Evening Star Newspaper, April 6, 1930, Page 36

' fTHE EVENING STAR | o__With Sunday Morning Edition. - - |~ WASHINGTON, D. C. SUNDAY..........April 6, 1030 THEODORE W. NOYES....Editor *The Evening Star Newspaper Company ness Offce: 3 s A iy 2 S Fean iy, icago ;o 1Ake Michican Bunidice. Eogiand. i uropean Rate by Carrler Within the City. Fhs Freninr Star 45¢ er month o Evenin The Eve: g an (when 4 Sundays) . e Evening and Sun (when 5 Sundays) . ‘The Surday Sti . Collection made at e en 1 ach 6] it in b all or telephone it e Rate by Mail—Payable in Advance. Maryland and Virginia, FH, and Sunday Jr- $10.00: § mo. inday’ only i : 1 mo., 40c pULT0E St oty y undsy. .} yr.. $12.00; 1 mo.. $1. Bl R Member of the Associated Press. o ¥ 1o " Ciehi of publication of ublici Berelf" S 25 Fesatved rllc-h ted in_this paper publial Belai et Ah! A Tourist! Clink! The days of lush Spring are with us, and the tourists, too. The pre-Easter crowds of school boys and girls, the cars with out-of-town license plates and the “rubber-neck” busses bulging with pop-eyed sightseers are the nat- ural and unexpected accompaniments of bursting buds and blooming pansy beds in Washington. But this year they were never more welcome. Have you eyer, dear Washingtonian, stopped when you saw a tourist and - figured out just what his presence in this Capi- tal of the Nation meant to you in cash? - Never mind doing it. It has already been done for you and here is what it amounts to: During the hearings on the District appropriation bill Mr. Simmons of Nebraska and some of the better known officers of the municipal government engaged in one of those chatty, friendly little conversations over the old issue of who gets the benefits of parks in ‘Washington—e matter that probably was debated many a balmy evening under the apple tree in the Garden of Eden. As usual, there was no decision and the mystery remained unsolved. But in the course of the conversation Col. Ladue suggested that while the District may get the benefit of park expenditures, one does see a lot of foreign automobile tags on the streets here. Then— - Mr. Simmons—Yes, and in that way the District of Columbia is going to make something out of every one of them. If you have driven an automo- bile to any extent around here, you will recognize the fact that if we did not have them here it would make quite a difference. Col. Ladue—Yes, if we did not have them here. Mr. Thatcher—The whole question is wi is a reasonable program. The fact that it is the National Capital does zgd to the attractiveness, but it adds the expense. Mr. Simmons—It is a fair estimate, I think, to say that for every foreign automobile that spends a day in Wash- ington; at least $25 is brought into the city and spent here * * * that is among those who stay-at the hotels and among those,who make purchases in the stores. 1t may be higher than that, but I think ;hat "1: a Inzl;‘:vrmo. I "hhk it is 8. say or every foreign car that is here, Washington 3 business men, in some form or another, are getting $25 a day out of each one of those Bo there it is! If you are a Government employe, Mr. Washingtonian, owning and paying taxes on your modest home, what fun it will be to go home of a lazy Spring’ evening and laugh off the next month’s bills with a cheery “Never mind, dear, I saw $3,500 worth of for- eign license tags on the streets today. It this keeps up we cat buy the new car after alll” Or, if you are one of the 400 “firms” represented in the membership of the Merchants & Manufacturers’ Associa- tion, post a boy at the Lincoln Me- morial and let him count the out-of- town automobiles. At the end of the day’s work, compute each automobile s being worth 6% cents to you or your firm and add the total to the credit side of your ledger. In this manner we will eventually all get rich and buy more parks and demand other embel- lishments in order to trap the unwary tourist and extract his $25-a-day fee— an extracting procedure already fol- lowed, with profit, by the guides at the United States Capitol. In other words, when you see a tour- ist, rattle the change in your pocket, smile and say “Clink! Clink!” 8o -please, kind Congress, do not abolish the tourists. As Mr. Simmons 80 wisely says, “It would make quite & difference.” ——— ‘Two tanks of acetylene gas were ex- hausted by burglars in a futile attempt to get into a safe. Even gangsters have their troubles with amateurs who dis- credit the profession. —_——— The Gas Merger. Resignation of Ord Preston from the presidency of the Washington Gas Light Co. and the selection of George ‘Wood of the Central Public Service Corporation of Illinols to succeed him marks the final pessing from local ownership and control of a public utllity company that from its earliest days was identified with Washington. Mr. Preston’s resignation was, of course, expected, the step having been fore- cast long ago, when control of the gas company was acquired by the foreign utllity interests, which now propose to make it another of their many and scattered undertakings. ‘There is & certain amount of sefti- an been. nullified by the courts in so far 48 it affects the gas company deal. The proved. the form of merger and.thers 1s no readon for delay in congressional sanction. ‘The new policy of the company will be to encourage larger consumption of gas by rearranging the rate scale. It has been testified that revision of the rate scale, to be sought before the Pub- lic Utilitles Commission, will cost the company about $400,000 a year. unless the sale of gas Increases propor- tionately, and that the average reduc- tions contemplated will amount to about ten per cent. In approving the new rates, the Public Utilities Commis- sion will doubtless give consideration to adjustment of the wholesale rates that will take advantage of the sliding scale arrangement used by the tele- phone and electric light companies, ‘These, and other matters concerning operation in the District by the new gas company, will soon invite the Public Utilitles Commission’s thorough scrutiny. ———— e We Take What We Get. ‘The Cramton bill comes to the Senate with about forty-three changes in terms and phraseclogy from the language of d | the bill as it passed the House. Only two of them are of much importance, the Glass amendment providing for the construction of the free bridge across the river