Evening Star Newspaper, November 10, 1929, Page 31

Part 28 Pag-c EDITORIAL SECTION he Sunday Star, WASHINGTON, PROGRESSIVE S IN SENATE PUT VITALITY IN POLITICS Actual “Number” or Strength Varies on Legislative Questions as They Disagree Among Selves. BY MARK SULLIVAN. UCH of the excitement of cur- rent national politics is caused by, or associated with, the ex- istence of roughly 15 men in the Senate, who are offi- clally elected as Republicans, but who, on tariff and frequently on other matters, vote with the Democrats; who variously ‘“Progressive Re- or “Western Republicans” or “‘Insurgents” or gressives.” Of these names the like best | ‘Progressive | They are curious in | this matter of | is or else Republicans.” their attitude about nomenclature, and they do not agree | among themselves about Some like 1o be called “Progressives”; others de- cidedly prefer to have it “Progressive Republicans.” Several of them cling with pointed tenacity to having the | word “Republican” in whatever phrase | is used to designate them. They don't quite like to get out wholly from under the Republican brand. Most of them wince just a little at being called “In- surgents,” although one or two of them don’t much care. Sometimes Names Can't Be Printed. These are the names that describe | them, one or the other of which is com- monly Juised by themselves and by the . newspapers. The list here given does not include the names they are sometimes called by regular, oldtime, high tariff Repub- licans. What the venerable Grundy of Pennsylvania would call them would | not bear printing. I have ‘illd above that on the tariff these Progressive Republicans prac- “tically always vote with the Democrats. ©On reflection, I query whether that is the correct way to express it. Would it not be more accurate to say the Democrats vote with the Progressive Republicans? Ix'n‘ the'mléldmn“ ;m&ne two ave formed, iwgmlém Wl;n rather doo the leading. s of any Demo- crat as tll:e leldermv:t mumfll'&engflu;g tha regular ublicans Does not eve;'n;gody think of Borah as leading it? I state the question without under- taking to answer it. The distinction is important. If it is a fact that the Democrats are not providing the leader- ship; if it is a case of one party, the Democrats, following a faction of the other party—if that is the true picture, there may be grief in it for the Demo- An ancient axiom of politics good can come to a party which fails to provide its own leader- ship and _initiative and policies, a arty which takes its ideas and tactics yrom outside. That Is Another Question. However, that is another subject, and an interesting one, with which. the present article: does not undertake to d “Progressives” eal most of the Incidentally, let us say for them that at lesbt they have given rise to some Because of few United States “movie’ "nc;!“ base b'flnmhmmhr“ e TS or . NLIII should t the essive Repul Y 552&': To give vitality to na- no small service. be given tional politics is 3 ! They are spoken of .as 15, and that number is as accurate as any othér number that can be applied to them. Not all of them at all times “stand hitched,” as the old-time politi- cal saying is. On the contrary, to de- cline to “stand hitched,” to be errant and eccentric and divagative, to get out- side the breastworks—indeed, to be out- the breastworks more often than in is the prevailing characteristic ‘They are temperamental ‘That accounts for their w 3 ient faction of ‘the Republican party. Their ten- dency to dissent is temperamental, in- born. Occasionally it leads them to dissent even from their own group: consequently it is not easy to say with permanent accuracy what the exact number of them is; though, in fact, it does not vary more than one or two on either side of 15. Debenture Vote Is Test. For the purpose of the following list, the vote in the Senate on inserting the debenture plan for an export bounf on farm crops into the tariff bill is taken as the test. In that roll call 15 Republicans and one Farmer-Labor— Shipstead of Minnesota—voted or were paired with the Democrats and against the regular Republicans’ position. The whole 16 (calling Shipstead, for the moment, an Insurgent Republican, and not giving him his official designation, “Farmer-Labor”), are: ‘Wisconsin. .La Follette and Blaine Schall and Shipstead ... Brookheart Nye and Frazier South Dakota...Norbeck and McMaster .Howell and Norris California. .. Here are 16. Certain slight qualifi- cations need to be made th ways. To take up the cases of the Senators who are on the fringe between regular and 'nt Republicanism, Shipstead has al been mentioned. Officially he is designated as ‘‘Farmer-Labor,” was elected as the candidate of a third party by that name. In his voting and pairing—he has been ill most of this session—he votes almost invariably with the insurgent Republicans. Senator Johnson's Case. The case of Senator Hiram Johnson of California calls