Evening Star Newspaper, November 10, 1929, Page 35

(Continued From Pirst Page.) ® truce, & breathing spell before the world again fell to bloody conflict, butchery of men and boys, starvation of women and children. Those who sat in the Senate chamber that October day, in what might well be termed “the seats of the mighty,” listen- ing to the earnest plea of the head of the world's greatest empire for a better understanding among nations, could see back of him, across the Atlantic, the people whom he represented. People who had contributed their sons, their fathers, their brothers and their hus- bands, to the number of 807,451 killed on the battlefields of France. Belgium and elsewhere. People who had given the arms, the legs, the eyes, the minds of millions of er men, in the hope and the belief that war and militarism would be ended forever. People who had borne and are still bearing the enormous, staggering cost in money of & “victorious” war which yielded addi- tional territory, mandates and responsi- bilities—but no jobs, no earned bread and butter for millions who subsist only by reason of charitable doles. Navies Big Burden. ‘The people whom Mr. Macdonald represents have no desire to kill the people represented by those who occupy seats on the floor of the United States Senate. Yet the people of both nations are burdened with the expenditure each ear of hundreds of millions of dollars for navies that 99 per cent of the people of both nations believe, and hope, will never come into conflict with each other. As President Hoover said in an address on Memorial day, 1929: “Despite the declaration of the Kel- pact, every tmportant country has since the signing of that agreement (out- Jawing war) been engaged in strength- ening its naval arm. We are still borne on the tide of competitive building. * * * Fear and suspicion will not siacken unless we can halt competitive con- struction of arms. They will never dis- appear until we can turn this tide to- ward actual reduction.” Similarly, Premier Macdonald, ad- dressing the Assembly of the of Nations on September 5, 1929, 3 “The problem of the League of Na- tions is a problem of security, and se- curity, as we saw in 1924, was very largely & problem of psychology. “So long as nations doubt, so long as nations suspect, then it is absolutely im- possible for us, do what we may. to get them to accept the settled conditions of peace, which alone enables them to pro- | ceed in a satisfactory way to solve| problems like that of disarmament. “Since 1924 we have started upon an- | other road; the pact of peace has been signed in Paris, and that pact is now the starting point of our further work.” Just Laid Foundation. Eleven years after the Armistice, therefore, we have simply laid the foun- dation for world peace; the structure is yet to be reared and to be made secure against the winds of international rival- 1y, suspicion and discord. We are still in the midst of an armistice, the end of which no one can foretell with cer- | tainty. That armistice may end in an | enduring peace, based on justice and good will among the nations; it may end with the beginning of a cataclysmic struggle which will sweep away the very foundations of modern civilization. ‘Throughout the world there is one great question asked by all peoples: “What chance peace?” By July 24, 1929, when the Kellogg-Briand treaty was solemnly proclaimed in a ceremony at the Whit= House, 46 nations had pledged themselves by ratification ol the pact to renounce war and to set- tle all disputes between them by pacific means. ‘That pledge is a starting point or foundation. The most momentous ques- tion of our times is whether there is enough real statesmanship in the world to' build anything worth while on that foundation, ‘The professions of friend- ship that attended the visit of Premier Macdonald to the United States were sincere and heartfelt. No one can doubt that. But good wishes and handclasps will not settle the problems of the world. Practical action is & necessity. The test of statesmanship, the answer to the question, “How will the armi- stice end?” wull be found in the con- | ference st London in January of the representatives of Great Britain, the | United States, Prance, Italy and Japan. Suspicious of Each Other. ‘The great nations of the world are now in the position of men in some out- | post of civilization who have agreed to settle their disputes by judicial process. ‘They are suspicious of each other, of | the judge, of the law, of the outcome. | ‘They are at the point where it is nec- essary to make a decision whether to lay down and abandon their revolvers and knives before -entering the court room. Unless they do, there is every likelthood that in the end, regardless of the decision of the court, the dis- pute will be settled by force and blood- ;?:td;mu violent death, ruthlessly in- ed. No one who has knowledge of the at- | tempts and failures of the past, who knows the difficulties and obstacles of the present, will unqualifiedly predict successful outcome of the London