near Great Falls and authorizing & Federal appropriation for the proj- ect—something that the House left un- done—and another specifying Point of Rocks, Md., as the upstream boundary of that part of the old “Patowmack” canal that the Government seeks to preserve. ‘The Glass amendment s necessary, inasmuch as the House has provided that a free bridge shall be bullt and no toll bridge can be bullt. The effect. of the amendment is merely to admit candidly that it will cost money to build the bridge and to make the money available. ‘The bill goes to the Senate with vir- tually the same language it contained when passed by the House regarding the rights the District Commissioners should retain in the selection and pur- chase. of lands for playgrounds, recre- ational centers, etc. When it come down to the facts in the case, they have no rights. The Star has supported the Cramton park bill in the belief that while it contains ,the inequitable system of financing semi-national undertakings in ‘Washington, those undertakings are necessary to the Capital's welfare and the proper remedy for the fault lies, not in the Cramton bill, but in the lan- guage of the District apropriation bills. In other words, when & fair and sensi- ble—one may say lawful—system of ap- propriating for the Capital is adopted again by the House, as it surely will be, the benefits of the reform will ap- ply to the Cramton bill as well as to other such joint undertakings as the Bingham airport proposition. It is well to mention here, however, the specifically semi-national color of the Cramton bill as it applies to pro- cedure in purchasing playgrounds, recreational or community centers in ‘Washington. When the Commissioners reported on this phase of the Cramton bill they stated: The Commissioners feel strongly that in view of thelr responsibility in con- nection wifh the fidahcing of all Dis- trict projects and the fixing of the tax rate they should have & definite voice in the selection of lands to be acquired for playground and similar essentially municipal projects, which in the nor- mal course will be turned over to the Commissioners for care and operation by District agencies. The Commission- ers believe that the bill should be modi- fled to provide that they shall be con- sulted in regard to all playground, recreation center, community center and similar projects, and that proposed purchase of land for these purposes should be subject to their approval. Col. Grant opposed this on the ground that it would give the Commissioners veto power over decisions of the Park and Planning Commission. 8o it would, and from a standpoint of expediency and desirability of centralized authority his point is well taken. The Cramton bill, therefore, merely provides for dis- cussion with the Commissioners before the land is bought for municipal pur- poses. But here in-a nutshell we have one of the fundamental grievances of the Washington community, the source of which seems so to puzzle our kind friends on the Hill, Are not the play- grounds and centers purchased for the benefit of Capital residents? Is there any reason why they should not be pajd for by Capital residents? No good reason, provided the resi- dents of the District, who pay the taxes, have a voice in deciding how the money ‘will be spent. They have no voice. The District Commissioners, supposed to represent the local community, have not even the power to prevent the purchase of a local playground for municipal use by a Federal agency that brings its membership together a few times a year from the various sections of the coun- try where they reside and whose de- cisions are executed by an Engineer of- ficer of the Army. Once the Cramton bill is passed by Congress the interesting test of iis workability outside of Washington will depend upon the decision of taxpaying, but voting citizens. Here in Washing- ton no such issue is involved. The cit- izens take what is given them, pay for it and must like it. That is one rea- son why the unintelligent complaints of a few members of the House of Repre- sentatives, who once a year honor the discussion of the annual District bill with their presence—complaints to the effect that “I cannot understand why they criticize Congress”—are such de- pressing commentaries on their regard for American principles when they ap- ply outside the home district. ——pa ‘The truth should eventually be found. Each lobbyist always wants another lobbyist investigated. ot A Golden Dustman. If Roland M. Smythe of Brooklyn, who has just passed away at the age of seventy-five, had advertised himself in the public prints as “Dealer in Worthless Securities” he would have been regarded by the majority of peo- ple as either & crook or a crank. But in point of fact Mr. Smythe was neither 8 crook nor a crank, and yet he did deal in worthless securities, dealt in them extensively and profitably, and died worth & very good sized fortune as a result of his industry in that line of business. It is perhaps not precisely accurate to call his commodity “worth- less,” for nothing that figures in trade is actually without value. The veriest “scrap of ppper”-of the deadest corpora~ o Py THE SUNDAY STAR, WASHINGTON, D. C. ';&PRIL 6, 1930—PART TWO.’ “TRADITION AND PRACTICE” tion that ever flivvered in the promo- tlon, the development or the operstion had in the line of business Mr. Smythe conducted a certain market value. Sometimes it was merely as “wall pa- pering,” again as evidence in a suit, or perhaps as a speculative factor. ‘This strange trade had been carried on by the Brooklyn merchant for more than thirty years. He had graduated from college and had worked for several Stock Exchange firms when he con- ceived the idea that there was money in obsolete securities. He made a spe- clalty of them, studied them, became an expert in them, got ‘o know the precise shade of vaiue of cvery issue of bonds and stocks, and was in time recognized as an authority, being frequently con- sulted by banks and large investors and receivers for corporations. He even be- came an author of some note, having published & new book on the subject shortly before his death. It is not to the discredit of this odd sort of junk dealer that he in at least one case furnished a swindler with the materials for his operations, for he did not know the purpose to which the en- graved