for fine distinctions. Ordinarily Johnson is the most insur- gent of insurgents. It gives him obvious pleasure to insurge. It gives him pleas- ure, one sometimes feels, to vote against the position of the Republican Presi- dent who comes from his State. Rather frequently, in his speeches in the Sen- shies hard words in the direction . When Johnson he tariff, however, e becomes the most regular of r Republicans. He believes in a on everything that California produces and, wanting to get all that California wants, he commonly concedes it to be his re- ciprocal duty to vote for a tariff on what the other States want. But while on tariff matters Johnson is a regular, he makes again an exception. The de- benture plan for putting an export pounty on farm crops was a detall of the tariff bill which the regular Re- publicans opposed and the insurgents mdvocated. On the debenture roll call wmlk:ck to. hll“Inl-lyll'len! poi; sition. . Speaking generally, Johnson e classed as decided: be called a Republican insurgent. One feels that Couzens has no more respect for the manu than he has for the re(uullr Republicans or for the Demo- crats, Couzens Scorns Company. When Couzens feels like voting his own convictions he does so regardless of the company into which his vote carries him. He is an able and studious During the present session he whenever he felt moved to; time, during this session he has seemed to depart from the regular Republican position less often than formerly. Couz- ens is hardly to be classed as insurgent, His mind is not to be described as in- surgent. More accurately, his mind is to be described as individual, but con- structive, ‘Two other regular Republican Sena- tors who occasionally—indeed, fre- quently—vote with the insurgents on tariff matters, and especially tariff schedules, are Allen and Capper of Kansas. This Progressive Republican group, in the commotion they have recently given rise to, are talked about as if they were something new. But they are not. For fully 20 years, at least, the territory the insurgents represent has always been represented in pretty near the same de- gree by the same kind of insurgent Re- publicans. In practically every Con- gress since Roosevelt's time there has been a similar group coming chiefly from the Northwest. From time to time the number has varied a little, oc- casionally one or two more than 15, sometimes as few as 10 or 12, Also, the particular States repre- sented have varied somewhat, though not materially. In the present insur- gent group, Oregon has no representa- tion, but 20 years ago one of Oregon's representatives in the Senate was Jon- athan Bourne, a pretty thoroughgoing Progressive, though not especially iden- tified with any farm movement. The State of Washington has no representa- tion in the present Republican group, but has had one in the past. Montana 'has now two Democrats in the Senate, but 20 years ago Senator Dixon of State was an outstanding Progressive Republican. Similarly, while Idaho just now has two insurgent Republicans, it has commonly had only one in the past. Kansas used to have a repre- sentative in the insurgent Republican group—has Bristow been utterly for- gotten? He is now a landowner in Vir- ginia. And so on and so on. No New Feeling. lve Republican political Northwest is no new ‘The Progressi' feeling in the has existed for more than thing. It 20 years. there has been s torical reason why the South should continue to be r:rreunhd by Demo- crats regardless economic or_other normal political conditions. The Demo- cratic solidity of the South, in other words, is not exactly spontaneous. ‘The nt Republican representation of m Northwest must be clearly spon- eous. One is tempted to think the - sive Republicans are as deflniulg a party as.the Democrats are. The gressive Republicans themselves do_not like to call themselves 2 party. They cling to the Republican label. Regular Leaders Balked. ‘The Republican leaders in the Senate do not know what to do about these insurgents—though 20 years of ex- perience with them ought to have sug- gested some kind of technique. As a rule, the regular Republican leaders have got along with the insurgents as best they could, treating them with a good deal of tact, accepting votes from them when the insurgent Republicans felt like voting that way, and practic- ing Christian resignation when the in- 3:'[:!".5 ‘wanted to vote with the Demo- Some four years ago the regular Re- publican leaders in the Senate at- tempted to discipline the insurgents. Just previous to that occasion, in the 1924 election, several of the insurgent Republican Senators had taken them- selves utterly and completely off the ty | Republican reservation. La Follette of Wisconsin had made himself a third- party candidate for the presidency, and some of the insurgent Republican Sena- tors followed him. That constituted insurgency to a degree that was formal and constituted complete