con- ference. Yet the hope of the happiness and wellbeing of generations unbqrn, &s well as millions upon millions of those now living, is altogether dependent upon ‘lcreeme'nt of the men who meet at Lon- jon. ‘Those who are pessimistic about the outcome are not without justification for their attitude. Thirty years ago the Czar of Russia called the first Hague conference, attended by representatives of 26 nations. In his call for the con- ference the Czar safd: Caar’s Statement. “The economic crisis, due in great rl:n to the system of armaments and e continual danger which lies in the | massing of war material, are transform- ing the armed peace of our days into a crushing burden, which the people have more and more difficulty in bearing. ‘The intellectual and physical strength of the nations’ labor and capital are for the major part diverted from their natural application and unproductively consumed. Hundreds of millions are devoted to acquiring terrible engines of destruction which, though today regard- ed as the last yord of science, are des- tined tomorrow to lose all value in con- sequence of some fresh discovery in the same field “It appears evident, then, that if this state of things were prolonged it would inevitably lead to the very cataclysm it is_de<ired to avert, and the horrors of Wwhich moke every thinking man shud- der in advance.” The cataclysm and horrors were not averted. Later “peace” conferences at ‘The Hague failed to bring about reduc- tion or limitation of armament. The frilures increased international suspi- cion and distrust. Armament on land and sea increesed. The storm broke in 1914 end all but engulfed civilization. In the peace treaty and in the cove- nant of the League of Nations were in- corporzted clausss which were in effect gnmtses of disarmament. Yet ‘more an a decade later the nations are more heavily armed than ever. The 1922 Washington conference resulted in an agreement by England, the United States, Japan, France and Italy to limit the construction of battleships. The re- sult was increased building of cruisers, destroyers, aircraft carriers and sub- marines. There was a failure of a European conference at Rome in 1924. At Geneva, in 1927, Great Britain, the United States and Japan failed to agree on further limitation of their naval forces. Franc and Italy refused even to attend th: conference because they were engaged in competitive naval building! In 1929 the last meeting of the preparatory commission for the disarmament con- férence of the League of Nations ad- journed with nothing tangible accom- plished. There was a complete failure | to agree on any phase of disarmament in Europe—1land, naval or aerial forces Russia had proposed immediate, gen- eral and complete disarmament. was rejected by the other nations. Are these the views of a pessimist? Not at all. They are a simple recital v of facts made for the purpose of show- ing the difficulties of task to which President Hoover and Préemier Mac- donald have turned their hands and their hearts. There are othér equally vital facts that should be known to our people. that they may be in a position to pe-s intelligent judgment on what transpires ence. We have condemned, and justiy 80, the armament building of other na- tions. We have ignored our own activi- ties as they appear from foreign shores President Hoover has pointed out tha: States on strictly military activities of the Army and Navy constitute the largest military budget of any nation in the world today, “and at a time when there is least real danger of extensive disturbance to peace than at any time | in more than half a century Expenditures Large. | Our Army and Navy expenditures in | 1929 will cost approximately $100,000,000 more than those of our nearest com- titor, Great Britain. Our expendi- ures are motre than three times as much as those of Japan; and, to use a colloquial phrase, “the worst is yet to come.” For the Army and Navy pro- grams approved by Congress will raise our present $685,000,000 annual war bill to $800,000,000 by 1932. No .wonder that President Hoover in his Memorial day address declared, “Limitation up- ward is not now our goal, but actual reduction of existing commitments to lowered levels.” At the same time Sec- | retary of State Stimson showed that the United States is obligated to pay $1,780.800,000 for new naval vessels, not including any battleships to be replaced. ‘This amount is for construction; it does not cover hundreds of millions addi- tional for the operating cost of the new ships. Our yearly bill for the Navy alone is now $350,000,000. After the naval “limitation” treaty of 1022, England began construction of 78 war vessels, Japan built or :gpro- ?Hl!ed for 127, France provid for 20 and Ttaly for 83. And after we had failed to curb these naval building pro- ms through the 1927 Geneva con- ference with Great Britain and Japan, the United States embarked on a program designed to place us on & par- ity with Great Britain and possibly to make our naval force superior to any other in the world. A bill was