worker and his family over the difficult days when he loses his job. For the unemployment security of the worker, the em- ployer under the Federal law puts up the entire premium—s$2. The benefits of this insurance go 100 per cent to the worker—none to the employer. But the premiums for this unemployment insurance 80 far as the Federal Government fs concerned are paid 100 per cent by the employer. Now let's add it all up. Be- ginning January first, for every $1 which the worker is asked to put into an old-age account for himself, employers are required under the Federal act to contribute $3- to protect the worker from both unemployment and old age. That is, the worker contributes only $1 to his old-age security; he contributes nothing to his se- curity against losing his job. But at the same time the employer has to put up $2 for unemployment and §1 for old age. Three for one! There's the rub. That is what these propaganda- spreading employers object tq, The record extending back several years shows that their purpose has always been to compel the worker alone to put up all the premiums both for their unemployment in- surance and their old-age insur- ance. They are now trying to frighten the worker about the worker’s $1-premium, so that they won't have to pay their $3- premium. Charges Objectors Lack Faith In Our Form of Government. ‘These propagandists are driven in their desperation to the con- temptible, unpatriotic suggestion that some future Congress will steal these insurance funds for other purposes. If they really be- lieve what they say in the pay envelopes, they have no confidence in our form of government or its permanence. It might be well for them to move to some other nation in which they have greater faith. Itknow that American workers made wise as well as strong by the achievements of John Mitchell and his successors will not be fooled by this campaign any more than they were frightened by the strong-arm squads of the past. John Mitchell taught labor that to win and to preserve-the fruits of its victories, it must have a cool head as well as a warm heart. I know labor will refuse to be robbed of its gains—that the progress bee gun by its friends will be safe- guarded and carried forward, until the fuller security that is its right is won. Harrisburg Speech. HARRISBURG, Pa, velt's speech here today follows: Pennsylvania is at once a great industrial State, a great commer- cial State, a great mining State and a great agricultural State, The Pennsylvania farmer—un- like the farmer in the West—can see his own city market within & GAS ON STONACH? 40-year-old treatment gives quick relief—say thousands In the past 40 years, mil- 3 lions of men and women } have used Stuart’s Dys- pepsia Tablets to_quickly relieve dyspepsia, gas, belching, sour and upset stomach.- Many say relief comes quickly, usually in 2 5 minutes. “For 40 years they s have never failed to give me quick re- lief,”” writes E. H. W. “'I never want to be without them,” says A. M. M. Stuart’s Tablets contain only pure, helpful ingre- dients. Get a box today. At all druggists. STUART'’S DYSPEPSIA TABLETS FOR STOMACH ACIDITY DOCTORS USE NOXZEMA CREAM for 15 Different Puroses! 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Use it= see for yourself why Noxzema is called 2 “wonder cream.” THIS WEEK Save 26¢. Clip this coupon B¢ JAR onty 49¢ | as & reminder to stop in at the nearest store for large 73¢ jar of Noxzema for only 49%. Good for limited time only. On sale 1 1 Al Drag and Dopariment Stores | A October 29 (#)—The text of President Roose- THE EVENING STAR, WASHINGTO few hours' drive. And the Penn- sylvania industrial worker and merchant know how important to their prosperity is the prosperity ot their neighbors, the farmers. Pennsylvania rightly calls it- self the Keystone State. Great tides of immigration have swept over it. Great routes of commerce have crossed it from the very be- ginning—famous wagon roads and railroads and water routes from the East to the West and the North to the South and back again, Pennsylvania knows that Ameri- can commerce trinscends State lines and becomes interstate and international. State Has Greater Human Problems. But becaus: Pennsylvania has these great problems of commerce and of industry it has, also, great human problems. The machine age has served well the men and women who use its excellent products. The new prob- lem is to see to it that the ma- chine age serves equally well the men and women who run its ma- chines. This is a problem not for Penn- sylvania alone—not even for in= dustry alone. It is & problem for the Nation—and for all kinds of enterprise within the Nation, If modern government is to justify it self, it must see to it that human values are not mangled and de- stroyed. You and I know that that is sound morality and good religion. You and I know that it is also good business. ‘The simple fact of our depend- ence upon each other was either unknown or -entirely ignored by the Republican leaders of the post= war period. Their doctrine was to give definite help to the top and to utter pious hopes for the bottom. Twelve years of that brought the inevitable crash. When in 1933 we came to Wash- ington it was our belief that faith without works is dead. We acted— * not for a few of us but for all of us. That program worked. Leaders Still Preaching Class Against Class. But the Republican leadership is still the same. It