secession. The regular Republican leaders con- cluded to treat it as such. 3 Drastic Steps Are Brief. ‘When the Senate next assembled to organize, the regular Republican lead- ers concluded to regard those particular La Follette insurgents as officially com- posing a third party. The incurgents were not invited to the Republican caucus and were deprived of committee seats to which, so long as they were Republicans, they were entitled. drastic treatment lasted, how- 2ver, for little more than a year. The resentment of the regular Republican leaders seemed to die out, or else they felt it was not prudent to keep the insurgents in any greater exile than the insurgents themselves cared to have, Excommunication is not often a good policy in politics. In the Lower House of the present Congress there is not, so far, any or- ganized or important Progressive Re- publican movement. There is almost Ro departure from the regular Repub- cans, Less Insurgent in House. When this tariff bill was voted ugn?en in the House last June only 12 publicans out of 267 in tbody voted against it. And of these 12 only 9 came from the insurgent - There were five from Minnesota. It might be said that the Minnesota delegation in the Lower House is fairly Insurgent, as respects the tariff at least; but Minnesota is the only State of Other than d . The others came from Mis- souri, Pennsylvania and New York, re- spectively. This lack of an insurgent Republican representation of any size in the Lo House during the present Congress so far is a phenomenon that will bear some watching. It must be difficult to explain, for example, why both the Senators from Nebraska vlolm"g‘ op~ a tariff bill—which l:fl y all Republican members the Lower House from the same State voted for. Practically the same situation exists in b e | all the cu%g Couzens tariff, the members of the Lower hardly | trom the same State supporting " D. C., SUNDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 10, 1929, Peace Progress Seen Slow Tragedy of Preparation for War Since Last World Conflict Cited by Senator. BY SENATOR ARTHUR CAPPER. HERE was hope—and there was tragedy, too—in the :flr“""" of Ramsay Macdonald, me minister of Great Britain, before the United States Senate on October 7. Here was a man, the head of the government of the world's greatest em- pire, who had crossed some thousands of miles of ocean to plead the cause of between friendly nations. Before were the men whose assent will be necessary before any definite contract can be made between the British Em- pire and the United States to relieve their people of the great burden of com- petitive naval armament. Here were the “victors” of the war to end wars come to consult how the dan- ger of a war between them might be lessened., And in the realization—un- expressed, but felt alike by all who were there—that 11 years after the armistice of the World War it still remained but Ar CH, 5 e dnef /s v B T 1719 THE FIRST GREAT POST-WAR PEACE CONFERENCE—"]LSOIN 'Q:'SP%:;[ESR{:N 1919. ( FROM A DRAWING BY CYRUS L. BALDRIDGE, FROM o ") an armistice lay the fragedy of the situation. True, the nations engaged in the great war, victor and vanquished alike, as well as scores of other nations, had joined in a solemn pledge not to engag> again in war for the settlement of their dmerenccT Nevertheless, notwithstand- ing that pledge, practically all the great nations were—and still are—increasing their means of killing the people of other nations. Tragedy, indeed, that what are known as “Christian nations” in the twentieth century after Him who came to plead peace on earth, good will among men, are still engaged in fashioning weapons, gases and the seeds of plagues to de- stroy one another. ‘Ten million men, millions of women and children had perished in the last war; yet among the peogle in every land there still remained, ten yeais after, the feeling that the war had not ended: that there was but an armistice. (Continued on Fifth Page.) King Boris Seeks a Queen People of Bulgaria Would Welcome an American Girl for Financial Reasons—Proposed Matches Fail BY RHETA CHILDE DORR HE last eligible King in Europe— Czar Boris III of Bulgaria, to ive him his proper title—has N bet) by rumor so many times within the last few years that the latest almost offi- cial in Rumania, of his approaching marriage with Princess Ileana, only re- maining unmarried daughter of Queen Marie, may be taken with a certain reservation. It is undoubtedly true that King Boris is seeking a bride, for his subjects are most anxious that the dynasty shall be :userved. and as Boris is now in his middle thirties they think that a suitable marriage should be ar- ranged without delay. Boris has, it is true, a younger brother, Prince Cyril, who was recently in this country. But Prince Cyril is 80 unpopular in Bulgaria that it is doubt- ful if he would be accepted as a suc- cessor. The hope of the country is a wife