certificates that he had bought for the traditional song and sold at & falr profit were to be put. This was the case of the later notorious “Five Hundred and Twenty-five Per Cent” Miller, who flourished a number of years ago for a time and then went the way of all swindlers—or almost all—and passed & period of his life in prison. To Smythe went Miller with an order for forty or fifty pounds of securities, any old kind would do, 5o long as they looked important. The face value of the certificates was $20,000,000, and Miller got them for $600, and marketed them for a great deal more than that sum. Probably if it had been known throughout the land that Smythe bought old stock script he would have been overwhelmed with offers of goods. For there are tons upon tons of nicely en- graved certificates, veritable “cats and dogs,” all over the country, for which their owners would be glad to get one per cent of the face value, or even a fraction of one per cent. But Smythe knew his trade and never overbought. He was wiser than those who kept him supplied. ——— The lobby discussion in Congress would be enlivened if a debate could be ar- ranged between Al Smith and Josephus Daniels. Both gentlemen have con- trasted great national prominence with & comparatively long period of silence. A series of Al and Joe conversations would be worthy of any radio program, —————— Chicago is at present boasting of sev- eral explosions in the “Loop” which left nobody seriously hurt. It is the opin- fon of all peace experts, municipal or international, that if there must be ex- plosions they should be rendered as nearly harmless as possible. ———— Anxieties should at this time of year be lald aside. President Hoover has gone fishing, but will, no doubt, be back | in time to toss the ball into the arena for the opening game. ————— Mergers effect great savings, but the ultimate consumer is still left free from worry about what he is going to do with accumulating funds left at his disposal. ———— It is always cheering to note that when one international conference dis- bands arrangements are immediately suggested for another. [ — SHOOTING STARS. BY PHILANDER JOHNSON. “1» and “Me? Once more the candidate appears Before a world perplexed. He boldly gives himself three cheers And “I” is still his text. What “I” have done; what “ For liberty and life, Proclaims each candidate anew, A leader in the strife. Sometimes the pronoun he employs In an objective case. He says, “On Me depend, my boys; Help Me to win the race.” And when at last a hard-fought fight The voters carry through, He says, “I triumphed for the right! To Me all credit’s due.” Farm Relief. “Are you interested in farm relief?” “Very much,” answered Senator Sor- ghum. “If I can't persuade the farm- ers to come to my relief I don't know what I am going to do next election.” Jud Tunkins says a censor ought to hold office no longer than six v2eks. No man can read everything that comes out longer than that and remain pure- minded. will do More Mathematics. My income tax now leaves no doubt, I can't be charged with crime, And next I'll have to figure out This daylight saving time. Not Sufficiently Liberal. “My daughter can have all the clothes she wants,” sald Mr. Dustin Stax. “I have only one fault to find.” “What is that?” “Every time she plans a new dress she doesn’t seem to me to want enough of it.” “Great honor is due,” said Ho Ho, the sage of Chinatown, “who guards his purse well and his reputation no less.” Where Even Radio Quits. ‘The radio brings along each day Long words from distant scenes. ‘We can hear everything they say, But don't know what it means. “A merry-go-round,” sald Uncle Eben, “looks to me like another way of lookin’ terrible busy without gettin’ nowheres.” Maine’s Slogan Threatened. From the Springneld, Mass.,, Onion. With both Democratic and Republi- T Neietess Baelty ot both State and National laws, what will become of the old “As goes, so goes the country” e e —— Steel False Teeth Now. From the OCanton Dally News. A German inventor has produced a Sl e come in for n bitten off more than he can chew. o Children Wiser Now. the Grand Rapids Press. r o s ".hlt be BY THE RIGHT REV. Bish “Why walk not Thy disciples ac- cording to the tradition of the elders? He answered and said unto them, This people honoureth me with their lips, but their heart is far from me.”—St. Mark, vii.5-6. We are often struck with the mod- ernness of the discussions that the Master had with the people of His day and generation. In the instance from which the above passage is taken, a controversy had arisen between the leading religious teachers of His day and Himself concerning the priority of traditional practices. The only instance recorded in the Scripture where the Master disclosed a touch of anger was where He came into conflict with those who made external things and prac- tices. based upon tradition, of supreme importance. On another occasion, when dealin Wwith this same group, He declared, “Ye make clean the outside, but within ye are full of all manner of unclean- ness.” A religlous practice based on tradition, and that alone, demned. His whole emphasis was upon that which the practice of rel ef- fected. That they had “Abraham to their father” was of little worth unless they had also the righteousness of Abraham. Adherence to old traditions might have value, provided the tradi- tions were in consonance with Chris- tian faith and ideals. This ancient controversy has repeated itself down the ages. In & sense, we are all the victims of inherited traditions. Many of the things in which we in- dulge, the ways and habits of our do- mestic, social, political and religious life, come to us by inheritance. Few of us ever think through the reasons that govern us in our daily habits and usages. Our associations and affilia- tions ar: largely determined for us. Possibly our post-war period has wit- nessed « greater departure from old conventions than we have known for & generation or more past. From mid- Victorianism we have passed into an age that might be described as utterly modern and futuristic. It is possible that along with the JAMES E. FREEMAN, D. D, LL. D, op of Washington. passing of usages and practices that we regard as obsolete and unadapted to modern conditlons we have lost much that has permanent value. Like some of the misguided