intro- duced in the House of Representatives providing for 25 heavy cruisers, 9 de- stroyer leaders, 32 submarines and § aircraft carriers. The estimated cost was the enormous, the incomprehen- sible, amount of $725,000,000! This d by our naval officers I b ing.” Its comple- tion would involve the addition of 21,000 more men to the Navy personnel and 1,500 extra airéraft for the fleet. The program was not adopted in full by Congress, but we did provide for the building of fifteen 10,000-ton cruisers and a giant aircraft carrier. the cost of this part of the program alone mount- ing to $274.000,000. Program Opposed. This was our enswer to Great Brit- ain’s 1925 naval program, involving construction of 16 large cruisers and an expenditure of practically $300.000,000. Ramsay Macdonald, then head of the minority Labor party, opposed this pro- gram on the ground that there was no known er facing his country that justified such a policy. But he was de- feated by the Conservative party then in power and by the beginning of 1927 the Britich government actually had begun the construction of 12 great cruisers in comparison with 2 for the United States. The present situation is that Great Britain and the United States are on a with respect to battles! ; Japan has three-fifths as many as either and France and Italy have less than two- fifths. Great Britain has a great supe- riority of first-line cruisers. We have a great superiority of destroyers and sub- marines. Japan's submarine strength is or will be a little more than Great Brit- ain’s. France has a greater submarine strength than Great Britain and nearly equal to ours (ineluding those built, building or suthorized), and Italy has more cruisers than France. Italy and France are actively competing in con- strugtion of cruisers, destroyers and sub- marines. The Germans, meanwhile, though strictly limited in the numbers of ships they may build, have developed a new type of cruiser which can out- shoot and outrun those of other mations. France, meanwhile, has developed a “defensive fortification” program calling for the expenditure of $100,000,000 in five years in construction work along her frontiers, north, east and the Alps. French army expenditures in 1930 will amount to $242,000,000. Sentiment’ for Peace. Such are the actualities of the armis- tice—and of the spirit of peace among the natiens. Undoubtedly there is the strongest possible desire among the people of all nations for the preservation of peace—but so far politiclans and statesmen have not been able, or willing, to translate it into reduced armaments. The time has come for action that will give proof of the effectiveness and real- ity of the pledge of the nations to re- nounce war, Our people and the mass of people of the other nations are but faintly interested in all the obstacles to disarmament conjured up by military and naval experts, They know nothing of the intricacies of global tonnages, categories, the relative fighting power of six-inch and eight-inch eruisers, the ratio of capital ships to auxiliary craft and the like. They do know that the conferences of the past between military and naval experts of the various nations have resulted in increases rather than decreases in armament—and of the bur- dens borne by the common people. They believe that regardless of the prob- lems that remain unsettled in the Old World—reparations, the Saar basin, the Danzig corridor, Egyptian independence, Russian recognition, Austrian union, Polish security—a definite start can be | made now toward reduction of arma- ments. They are willing, as Mr. Mac- | donald has pointed out, to take risks for | peace as well as risks in war. They dis- what Mr, Macdonald has said. “There is just as much security in political agreement as there is in a rey n;‘!‘nt of soldiers or in a fleet of battle- S " | é’:fllt Britain, with its unsurpassed fleet, found itself almost starved into | submission by the operation of the | German submarines and raiders. Ger- many, h its unsurpassed army, found that force unavailing to bring victory. Not Practical Policy. In our own country. the will of the people always has been for peace. We have found “freedom of the seas” an | admirable phrase—and hope—but not a | practical policy unless we are willing to | embark in war to establish it. The dis- position of our people. as reflected in the Senate, has been. still is, and will con- tinue to be, against unnecessary en- tanglement with the problems of other nations. Their disposition also is to vide adequate defense, but not a mil- tary or naval force sufficient to cqnsti- tute a menace to the security of any other great nation. And the temper of the Senate is, as it always has been, to consider fully, seri- ously and deliberately any agreement with other nations that seeks to make war not merely “unthinkable” but im- probable or impossible. The Senate will be represented at the London naval dis- armament conference by two of its ablest, most respected members. Never- theless, any agreement that is reached at Lendon and submitted to