and famly for the present King. No Religious Barrier. In some respects an alliance with a Rumanian - princess would be popular, for the religious barrier, which is said to have broken up a love match between Boris and a daughter of the King of Italy, does not exist in this case. The state religions both of Bulgaria and Ru- mania are Greek Orthodox. Not that Boris, or for that matter Ileana, are personally very particular in regard to creeds—for Queen Marie has retained her membership in the Church of England and she, with one or two of her children, not infrequently attends services in the English Church at Bucharest. As for Boris, he and sisters were all baptized heir to the Bulgarian throne, however, must belong to the state church, when Boris attained the mature nounced by the then prime minister and the government. The infant was snatched from his nursery, dressed in .md-hoed uniform, and in one of the oldest and most historic churches on the Danube was rebaptised into the Greek orthodox faith. With commend- able ard to the feelings of his people, Klgx'om i: h&mnmoc:::la;n his marble an ne Pm" new cathedral in Sofia, as he did in tge old cathedral of Sveti Kral,' destroyed in 1925 by communist dynamite. Aside from their insistence that their must_adhere to the orthodox faith, the Bulgarians free from lay prejudice. Their tolerance and even .non- Christian _religions is visitors, who behold the slender Gothic his brother and Catholics. The are remarkably | d spires and golden crosses of Catholic churches almost side by side with the bulbous domes and triple crosses of the state church. American Methodist and Baptist missionaries build their simple meeting houses and make their converts unmolested, and there is hardly a town in Bulgaria without its ‘sprawling mosque, for hundreds of thousands of King Boris' subjects are Mahometans, descendants of the Turks, who for 500 years ruled the whole Balkan penin- sula. Even the Jews in Bulgaria have never been persecuted. The one barrier between King Boris and Princess Ileana is the sordid ques- tion of money. Bulgaria, which was made to pay an enormous war indem- nity—and paid it, too, without com- plaint—is too poor to afford her King more than a very modest living. The palace in Sofla is small and unpreten- tious, though surrounded by a fine gar- den, and in the middle of the residence section of the capital a ll“'b!l kitchen rden to supply the royal table speaks gl-oquenuy ofp he thrift which the King is obliged to practice. Princess Ilea has no very large dot, so her contribu- tion to the menage would be incon- siderable. ‘The Bulgarians have always hoped that the King would marry a wealthy princess who would not only contribute liberally to charities, but would assist in other ways to bring the country up to western European standards of prosper- ity. For this reason they were de- lighted, a year ago, when a report was spread that Boris was preparing to visit e United States. Both publicly and mltfly the King had declared that he no intention of mal for money, but his subjects, like Tennyson's nnnhz‘rnn &merint'hnught mnprt.y‘ ’:u “going where prup) A short 15 years ago the bare cug- gestion that any girl not of royal blood might aspire to a throne would have been dismissed as preposterous. But since the war the Duke of York, heir presumptive to the most exalted throne in the world, has married a “com-| moner,” and even if the former Lady Elizabeth Bowes Lyon never lives to be Queen herself, it is probable that her | daughter will be the second Queen Elizabeth of England. ‘Two American girls have married into | the royal families of Sweden and Den- | mark and have been received not as morganatic wives, but as princesses. ‘The American, Mrs. Leeds. became the wife of a brother of the King of Greece and her son m lu the ibility discussed as somethin, not the least undesirable. The gir] must be of a good family, it was agreed, and she must be rich, as Boi for a King, is gocn Aside from his salary, which is hardly more than that of our own President, he has nothing at all. Leaving out the question of money, the girl who gets Boris of Bulgaria for & husband will do herself very well in- deed, for a more eligible young man would be hard to find in any country in the world. Young, good looking, per- fectly healthy, clean living, intelligent, cultured and possessed of charming manners, Boris has more to make him attractive than his rank. He is a nat- ural linguist, speaking flawlessly Eng- lish, French, German, Italian, Russian and half a dozen Slav languages besides his own mellifiuous Bulgarian. He rides well, drives a racing car lik profes- sional, plays tennis, shoots, fishes, bot- anizes and takes a keen interest in the development of his country estates, the gardens of which are famous for their rare and exotic flowers. Is a True Cosmopolitan. Boris himself, although he has spent D!'lcflcnl'l?' all his life in his