reformers of the past, in an effort to get away from things that have little of logic or reason in them, we have scrapped institutions and practices that have real merit and worth. In our effort after the so-called “practical,” of which we boust, we may lose much that lends beauty and charm to life. On the other hand, espechllf in those things that concern our spiritual life, we may place too much emphasis upon mere traditions that have to do largely with the externals of worship, its out- ward forms and symbols, and too little emphasis upon that which these stand for and represent. “Show me thy faith by thy work” tarift was the demand of the practical apos- |shingles. tle, 8t. James. We are living in an age when an acid test is being applied to all those institutions and practices in which we indulge and more and more we are being compelled to “give a rea- son for the hope in us.” Our creeds and systems and forms of worship have their distinct place and use, but the world is less concerned about these than it is about the dem- onstration we give of their value as ap- plied to our common life. Principles are ever greater than traditions and |'® the deep tg‘nnclnlec of living given to men by the Master are designed to render life in all its contacts more eff- clent and consistent. The Christian religion is compelled in our day to give 8 new demonstration of its value and utility. We have no fear for its per- manence nor for its capacity to adapt Itself to modern ways and usages. There is that about it that makes it survive the failures of its exponents. What we need to recognize today is that if we, its present exponents and exemplars, are to extend its domain and influence, we must do it by a fresh emphasis upon its practical worth and its supreme Bower to bring men to newer and her levels of thinking and living. Life service must be brought into con- sonance and harmony with lip service. The Communist Movement in Japan BY 8. MIYAKI, Judge of the Supreme Court of Japan. When a little less than a year ago the party of American newspaper men touring Japan, under the auspices of the Carnegle Endowment for International Peace, visited the City of Nagoya the representative of The Star met one of the younger judges of the court of appeals of that circuit and found him greatly interested in the question of the spread of radicalism in Japan, a phenomenon then somewhat in evidence in the form of student strikes and other disturbances. The jurist, Mr. 8. Miyaki, volunteered to prepare a statement on the subject. Subsequently he was promoted to a seat on the bench of the Supreme Court of Japan and this preparation of his article, which has Just now been received, and is herewith published as throwing an interest- change of office caused delay in the Ji in that language, as follows: ‘The first Socialist movement that at- tracted public attention in Japan, was the activity of the members of the Heiminsha, organized in 1903, shortly before the Russo-Japanese war. The !leaders of this group were Kotoku, Katayama and Nishikawa, all of whom were interested in newspaper work. The ublic, however, still strongly influenced y feudalism, evinced little interest in their activities, but they found a few enthusiastic followers among intellect- uals in the country districts as well as in the large cities. The authorities were naturally very much disturbed by the strange doctrines advocated by these radicals and did what- they could to suppress them, but Soclalism was so un- familfar in Japan, and the authorities knew so little about it at that time that they hardly knew what methods to use to check its spread. In 1910, Kotoku, who had become an | anarchist, and his 25 followers at- tempted high treason against the Em- peror, but they were arrested before they could carry out their program and Kotoku, with 11 others, was executed by the sentence of the supreme court. (Such cases belonging exclusively to the competence of the supreme court). This so alarmed the authorities that the radical movement made nc progress for several years. o At the outbreak of the World War in 1914, Japanese industry began to de- velop with hitherto ~undreamed of rapidity. This resulted in a marked improvement in the position of workers and encouraged this formation of la- bor unions all over the country. These unfons were, for the most part, directed by intellectuals whose ideas had been strongly influenced by syndicalism. As the activities of the unions increased, Socialism found a new impetus. With the close of the war and the subsequent depression, the industrial life of Japan began to be disturbed by strikes, lock-outs and similar troubles which tended, in no small degree to fos- ter the more radical doctrines among workers, such as Communism and Anarchism. In 1923, the first Communist party was formed in a suburb of Tokyo. Its establishment by men of the most radi- cal views was, of course, attended by the greatest secrecy, but the movement was discovered and peremptorily sup- pressed by the authorities. Some of the members were arrested, and others fled to Russia or China. The government, however, found it no easy task to deal with radical movements. " The war had greatly changed the thought of the whole world, and Japan felt this in- fluence. Added to this, the success of the Russian revolution had made a deep impression on the minds of Japanese students, and in almost every university in the country, organizations were formed ostensibly to study social prob- lems, but in reality to learn and follow the doctrines of Marx. It was not long before some of these students began to preach Marxism to workers and to participate in the Labor movement. * ok ok % The government became so dis- turbed by the spread of radical thought that, in 1925 the act for the mainte- nance of public welfare was drafted, and this act, in spite of the bitter opposition of a large section of the press, as well as of Liberals all over the country, was passed by the Diet and was enforced from April, ,1925. This act provided that those Who founded organizations aiming at the alteration of the founda- tlon of the state, as provided by the constitution, or denying the right of g!riwme ownership, or those participat- g in such organizations should be sentenced to penal servitude or impris- | onment for a period of not more than 10 