still preaches the same heresy—class against class and region against region. You do not need me to tell you this. They say it themselves, loud= ly, in their market-basket cam- paign. In the cities they make promises which they are careful to hide from the farmers. In the rural dis- tricts they make promises which they are careful to hide from the 6 city dwellers. In the cities they promise to reduce food prices for the woman who carries the market basket. In the country they prome ise to raise food prices for the man who grows the contents of that market basket on the farm. ‘That is a nice fairy story. But you and I know that you can’t eat your cake in the city and have your cake on the farm. You and I know that after 12 years of that policy there wasn't any cake and there was very littie bread. The’ American people are through with that kind of empti- ness. The prices of farm products have risen since 1932. It's a good thing for all of us-that they have risen. We set out deliberately to raise them. It was their rise that helped to start all of us on the road to recovery again. Every home in America has benefitted by that. The prices the farmer was receiv- ing in 1932 were so low that he had no cash income to buy industrial | goods made in the cities. That threw people out of work in the cities. To- day the farm's products bring more to the farmer. Here in Pennsylvania cash income from farm production ‘was 47 per cent higher in 1935 than in 1932. That is typical of what has happened to farmers throughout the East and throughout the Nation. The farmer is able to buy more from the city. That means more people are at work in the cities, and that in | turn means that the city dwellers buy more farm produce. That is why the consumer’s pocket- book has filled up faster than the price of food has gone up. The housewife pays more money for what she buys, but she has more money to buy it with—and she has more money left over after she has bought. Nation-wide facts and figures prove this. Let us take a look at these figures. From 1929 to 1932 food prices dropped 35 per cent, but under- stand this: Factory pay rolls in the same period went down 58 per cent. That made a large hole in the workers' market basket. The average city family paid less for what it bought. But that family had still less with which to buy. Some retail food prices have risen higher than others. Other food prices have advanced very little. To be fair you have to strike an average. The average advance of food costs since 1932 is 24 per cent—a quarter more than they were four years ago. But compare that—again using average figures for the country— with the factory pay rolls. These not 24 per cent, but d if you take the D. C, average of all city dwellers, their incomes have gone up faster and farther than food prices have gone up. To sum-up—the Re- publican market basket of 1932 cost less, but the American con- sumer did not have the cash to All it. Our market basket in 1936 has much in it because people have money in their pockets to Al it with, It is true that there is often too wide a spread between what the farmer gets and what the con- sumer pays. For that neither the farmer nor the consumer is re- sponsible, and both the farmer and the consumer suffer. » We are engaged in solving that difficulty. First, we are vigilant and on guard against monopolies which are contrary to sound pub- lic policy, even though they are THURSDAY, OCTOBER 29, 1936. not actually illegal. Second, we are seeking new means to elim- inate waste and unnecessary du- plication in distribution for the benefit of both producer and con<' sumer, Through 12 years the Repub- licans proved that sectionallsm will not work. We have proved in three and a haM years that in- terdependence does work. Break for Farmer Felps Everybody. Giving the farmer of Dauphin or Lancaster County a good break has given a good break to the steelworker of Pittsburgh, the coal miner of Scranton, the white col- lar or factory worker of Philadel- phia. And giving California, Min- nesota and Texas a good break gives a good break to Pennsylvania, Ohio and New Jersey. underlyin; of natural Raising Hair is NO Miracle! It is a scientific process. Like all treatment for local conditions, it aims only at the correction of the cause and the restoration conditions conducive to hair growth. Through careful diag- nosis we determine and relieve the basic cause of hair loss. Then with my own system I pull normal blood supply to the tissues and cells which nourish the hair. It is no miracle. matter of eliminating the abnormal and restoring the normal. and see for yourself, It is simply a Come in NO CHARGE FOR CONSULTATION F. D. JOHNSON Hair and Scalp Specialist 1050 rehom Bldg, 15th HOU & HNW, 9 AM. to 7 P.M.—SATURDAY TILL 3 P.M. Phone NA. 6081 Ours has been's program of one for all and all for one. That doc- trine has given us recovery. Con- tinuing that practice will cone tinue recovery, You all remember that good old Republican slogan that was trotted out and polished up. for every po- litical campaign—the slogan of “the full dinner pail” And we know that the Republican leaders themselves were responsible for its sad end. The full dinner pail turned out to be the empty market basket. I know that the American people will not return to power those lead~ ers who emptied the national mar- ket basket. 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