native land, looks and speaks like a true cosmopoli- tan. He is not, as is generally assumed, of German origin, although his father, ex-King Ferdinand, the Old Fox of the Balkans, is a Coburg prince. Boris' maternal grandmother was . Princess Clementine, daughter of Louis Phillipe of France, and his mother was an {talian princess of Bourbon Parma. This makes him far more Latin than German and Latin he is by sympathy, although he likes England and has a warm predilection for Americans. Boris is cosmopolitan by experience also, for in his 35 years of has had adventures enough to qualify him for a hero of Graustark or Ruritania. Thus the girl who marries him need never fear boredom. For this young man has lived through three wars, an several narrow escapes tion. 1In all of these adventures he has borne himself quite like a King of the Oppenheim or Anthony Hope type. Boris' adventures began in the first Balkan War in 1912. King Ferdinand sent his 18-year-old son to the front, and although a prince heritor is never allowed in a post of real danger, Boris managed to see a good deal of the war, in which Bulgaria took first honors. The next year came the second Balkan an “anti-climax for Ferdinand, gave their prize, Macedonia, back to Turkey. However, Bulgaria struck the first blow and, having Serbia, Greece, | P Rumania and the powers against her, she was badly beaten. Then came the World War, and again Ferdinand made a fatal mistake. He swept his country into the melee on the side of the central powers. Whatever Prince Boris thought of his father's action, he fought through three terrible years with the Bulgarian army, and that was an experience that must have robbed him of any boyhood he may have retained. Germany's treatment of her small allies will one day bc written, and the story will not be a pleasant one. Suffice here to say that Bulgaria was used as a source of food and other supplies for the Ger- man and Austrian military forces. In less than three years the country was swept bare of food, clothing, medical supplies, cattle, horses and everything else which could be used for war material. What the Bulgarian army ate, what the men fought with, how their hos- pitals were equlg , is a tale of al- most exactly nothing. Civilians starved and died by thousands, while the fight- ing men died like flies from cholera, smallpox, dysentery, influenza, neg- lected wounds and lack of food. Still they fought on, and Prince Boris stayed with them, sharing their hardships and their , devoting great energy to or- ganizing” and operating fleld hospitals and gi all his income to buy dress- ings and anesthetics. He was 23 years old when he was summoned back to the capital to undertake an adventure more dangerous to him personally than any he had encountered in war. The Bt had not - willingly ulgarians entered the war on the German side ' while they were always ready their hereditary enemies, the Serbs, this war meant fighting theit blood brothers, ‘the Russians, to whom they owed, not 50 years before, their liberation from Turkey. In the mids of their general discoptent a rumor got around in the army that King Ferdi- nand had rented their services to th~ Kaiser for a term of three years, an< in the Summer of 1917 the soldiers de termined that this mercenary bargai should never be renewed. Before tha could hnuypen they would march on Sofla, kill King Ferdinand and pro- claim a republic. 1n September, 1918, the army revolted The soldiers threw down their arms and compelled their commander-in-chief t» for an armistice. Then they started d_has &fim:‘m’:lfi M“""‘g Page) because, to fight BY FRANK H. SIMONDS. HE fall of Briand, followed as it has been by a considerable pe- riod of chaos in French domestic politics, constitutes one of the striking and memorable inci- dents of cotemporary history—striking because it illustrates the complexity and interdependence of European relations; memorable because it emphasizes once more the evils sure to follow the pur- suit of prestige by any single nation. ‘The fall of Briand was the direct con- sequence of the course pursued by Snowden at The Hague conference. To this gathering at the Dutch capital, convoked to arrange for the formal transition from the Dawes to the Young plan, the Labor chancellor came re- solved to win for the newly-installed Socialist ministry glory at home by & vigorous action abroad. In undertaking such a program Snow- den broke deliberately and completely with the policy of his Tory predecessors, and he just as clearly broke with the policy Ramsay Macdonald had adopted during his brief government of 1924. From the fall of Lloyd George in 1922 to the coming of Labor last Summer, British policy has been that of co- operation rather than competition. Dur- ingr the five years that the Tories had been in power European affairs had been actually controlled by three men— Briand, Stresemann and Austen Cham- berlain. All three