rs; further, that those found guilty of encouraging or itating others to any act alming at the founda- tion of the state, as provided for by the constitution, should be sentenced to penal servitude or imprisonment for a period of not more than seven years. ‘The first case to which this act was l%elhd “Kyoto University iy, 130 5 B S0 Unh anuary, , & group of Kyof - versity students planned to memorial was the Case.” hold for Karl Liebknecht day the authorities began a search of laboratories of the university and other places for radical :iterature. As a re- sult of this and other searches, 38 stu- | ment for their radical beliefs. R TS others a a move- ment aimed at the foundations of the of them were students of l“l‘ll Universi but% vate colleges. ul to find that thu: schools. So earnest were they in the study of Marxism that they continued it even after their arrest, and their con- viction that it would solve the problems confronting soclety was strengthened. At about the same time, a group of workers Wflht) had beo? atudvhlla’( :gz theory and practice of Marx Tenisi n tne University of the Third in Moscow, returned the irg, but on that very | for the most to leaders rendered helpless by ing light upon the Communist movement in the Land of the Rising Sun. ud&e.mynu, who is thoroughly conversant with English, wrote his article Japan, where they greatly strengthened and encouraged the radical movement. Under the direction of the Third In- ternational the followers of Marx in Japan combined to form a Communist party which, this time, was founded upon cellulations of workers and peas- ants. In August, 1925, the Communist party was organized under the name of Nihon Kyosanto, the Japanese Com- munist party. Its first general meeting was held on the 4th of December, 1926, at a certaln remote hot spring resort. At this gathering the party’s aims were declared and a covenant was made. In 1927 some of the leaders of the party went to Russia to show their pro- gram to the central committee of the Third International. The program was thoroughly revised to conform to the ideas of headquarters in Russia, and the leaders returned to begin a cam- &‘b’amh ':! propaganda among the pro- riats. * ok %k ‘The first general election under uni- versal suffrage gave them an excellent opportunity to begin their work. The leaders of the party went all over Japan trying to organize cellules of workers in factories, or to split the exist! parties so as to form Communist fa tions within other political groups. On March 15, 1928, more than 400 people were arrested for organizing or participating in the organization of the Japanese Communist party which had for its object the communization of production. Among those arrested were many students, both men and women, among whom were some of those who had been formerly accused in the Kyoto University case. The party seemed to be controlled, however, by those who had risen from among the workers, in spite of the fact that the intellectuals in the party were in most cases better versed in the theories of Marxism. ‘The government was alarmed and adopted a thorough-going program cal- culated to suppress radicalism once and for all. Besides a strict supervision of education, the government decided to alter the act for the maintenance of public welfare, to increase the number of procurators versed in radical move- ments and to reform the section of the police department dealing with inter- national affairs. In addition, three of the labor organizations holding extreme radical views were ordered to disband and five professors in various imperial universities, including Prof. Kawakami, the most eminent authority on Marx- ism, were forced to resign. * ok % % According to the revised act for the maintenance of public welfare, those found guilty of founding any organi- zation aiming at the alteration of the fofindation of the state as provided by the constitution, and those having charge of the business of such an organization or in any way acted as its leader, should be punished with death or servitude or imprisonment for life or for a period of not less than five years; while those who knowingly par- ticipated in such an organization or who knowingly forwarded the aims of such an organization should be punished with servitude or imprisonment for a period of not less than two years. The original act remained unchanged. The 2r§vlsie'%anct has been in force since June In spite of these precautions on the part of the government, however, the efforts of the Communists have not ceased. The Japanese students in the University of Moscow were ordered to return to Japan to fill the vacancies caused by the large number of arrests. Thus they were again successtul in re- organizing their party. By the end of 1928 they had contrived to send their members to a large number of factories, but workers in these factories were un- willing to risk being thrown out of work or incurring the displeasure of the authorities. It was a e of severe industrial depression, and to many of portant tha Keeping their places e Pl eir pl Tactories. EE ‘Thus the Communists found their work much slower than they had hoped. While the number of those ente; ‘was comparatively 3 the party @ | there was 1o lack of enthusiasm among new members, who were recruited part from among young men and women dissatisfied with the distribution of wealth, or who had suffered at the hands of the vter'g; oty ‘an® fe. Teaders ot - the Cum e anunmty ‘movement were rendered impo- Hawley-Smoot Tariff Bill a Crazy Quilt { BY WILLIAM HARD. ‘The ultimate political consequences of the current tariff bill are proving extremely puzzling in prospect to the best minds of both political parties here in the Nationial Capital. While a lot of Republican fury against the bill is manifest in the Northwest, an approxi- mately equal amount of Democratic fury against it is evidenced in the Northeast. Further, and even more complicatingly, the Northwest is ve- hemently divided against itself. The great progressive State of Minnesota 1s determined that farmers shall not have to pay higher import duties and there- fore perhaps higher prices on building materials such as shingles. The great progressive State of Washington, on the other hand, is determined that American workingmen employed in American mills shall be adequately protected in