the Senate | for approval will not be merely “rubber stamned” by that body on the recom- mendation of the President. The Con- stitution of the United States has placed a duty upon the Senite which it cannot avoid. It is a duty which rightfully resides in the Senate. No | large, successful corporation, it may be | pointed out by way of example, instrusts decisions of vital matters of policy to This | 's president alone. The consent of the times % ‘The Senate public in at the London five-power naval confer- | the current expenditures of the United | | before the end of the session; Italy let "gested expansion to meet them: and covered in the World War the truth OII THE SUNDAY STAR, 'League of Nations Lacks Ceremonial (Continued From Third Page.) most halfway along toward the tradi- tional voting age—and voting already | | in the world’s affairs! In the second ' place, some of the leaders come from a | triumphant scene at The Hague. When |1 was in Paris, a few weeks before, a | letter was received from one of the' French delegation to The Hague proph- | esying adjournment until after the League meetings were concluded and | resumption of bargaining again at The | Hague. Within a week the pessimism ' evaporated: for some of the leaders' made up their minds to settle it up be- fore the Assembly met. Adjustments and sacrifices were engineered, and M. Briand came to the League to announce that at The Hague the final step was taken “in the liquidation of the war.” I cannot help feeling that a number of leaders came rejoicing that they had given up something to prove the efficacy of conference and their personal desire ' | tor peace. Their generous sentiments | were set for expansion at the Assembly | meeting. In the third glnce. the British | empire was represented by members of | probably the most intelligent, repre- sentative, well organized and peace- minded political organization the world has ever seen—the Labor party. They ceme disgusted with the shambling of the Conservative party, with principles well scrutimzed, with the enthusiasm of new power, peaceful crusaders for the hopes of the League. When the | Assembly started its meetings these and other forces began to converge. Enthusiasm for the Peace Ideal. To the outsider it seemed as though the politiclans were competing among themselves t5 propose or second pro- | gressive plans. Briand dropped a bomb ! when at a luncheon, in discussing the | economic disarmament of Europe. he |used the name “the United States of Europe.” His audlence at first thought they misunderstood him. They had heard the name from Count Couden- hove, who has been speaking and writ- ing on the subject, but even the intel- ligent public never expected it to fall from the lips of an experienced poli- tician for at least another decade. M. Briand migit have spoken of the idea without having used a name which will | frighten many a nationalist. Yet he| chose, not thoughtlessly, to use a term Wwhich has been the slogan of a few/ “impractical” political idealists, As re-| markable still was the fact that the newup-rers and the public have ac- cepted it as a basis of discussion. It is not being ridiculed; it is being sericusly analyzed. In other respects politiclans have shown themselves unwilling to be caught on the side of the reactionary, One leader announced his nation wouid sign the opticnal clause; the next hastened to remark his would sign it it be known that she had alread; = ed it. One recited the 10 ”’l?‘s“:f achievement of the League; another pointed out problems accruing and sug- still another prophesied doubled useful- ness m the next 10 years. One spoke hopefully of the conversations between the U. 8. A. and Britain on the subject of naval limitations; another said that we must look not to naval or military limitations, but to a general world dis- armament; and a third pointed out that these would be ineffective with- out study and action in the field of eco- nomic disarmament. I mesn in no way to suggest that* the politicians expect these sieps to be taken at once;. hard- ly & one but stressed the minute and tangled complications in each problem; but I do mean to say that politicians who are fully aware of the fact that their constituencies back home will read their words in cold black print, have boldly let themselves in for the dreaming of dreams. It seems almost as if ald Europe, when she is once freed from the weight of armies and navies and frcm the immensity of war indem- nities and from the blight of inter- national distrust, might shake herself out into a startingly experimental at- ]Mt':\lde in the.realm of international re- ations. U. S. Autos Led World In 1928, Table Shows Interesting figures of the world auto- moblile production in 1928 have been published on the occasion of the Paris automobile salon. The United States, | of course, held the first place with 4,600,000 cars; France came second with 223,000 cars, Great Britain third with 204,000, Germany fourth with 55,000. Concerning the cam in us2, the United States had the lead with more than 24,000,000 cars. Great Britain ranked second with 1,348,000 cars, and Fran-e third with 1,115,000. Canacda possessed 1,061,000 cars; Germany, 550,000; Italy, 117,000. The United States had 1 car for each § inhabitants; Canada and New Zealand, 1 for each 9; Australia, 1 for 12; Argentina, 1 for 34; Great Britain, 1 for 36. In cities, New York had 1 for each 9 inhabitants, Paris had only i ?