naturally sought to tries, but all three worked together, each seeking to render easier the situa- tion of the other two at home, and none undertaking to profit at the expense of the others. Domination of British Policy. Before this time, during the post-war years, when Lloyd George was prime minister of Britain, supported by & coalition cabinet, British policy had been dominated by Lloyd George’s con- ception that foreign affairs were actu- ally a sort of duel—a foreign quarrel, conducted with the idea of winning pop- world. And during nearly four years Lloyd George had carried on a consis- tent duel with the various French pre- miers, with Clemenceau at Paris, with Millerand over Polahd, and with Briand both in Europe and in America, where France and Britain had clashed openly at the Naval Conference of 1921-22. ‘The consequences of this duel had disastrous for Europe, since they led to a complete break between Britain and France. They had been fatal to Clemenceau, who had been the advo- cate of Anglo-French alliance, they had been unfortunate for Millerand, who escaped to the presidency before he was overtaken by Clemenceau’s disaster. And they finaly led to the undoing of Briand, who during the Cannes con- ference was unseated as a consequence of d\‘,h;e French resentment over what aceuon "m'em importancé e France of British support. Poincare adopted Lloyd George's tactics, wrecked the Genoa_ conference—which was to have been Lloyd George's triumph and the basis of his a) to the British ;slcwuu—l.nd made inevitable his d, fight British policy and lews of Compromise After Chaos. Lloyd George having fallen, Poincare went into the Ruhr and European order seemed for the moment ho) x ly compromised. After more than a year of chaos—during which Germany was brought to the edge of ruin, France moved rapidly toward the financial which came in 1926, and Britain was condemned to stand impotently aside—Poincare in turn fell, the Bgld- win government shortly gave way to the first Labor ministry and Macdonald and Herriot undertook to restore Anglo- French co-operation. Macdonald shortly gave way to Bald- win, who called Austen Chamberlain to the foreign office, Herriot was replaced by Briand, and Stresemann became the controlling force in German fore affairs. All three men had been taught by the bitter experiences of the recent post-war years, all three set out to work together, the spirit of competition was replaced by one of co-operation and European reorganization was rapidly forwarded. During all this time both Labor and the Liberal fragment in Britain railed at Chamberlain and steadily cultivated the notion that British interests were being sacrificed to French, that British restige was being totally abolished, that British taxpayers were being called upon to pay disproportionately. Labor Exploited Mix-up. ‘These charges having been hurled during the British campaign, nothing was more natural and more inevitable than that, once Labor came to power, it would seek to exploit the situation and satisfy national pride by some dramatic and sensational stroke. That stroke was delivered at The Hague by Snowden and it instantly revived all the conditions that had existed during | the Lloyd George regime. While Bri- tain cheered the success of its repre- sentative in taking money from his French, Italian and Belgian associates —thus repudiating the agreement which the British expert, Sir Josiah Stamp, had pronounced fair during the formulation of the Young plan—the French, Italian and Belgian representa- tives were instantly assailed at home for having yielded. At The Hague the great difference between Briand and Snowden lay in the fact that Briand was working to insure the adoption of the Young plan and to promote general European re- | construction and solidarity, while Snow- den was out to win a purely British triumph at any cost. Briand was work- ing for the general good of Europe. Snowden was endeavoring in insure the continuation of a Labor government by | gaining for it the credit of shining | success. | At The Hague Snowden won; from | that moment Briand's position was | compromised and the whole European atmosphere was changed. In France there was deep and lasting resentment at a national humiliation, in Italy there was violent anger at what was_inter- nreted as a deliberately anti-Fascist Jolicy on the part of Labor. In this situation the French Chamber of Depu- ties, in which Briand's majority was “recarious, instantly became restive. Lack of Decisive Majority. serve the legitimate ends of their coun- | When one turns to the French Cham- | >r of Deputies, where the decisive ac- on must now take place, it is clear aat there 1s a complete lack of any 2cisive majority. There is, on the one side, a rather closely united bloc made | up of the Right parties, who are loosely kdeuflbed at Nationalist. It is from ! this group that Poincare drew his main support di his_three years