their wages by an American on building materials such as L ‘There is thus a split between the near Northwesterners and the far North- westerners. ‘The Republicans of that agreement that four—and only four—items in the bill would come to P um"'f uhwln‘: g: House to th: urpose of Irow fil weight in favor of lower dutiable levels, Many more Democrats would have added themselves to the Re- blicans if they otherwise ve encountered any danger of lower dutiable levels for crucial local com- modities produced in Democratic con- stituencies. * ok ok % The truth is that the bill is con- structed neither on an old-fashioned logical Republican basis nor on an old- fashioned Democratic basis. It is neither a consistently high tariff bill, giving protection in adequate measure to all interests effectively desiring it; nor is it a consistently ted tariff bill, foreign commodities to all irif Flrfl.l-ll!. It is a crazy-work quilt giv- ng more than even Republican high Justice to some interests and giving less than even Democratic low justice to others. * k% % 1t is inevitable that such a bill should arouse rrormlscuous sectional local dis- satisfaction. If the bill could have been written entirely by the Republican Rep- resentative Crowther of New York, it ‘would have given a drastically protective duty to virtually every commodity in the whole United States, and that would have been an understandable and in its Wway a just system under which to live. 1f, contrariwise, the bill coyld have been written entirely by the Democratic resentative Hull of Tennessee, it woul heve reduced duties virtuall the circle of our whole modities for all industries and all sec- tions, and that also would have been an understandable and in its way a just system under which to live. The in- herent vice of the current bill is that it does not treat our industries and our sections with equal generosity or with equal cl ent. *E k% ‘The reason for this is that today in the two Houses of Congress put to- gether there are not more than a few dozen of men (among them 3 Crowther and Mr. Hull) who retain any philosophical comprehensive impartial attitude toward the tariff problem. Most of the others will talk like rabid pro- tectionists and will mention only the maintenance of high American wages when they are discussing the products of their constituencies and then imme- diately afterward will talk like rabid {free traders and will mention only the horrors of an increase in the cost of uvms when they are discussing pro- posed duties on the products of the constituencies of other members. In the memory of the oldest observers in Wash- ington never has been a time when there was so little general tariff principle here and so much local and sectional tariff grab. *x k% ‘The right of the farmers to protec- tion against tropical vegetable oils, even if in consequence the Philippines should have to be abandoned, is inherent in the logical Republican tariff system, but the farmers are not going to get it. Like- wise, if the foods eaten by New England workingmen and the raw materials con- sumed by New England manufacturers are to be tariff-taxed, as they will be, then the fin products of New England deserve to get a logically com- pensated protection, which they are not going to get. Thereupon the farmers’ organizations are discontented; and thereupon simul- taneously that leading New England Democratic newspaper, the Boston Post, expends wide columns and its best blackest ink on denouncing the Demo- cratic national committee for joining itself, as the Post claims, to the sensa- torial Western farm bloc in the despoil- ing and ruining of New England. ‘The Democratic party, sa; as the mouthpiece of much Northern Democratic opinion, should cut i{tself loose from the farmers of the South and North and should go out to represent and to dominate the urban conditions and sentiments extending from Chicago to Boston. (Copyright, 1930.) . ment or the closest suj can be done. The persons ] munist and activities is 863. * ok ok ok ‘Though Communism has, for the time being, been suj ‘we cannot overlook the fact that there is a strong tendency in that direction on the part of some people, and that there are those who aspire to rid themselves and soclety of certain outworn traditions which are constantly bampering their expression 2 of what they believe life to mean. They &5, ‘Oppressed by "the rced. ot those ers, op) o who Bwflt at their expense. feeling has been stimulated of disclosures ol to this, the incr number of uni- versity and college graduates unable to find employment tends very greatl: mAds‘l:.!lht be expected, the literature L2 . reflects these tendencies 1apan® ggsfifi £ For the time being, at least, the ac- | Ing tivities of the parties having ultra radi- cal inclinations have been so crippled that it is impossible for them to do Lnythln& of importance. Here and men' ere may be ‘bu.:wm :‘:— tempt- to reorganize, e imprison~ i g Bsda House for the | but | = The Place of Women in Industry BY FREDERIC ]. HASKIN, ‘Whenever the problem bf unemploy- ment is by the press it has a faculty of looming and all sorts of aspects are ex- s amined which in times when every one | that the is busy are ignored. Unemployment actually is not so serious on a national scale as it has been on earlier occa- sions of this decade, and not nearly so serious as it is in Great Britain today. That there is unemployment is beyond doubt, and to the man out of a job it is, of necessity, the biggest problem of the day. The existing situation has brought under ion the question of the woman worker. When women first entered business and industry on a considerable scale there was a great outery from the labor unions, the men declaring that women were taking their work away from them. That did not last very long. The women soon took their places beside the man workers, themselves become stanch members of unions and fighting strenuously for the rights of labor. Now it is a fresh aspect of the work performed by women which is evoking & protest not from the man, but from the woman workers. It is the case of the pin-money worker. Briefly, the t is based on the theory that ¢ | there are many women, married and with comfortable homes, who, in order to make pin money—that is, a little extra with which to buy luxuries and play bridge—are doing part-time