“ 3f3r each 24 residents, and London for 30. the League of Nations decision. It had the support cf the majority of our peo- ple in making reservations to World Court adherence. It will reflect the Jjudgment and hope and prayers of the vast majority of American citizens in glving approval of any agreement for navai limitation and reduction that re- sults from the London parley. The se timent of our people is back of Pres dent Hoover's effort; and that senti- ment is today accurately and fully re- flected in the membership of the Se; ate. If the result of the London co ference is a proposal for real reduction of naval armament, and not merely “limitation" that will permit continued building along other lines, there will be ratification by the Senate without un- due delay. But the people want no more “limitaticns” that are empty of real relicf and devold of benefit in in- suring the peace of the world. Action Demanded. We have come to a time when prac- tical action, not mere expressions of good will, are demanded by those who have always had to pay the cost of war, with life and limb and economic depri- vlloion. i me of the practical steps that can and should be taken to d|ncpour-ge and prevent aggression on the part of any nation, regardiess of the outcome of the London conference, is embodied in a resolution which I introduced in the Senate on May 2, 1929. It provides, in substance, these things: 1. That whenever the President de- termines and by proclamation declares that any country has violated the mul- tilateral treaty for the renunciation of war, it shall be unlawful, unless other- wise provided by Congress or procla- mation of the President, to export to such country arms, munitions, imple- men's of war or other articles for use in war. 2. That the United States Govern- ment will not protect its citizens who glve aid and ‘comfort -(by loans or otherwise) to a nation which has vio- lated the treaty outlawing war. 3. That the President shall negotiate with oth®r governments parties to the g::pe treaty for similar action on their L ‘Will Make Peace Easier. Any measure of disarmament that re- sults from the London conference will contribute to the world's feeling of se- curity, and make easier the settlement of internalional disputes. Eleven years of peace have given the wor'd no feel- | Ing of security, But the longing for a Iasting peace is greater than ever throughout the nations. The great prob- lem confronting President Hoover, Premier Macdonald and the statesmen of other nations is to convert the armed armistice no® prevailing into peace, lasting and certain, And the Senate, as among the mple generally, there i§ confidence in E L e b represen e hopes aspirations of America, WASHINGTON, D. C, NOVEMBER 10, KING BORIS AND HIS MOST INTIMATE FRIEND. (Continued From First Page.) colored accounts of his abdication and flight, all very favorable to himself. He told the Infanta Bulalie, who put it in & book, how gallantly he accepted the for- tunes of a war which overthrew so many monarchs that abdication became almcst fashionable. On the night of his de- parture, he related, he gave a grand din- ner to the heads of his army and his government, after which, to the accom- paniment of tearful farewells, he left on the royal train with all his entourage in- tact. He went only because he was con- vinced that without his presence Bul- garia would get better terms at the peace conference. In the intes of historical accuracy ([TH First Choice in the 900 Field ~because of its brilliant new 1930 features it is necessary to revise King Ferdi- nand's story. In short, there is not a word of truth in it. The real facts were |given me in Sofia by a person weil | qualified to relate them—no less than M. Malinoff, war premier and prime mover in the abdication of Ferdinand and the accession of King Boris. “Until today,” said M. Malinoff, as we sat over glasses of hot tea in his library. “I have never told the story to any for- eigner. But I am advancing in years |and I may as well give the facts, espe- | cially to an American, who can have no litical or other motive in distorting hem. The Bulgarian army revolted in September, 1918, and the rank and file, which really belicved that King Ferdi- nand had sold them as mercenaries to the - Germans, were fully prepared to E 1930 1929—PART TWO. follow Stambuliskl's policy in faver of P When this ha I went to the “When wen Cing and ldmw abdicate at once in favor of Prince Boris, whom the soldiers loved and trusted. Ferdinand dismissed me haughtily, saying that such a step could taken only after serious reflection. I returned to staff headquarters, seeing the situation grow ‘worse every