in of- fice, and to it Briand was forced to turn during his brief sta; On the other side of 'a combination of the Left Radicals and the Socialists by Da- | the total timq BRIAND’'S FALL DECLARED 'DUE TO SNOWDEN’S COURSE ! British Chancellor Worked for Nation’s Triumph at Hague, French Premier for European Solidarity ladier and Blum, as Marin, Maginot and Mandel head the Right parties. In 1924 this combination, the Cartel des Gauches, upset Poincare and made Herriot prime minister, but it collapsed in_the face of the financial crisis of 1926, when Poincare had to be recalled to save the franc, At the last election, that of 1928, the results were 50 indecisive that neither the Right nor the Left can count a safe or lasting majority, and the whole situation is floating. A further complication is added by the fact that the Left is naturally sym- pathetic with Briand’s policy of con- ciliation and concession, while the ‘Rixht is just as instinctively suspicous and hostile. Nevertheless the Left has long been eager to get back into office, to get rid of the Right cabinet which surrounded Briand and put its own men in power. That is why it joined hands with the Right in the recent crisis. As for the Right, it seized upon the Snow- den episode to unseat Briand, because it was hostile to his whole conception. As the situation now stands it is equally possible to form a temporary cabinet by & combination of the Radi- cal Socialists of the Left with the Mod- erate group—constituting a center and holding the balance of power—or by & combination of the Right and this same center. But in either case the tion. would be slight and the prospects of survival small. In either case Bri- ficult situation, and his ha be too completely for ture any such concessions at, say, the London conference, as he did at The Hague. Iliness Opened Door. For more than three been: ln)son of tacit tr’use? mfi politics $o far as foreign affairs are concerned. The combined tige of ;ou"l'::rne and Briand has T operations. Poincare’: withdu'llp:.! a tuultsrl‘ bad lw.l!: opened the. door and Briand's loss of prem‘:e at The Hague completed the T, Moreover, one must that the overthrow of dl':olb'liy gxle dell)il of ?Lreumnn is bound to ve reciprocal consequences alike P G " us, without undertal in any exaggerated penm g be stated that both the Young Plan and the naval conference have been in real jeopardy. At The Hague, o den flung a brick into the long tran- pool of European and the ularity at home and prestige in the disasf Free State Rallways are compe! the traffic of pilgrims. The Pettigot, from which Lough Derg is reached is Ulster border, and the getting there has been Ssottisn by combint m.‘" n, by coml transport, has found an effective competition. age dating from as far AD, and to pe, rly from to August it l"ry::h’“thwml’ s , mot only from all parts of Ireland but from England, Scotland and even America. It means a three-day fast on dry Sread and black tea, a barefooted round of the penitential beds, and an all-night sleepless vigil in the church. Yet every year sees people of all classes from the Ehreli:entmlntd hr‘fh officials down to e humblest performing these trying spiritual exercises. . Airplanes Will Link Tokio and Dairen Plans are being rushed for the open- ing of the projected air line, using American planes, between Tokio and Dairen and the first machine is ex- pected to take passengers th Toute by April 1. If the ntmov:rplmg are carrfed out it will the most extensive passenger air service in the Far East. Dairen is at the tip of the Liaotung Peninsfila, which extends south between Korea and the China coast. It is roughly 1,000 miles from Tokio, but in order to obviate the long flight over the Sea of Ji m the will go down the main ~ of Japan, turn northward over Korea, finally going west from Seoul, the caj , to Dairen. There will be three be- tween Tokio and Dairen, the first at Osaka, 300 miles from Tokio; - to Dairen is 325 miles. The rate for one Jjourney is $72.50. It is estimated that Tokio to Dairen | will be 13 hours and 50 minutes. New Order Separates Paris Yanks’ School Due to pronounced increase in en- rollment, the board of directors of the American high school in Paris has de- cided to separate the pupils of grammar school age from the th school. ‘Thus this Fall will see thle“‘ of the sb;th v'ehle.r hu:“thaonm indepe; Yyear for institution, o Howard B. Silsbee, its principal. Snu the children of American children living in Paris are admitted to this school, which, with a student body of 150, ha its own athletic contests, its school alma mater written by Lucille B. Umbreit ! the June graduating class, its school clubs and outside activities. The cur- riculum is the same as that of a school in the States with the advantage of having native teachers for the lan- Among the 15 to receive di- on June 22 (11 of whom are for Harvard, Vassar, Smith, Chi- mfl Barnard) is & Zukovsky.