work. No one of them holds down a real job, ul or four of them, taken together, are doing work equal to that of & full-time job. This, it is claimed, has the effect of depriving a woman in_actual need of work of such a job. Some outstanding leaders in fem- inist circles have taken sides on the both in England and in the tates. Miss Mary Anderson, director of the Women’s Bureau, De- partment of Labor, is a champion of the pin-money worker. Miss Anderson points out that work is work, no mat- ter where, or by whom it is performed, and that, generally speaking, no one is doing any very real work unless spurred to it by some need. With this view Viscountess Rhondda, one of the leaders of nl:: British lemmu':;;nfis h‘erulf an employer on a large , 1s in agree- ment. She regards the tasks performed by these intermittent workers as clear economic gain. The nation benefits on the one nd by getting the work done, while, on the other. the indi- vidual's position is improved by having more money. Trade is helped because of the additional purchasing power provided. Pin-Money Workers. Yet Miss Frunces Perkins, commis- sioner of laber of New York State, where there are more working girls than in any other State in the Union, adopts a view precisely opposite. She says, in effect, that any woman with a home should be ashamed of herself to take up any work in competition with the working-girl class until every girl of the latter class has a job at a minimum of $20 a week wages. Miss Perkins asserts that the pin-money workers are guilty of unfair competition. They live sheltered lives and usually are better educated. They do not need. full-time jobs and do not want them; they mere- iy want to nibble around the corners, some merely for fun. Yet they pit their personal charm and education against the girl of the working olass and perform incidental work, which, in | question, nited 8 the aggregate, takes jobs away from actually in need. brought to public attention | those y in n Miss Perkins agrees that idleness is undesirable, even in the rich, but thinks woman with a home and some support should dally with the arts— painting, music and the like--and not encroach upon the opportunities of the out and out working girl who needs a job to live ‘in decency. Miss Perkins makes the suggestion that these ambi- tious pin-money seekers might take up work as farm hands where labor is in demand. This is seasonal work, par- ticularly at harvest time, and fits in with the incidental pin-money idea. Miss Mary Anderson believes that the very nature of pin-money work done by women is such that abstinence on their part would not actually furnish any more jobs to regular workers. The type of work done by these intermittent and incidental woman workers is not directly competitive with the jobs of those regu- larly employed. In the first place, extra work often is required at certain brief periods, but those are definite periods. For example, restaurants may require an unusual number of waitresses between certain hours and give these jobs to pin-money workers. The establishment has a num- ber of regular jobs which gare filled, but takes on “extras” for rush hours. That work can be done at no other time. If the work performed by three or four of these extras could be strung out over the entire day it would make an addi- tional full-time job, but the very nature of the service is such that this is out of the question. Three or four women make some extra money. The proprie- tor gets his work done. No one is kept out of a full-time job. Therefore, the arrangement is all gain, according to Miss Anderson. ‘Why Women Work. The same situation obtains in con- nection with extra help in stores at such seasons.as Christmas, Easter and the like. Much work must be crowded into a brief period; it cannot be spread out over weeks, 80 the extra workers who take these intermittent jobs harm no one. ‘The problem of the girl who takes up stenography or telephone operating or such work on full time, even though she 18 living at home or has a husband capable of supporting her, is one which cannot be dealt with at one stroke. Often individual circumstances make such work far more necessary than may W“ on the surface. A daughter's or e's earnings may look like pin money to persons not familiar with all the cir- cumstances, but those earnings may be needed for some very vital purpose. Miss Anderson is of the opinion that the problem is not a serious aspect of un- employment and is constantly in proc- ess of working itself out. necessarily, she believes, two urges to ward work of any kind. is necs sity to earn money and the other is special and somewhat unusual keenness for creative labor. In the first instance, the incidental work will be given up to any one who wants it just as soon as the driving need passes. In the second case, the woman with a real desire to do creative work will soon leave the pin- money class and become a full-time worker and such workers will always be & gain to any community; they are what the world needs. ‘Women working for fun will not last long under real competition. Any in- crease in the exactions of a job will send them back to their leisure speedily. Fifty Years Ago In The Star | Pifty years ago a great deal of feel- | ing in this country was largely manifest i on the score of trusts Telegraph g4 combinations sub- Monopoly. versive of competition. The Star of April 1, 1880, says: “The preposterous effort made by one telegraph company to prevent, by an injunction, the wires of a rival corporation from being carried through one of the streets of New York occupied by its own lines was properly and ef- fectually sat down upon by one of the judges of that city on Monday, as soon as. the case came before him. So monstrous an ‘attempt to crush out legitimate o] tion and thus hold the public at mercy of their freed shows the spirit of the monopolizing corporations that are now strangling nearly every material interest in the country. Not only that, but it demon- strates in so plain a manner that it cannot be misunderstood by any honest and intelligent person the need of con- stant and active competition in any branch of business that affects the public welfare in so vital a manner as do the operations of such vast corpora- tions as our great rallway and tele- graph lines. = And between these corporations, it