day, and on October 4 I re- pturned to the capital as fast as my car could get through the torn and muddy roads. I knew that by sunrise the first hundreds of disaffected soldiers would be coming into Sofia. “Rushing straight to the palace, I en- tered the King’s study and told him that the hour of abdication and flight had struck. I could not guarantee that the people would accept Boris as King, but I knew that he was the last hope of the dynasty. The King said merely that he needed more time to consider. “Lucky if You Get Away.” “ ‘Sire,’ I exclaimed, ‘you will be lucky if you have time to get safely away.' And taking the written abdication from my pocket I spread it out before him. Still he hesitated. He was willing to abdicate, he said, but he did not wish to leave Bulgaria. If he retired to one of his country palaces, could I not guar- antee his safety? cannot even guarantee my own safety five_minutes after I leave this room.’ “Even as I spoke there came a sharp burst of rifle firing from a distant su"eeé. m’mu decdme‘:n :ge !xnjc 'eflfig selzed the pen and s 5 !hekutnper and thrust it in my breast pocke “‘And now, your majesty,’ I said, ‘it is my duty, as minister president, to demand the presence of the new King.’ “Boris came in, very pale, for the poor young man knew intuitively, I think, what had happened. I spoke to him without the slightest ceremony, for there was no time. ‘Your father,’ I said, ‘has signed his abdication, and you are now King. Permit me to be the first to wish long life to Czar Boris IIL' “His face went absolutely white, and without replylng he turned to his father. At that moment, I must say, the old King approached dignity. Ris- ing from desk, he said: ‘My son, yesterday you were my subject. Today I am yours. Allow me to be the second person to wish long life to Crar Boris II1’ Officers Clamor for News. “They fell weeping into each other's arms, and so I left them. It was then past 8 o'clock in the evening and there was a great deal to be done before mid- night. As Malinoff left the palace he called out to the small group of officers and | guards in the courtyard, “Long live Boris III!” Imagining that Ferdinand had been assassinated or had com- mitted suicide, they clamored for de- talls. But there was no time for ex- planations. Motoring to the house of the minister of the interior, Malinoff bade him notify the rest of the govern- ment and arrange for a formal meeting of the Sobranje, the national parlia- transportation to see that a special frain was made ready. At 11 o'clock the train was waiting on the main line of the railroad, some miles from the city. In darkened motor cars Ferdi- nand, King Boris, Prince Cyril, Mali- OMPARISON of the Nash Single Six with other new cars proves instantly that it is the greatest value ever offered in its price field. € The new Single Six features for 1930 improve motoring immeasurably— a motor of unusual power providing outstanding performance —Alemite automatic chassis lubrication—twin cowl ventilators—built-in, automatic radiator shutters —self-energizing, fully-enclosed 4-wheel brakes and many features only found in cars of far higher price. € A ride in this new Nash will con- vince you it is the greatest performer and the greatest value in its field! TWIN-IGNITI ON EIGHT PRICED FROM $1625 70 $2260 (. 0. b. fastory) Low Down Payment and Convenient Extended Terms if Desired WALLACE MOTOR COMPANY Retail Salesrooms, Robert J. Nash Motor Co. 1419 Trving St. N.W. Potter Nash Co. lver Spring, Md. TWIN-IGNITION PRICED FROM $1295 TO $1695 (1 o. b. festory) Distributor 1709 L Street N.W. ASSOCIATE DEALERS HAWKINS-NASH MOTOR CO. 1529 14th Street N.W. Hall-Kerr Motor Co. 131 B St. S.B. “‘Sire; I cried in exasperation, ‘I| tion. | ment, at noon the next day. Then he | hurried to the minister of railways and | Perdinand embarked rushed to the safety of the German lines. At the moment of parting Ferdinand, | who had never been a very fond parent, had a moment of softness. “Malinoff,” he said, “you also are a father. Save son's life, if you can.” “It was nearly dawn before we got back to the palace in Sofia,” said M. Malinoff, “and already the streets were filling_ with _excited le. I asked King Boris if he would allow me to re- main the rest of the night with him, but he sald, No, I am very well alone, and your umnf will be anxious.” I told him that I would accompany him to the cathedral at 11 the next morn- ing, and afterward to the Sobranje—if any of us were alive by that time. “The drive to the cathedral the next day—it was terrible, assure you, madame. The King's car was *sur- rounded by his own guards on horse- back, but the men were few and the mob were many. We progressed very slowly through the shouting, groaning crowd. Women in the crush of ng?zd sdldiers walled and shrieked: ‘King Boris, give us back our sons.” The King | sat in stony silence, looking neither to | the right nor the left. He wore a plain | fleld uniform, without a single decora- “All through the mass he sat pale and calm, and at the end he sf up and faced us with