is to be observed, there is little to choose. They are all alike, under the same set of circumstances. Either seeks only to crush the other out, by fair means or foul, and with- out any for interest the public may have in the e. In fact, as things go as_between corporations and the public, there appears to be no longer & middie ground of mutual in- t. Either they or the peogl: must be supreme, and the people ve 1o other hope than in the assertion and mnnunlmdc:;t dululr supremacy. The monopoly demands everything and con- cedes nothing.” * * *x Fifty years ago and for a long time subsequently The Star was a mine of riches for the out-of- Stole From town wrresplondenu‘}::r Star, Used its columns ly The 8tar. gnd without credit in their own transmission of news and gossip of the Capital. The Star of April 1, 1880, says in protest against this practice: “There 18 journalism and journalism. The Washington correspondent of the New York World, who each week sends to that paper a column or so of social matter stolen from The Star, prints 16 puunghl in its issue of Monday under the head of ‘Easter week at the Capital,’ of which 11 are copled almost verbatim the columns of this fi:pfl'. Ten of these are stolen bodily— at s, while the source of without any sign of credit— Jae efiveneh, which is & little too long and easily identified to swallow whole without detection, is kindly ]Lrg{uud by saying, “An after- noon has published the following.’ " EeRe % * % In The Star of April 3, account of the trial of iy . “piracy” committed on “Piracy” on the Potoms River, as the 2, outcome a the River. agni’in zhemsfiu of over “readjus! the settlement of the State's 1880, is an they went on board a ferry boat plying between Alexandria and Wi on the way from this city and with a show of nistols seized the entire edition of a weekly “Liberal” a W The ‘Liberal” was a readjuster g, 1o 8 ey o g owie exandria, pfifcflhfld on . So it was printed side of the river and Ballenger and Nowland undertook by this means to prevent it from . ‘They were with piracy and brought ‘before Ju ‘W. Hughes of the - trict Court of th District fnasmuch as the offense had occurred in the District of Columbia the laws of té‘hde ‘!‘Jq:;md !uusnconcemml d lr::'y govern. e proper 3 Judge Hughes indicated, was that of be tried wi Sirisividn of the Distrct Marked Trend Toward Business Combinations BY HARDEN COLFAX. Advantages to the public from efi- clency and economy of operations on the part of industrial and utility con- cerns are being weighed against those of full and free competition in scores of lines today.. It is impossible to survey the business situation without noting the trend toward combination and con- solidation. It is equally impossible to overlook the fact that these proposed consolidations and mergers in all fields lul‘:‘ being bitterly opposed in some quar- There is little question that these differences will be threshed out on the floors of the House and Senate in the not distant future. They are even now engaging the attention of the Federal Commission, the Department of Justice, the Interstate Commerce Com- mission and other Federal regulatory . State utility and railroad com- missions and Legislatures are active along similar lines. * xR The opposing viewpoints started at the very beginning of business procedure —that is, with the financing of the business in question. Bank consolida- tions, already in effect and in prospect, have been more numerous and have in- volved a greater total of assets than at any time in the history of this country. The attitude of the Federal Reserve Board and the Treasury Department with regard to these mergers has been made Elnln in the statements by the Controller of the Currency and the head of the Federal Reserve Board approving the merger of the Chase National Bank, the Equitable Trust Co. and the Inter- state Trust Co. of New York. On the other hand, there is strong opposition to both group and chain in Congress and throughout the States. This is especially noticeable in the Middle West. * k¥ % The Interstate Commerce Commission now is struggling with the initial steps to carry out its plans for railroad cons solidation. Its progress has met with obstacles. Ognonmon in Congress has been voiced by the Couzens resolution, which would flrevem approval of any railroad tion pending further legislation on the subject. Senator Couzens is known to be strongly in favor of legislation which would define the limits of operations of railroad holding companies, and he belleves this wouls act as a preventive of improper con- a case of |to They 3 ! time. This s true also of the mail-order per and | houses, which solidations. Others are strongly pushing the commission’s plan. None of the raliroads is entirely satisfied with it, but less opposition has been expressed by the railroads than was expected. The conflict over consolidations is illustrated in the industrial field by the struggle in connection with the proposal to merge Bethlehem Steel and Youngs- town Sheet & Tube. Similarly, there is dissension with regard to consolidation of Standard Oil and Vacuum Oil. This is now being tested out in the courts to determine whether such a merger violates the anti-trust laws. R There is no lack of evidence that the trend toward merging of public utility companies will continue. Merger sup- porters point out that they have en- abled the utilities to cut costs of oper- ation and supply power at a lower rate consumers and to give a higher standard of service than ever before. The rapid development of improved cal | machinery in the public utility fleldl es- g:c‘hlly in the central power stat! 3 made it essential that new ma- chinery—and expensive machin installed in many hundreds of plants. Consolidations, according to their advo- cates, have enabled the companies to do this extensively. Chain stores are growing, although not so fast as in some previous years. are entering new flelds the now are breaking into the retail store field in wo‘l‘;u of market- trade to the chain The latter declare the system makes it possible for them to sell cheaper to the consumer and to give better service. (Copyright. 1930.) ———ee— e No Place Like Home. Prom the Fort Wayne News-Sentinel. It's just as well for the rest of the Spring housecleaning thin the § world that there’s no place like home, »