his first command as King. ‘Every one here is to remain where he is standing. I shall go out alone to meet the people.” “We were thunderstruck. The mur- mur of the crowd in the square outside the cathedral had risen to a clamor and 1t seemed that any man venturing out there alone would be torn to pieces. But we had to obey and the King walked straight out of the door, down the steps and into the mob. A great {Ieu went up, then dead silence. We eld our breath—then we heard a roar of thousands of voices: ‘Long live the King! Long live Czar Boris! Long live our little King!" “Rebels” Form His Guard. “We rushed out of the cathedral to see those mutinous soldiers forming themselves into orderly lines, while the townspeople and the wailing mothers were shouting themselves hoarse. An old t:num woman had thrown herself at, the King’s feet, but he was raising her and kissing her hand. Our King, madame, knows his people. He knew they would respect a courageous man.” How Boris rallied the Bulgari- ans and persuaded them to return to their farms and their looted shops and tobacco factories after the armistice i3 a story too long to tell. King Boris’ next perilous adventure came in April, 1925. The peasant pre- mier, Stambuliski, idol of the Reds in the United States, as well as in Europe, had permitted such an infiltration of Russian Communists into Bulgaria that Moscow looked upon that country as nearly ripe for revolution. A military coup overthrew Stambuliski and, after the fashion of things in the Balkans, he was assassinated. The Communists, or- ganized a plot which involved the shooting of the King from ambush while he was motoring outside the eity. The King's funeral would be held in the old Cathedral of Sveti Kral and would be attended by the government, all military dignitaries, diplomats, in- fluential citizens of the capital. As soon as they were all in the SINGLE 5 the place would be blown up! At the same time railroads and bridgeheads would be seized, telegraph and tele- phone connections with the outside world cut' off and a Bulgarian soviet government proclaimed! Accident Saves Boris. All this would probably have hap- pened if King Boris had not by hazard chai his ordinary routine that day. Usually dressed very much like any other chauffeur, he drives his own high- powered American car over the moun- tains around Sofia, with his chauffeur sitting beside him. But on this particu- lar day he had with him a member of the government and a celebrated botan- ist, and for the occasion he had given the chauffeur the driver's seat. us when the conspirators fired on the man at the wheel they killed the chauffeur and not the King. They killed the botanist also, but he was in the rear seat. ‘The chauffeur fell across the controls, and the King, seated beside him, had all he could do to stop the car before it pitched over a cliff on one of the horseshoe curves of the road. Jumping and sliding down the cliffside under & shower of bullets, the King and his minister managed to reach a village un- harmed. The peasants, hastily snatch- ing every weapon they could lay hands on, went out after the assassins. They ran down and killed every one of them. The cathedral being mined and ready, the conspirators thought they might as ‘well go on with the plot. They had to ave a corpse, so they waylaid and mur- red in the streets that night an old and very much honored general. His funeral, they knew, would be held from the cathedral and the King would at- tend. So it happened, but the Kin; stopped on his way to pay a visit of condolence to the widow of the slain chauffeur, and he arrived at the cathe- dral just two minutes after a frightful explosion had blown the roof off, wrecked the whole interior and killed and wounded over 300 persons. I saw the place afterward and observed that the marble throne of the King was buried under a mass of masonry and a heavy chandelier weighted with heavy crystals. ‘The Communists, both Russian and Bulgarian, were hanged, sh msoned without mercy. of condemned grew so long that King Boris finally refused to sign an- other death warrant. The actual crimi- nals he consented to have executed, but not,students and gluunl people led away p! 0 “If you persiét in bring- ing me these names,” he told his prime minister, will leave the country.” So the bloody reprisals ceased and Bul- garia became peaceful again. Under the firm and enlightened rule of this modern young King Bulgaria i making rapid strides toward prosperity. It has the advantage of being the most literate of the Balkan countries, and in many respects the most Western in its culture. For over 40 years the upper classes have been sending their sons to Robert. College and their daughters to the American College for Girls in Con- summu!ple. English, more than French, is the language of soclety. American ideas are very populsr. and when the time comes for Buigaria to develop her great natural resources it will be to the United States she will look for -expert help and guidance. 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