Evening Star Newspaper, November 10, 1929, Page 33

NEW ERA OF DIPLOMACY SEEN IN PREMIER’S VISIT Less Formality Followed in Relations| of Representatives of Foreign Nations Than in Past. BY RAYMOND LESLIE BUELL. O better illustration of the new method and the new spirit that has come to invade the very old profession of diplohacy may be found than the *ecent visit of the prime minister of Gre1t Britain, the Right Honorable J. Ramsay Macdonald, to thlz country. In 6lden times the visit of the head ©f one state to another was the occa- sion of much solemn ceremony—of much courtly ritual. But Mr. Macdon- &ld and President Hoover and all those With whom they came in contact moved in an atmosphere of quiet simplicity and spontaneous genuineness which is the roduct of a new friendliness and a new ocracy that has entered interna- tional affairs. From ancient times until recently phi- losophers as well as common people have looked upon the profession of diplomacy | with a distrustful eye. It was Socratez ‘who sald the rulers of the state are the only persons who ought to: have the privilege of lying. either at home or abroad. And in the seventh century Sir Henry Wotton coined that famous sav- ing, “An ambassador is an honest man sent to lie abroad for the common- wealth.” ‘The suspicion which surrounded a diplomat's existence may be imagined for a law passed by one of the Italian city states in 1268 declaring then that an ambassador could not take his wile with him to a foreign pcst, lest she divulge his business: the same law, how- ever, required him to take his own cook, est ‘he be poisoned by enemies! So strongly had the custom of duplicity be- come intrenched in the profession of diplomacy that one of the most clever of all diplomats, Bismarck, instructed his agents to deceive their adversaries ply by telling the truth. Distrust Ruled Old Day. Thus diplomacy until 'was enshrouded with an atmosphere of suspicion and untrustworthiness. And this atmosphere persisted down until the ‘World War. Europe was divided into two groups, the central powers and the allies, each armed to the teeth, each watching the move of the others with suspicion and dread. Diplomacy was carried on in/secret; when communica- tions were exchanged, every word was examined in the hope of revealing a hidden meaning or of putting the oppo- nent in a trap. Diplomatic moves were furthered by jingoist newspaper cam- paigns often acting under government orders. This campaign of deceit had reached ch a height that just before the out- break of the World War Russian spies continually pried into the correspond- ence of the French Ambassador in Mos- lcow, despite the fact that France and [Russia were allies, Following the out- break of the war in 1914, the govern- ments nfiubflshea documents attempting to justify their position, but historians [now reveal that these governments de- iberately suppressed or falsified docu- jments which to show their own guilt. These diplomats of the great [powers were genuinely attempting to the interests of their own coun- s, but they were ifed in a sys- m which placed the interests of the ite above all morality and sooner or later meant disaster to every nation’ in- olved. The first characteristic of the jold diplomacy this characteristic of tear, suspicion, in! e and distrust, In 1815 Diplomacy Danced. ‘The second characteristic of the old diplomacy was characteristic of plurge” and “position.” Diplomats 0 cared more about gayety and good ines than they did about the trans- on of official business. The Prince de Ligne once declared that the Con- ess of Vienna (of 1815) does not walk, byt it dances. At this conference the fate of peoples was often decided in the jmidst of a ball! For centuries diplo- matic gatherings were the scenes of plendor and of fineries; knee breeches nd wigs were the order of the day. Controversies over questions of prece- flence were, moreover, frequent and se- In 1661 the retainers of the ench and Spanish bassadors [fought a pitched battle outside the city of London to determine which of the iwo dignitaries should precede the other Into the city. ‘Weeks and even months were expend- ed in determining the seating of diplo- mats at conference tables or in decid- the title by which a particular king pr his diplomatic representatives should pe addressed. The most classic exam- ples of the old diplomacy may be found the negotiation of the famous treaty pf Ryswick of 1697. The historian [Macaulay, in his history of England, Ils how_the allies on the one hand. d_the French on the other, arrived it Ryswick in many coaches and six, ttended by harbingers, footmen and pages. It was necessary to hold several meetings to decide how many carriages, how many horses, how many lackeys, oW many pages each Minister should be entitled to bring to Ryswick; whether e serving men should carry canes or ords, and who should take the upper nd in the public walks. According to caulay, the chief business of Harlay nd Kaunitz, the two chief negotiators, 'was to watch each other’s legs. Neither pf them thought it consistent with the dignity of the crown which he served o advance toward the other faster than ie_other advanced toward him. If, herefore, one of them went too quickly, he went back to the door and the stately minuet began again.” Many Ceremonial Issues. At one diplomatic conference in ope more than 15 months were required to settle questions of etiquette jand ceremonial. Should this delegate jhe called excellency? Should the dele- te from State A on call on the dele- te of State B or should the delegate of State B call first? At another con- [ference it was necessary to erect a new Ihall s0 that there would be enough doors for delegates of equal diplomatic rtance to enter at the same time. [All this bickering over position was disgusting to that great philosopher, Jean Jacques Rousseau, who railed against congresses “which go solemnly from assembly to assembly to say pothing, where all public affairs are treated privately, where we deliberate in ‘gommon whether the table will be | d or square, whether the hall will have more doors or less, whether such and such a plenipotentiary will have his face or back toward the window; whether such and such another will qmake two inches progress, more or less, in one visit, and on a thousand ques- tions of like importance, uselessly agi- tated for three centuries . . .” Back of all this struggling was the belief that to give the representative of one mmonarch less recognition than the rep- yesentative of another meant fastening @ position of international inferfority upon the former country by the other powers. Despite the passage of several hun- years, diplomacy down until the putbreak of the World War was marked this same show of pretense, this same spirit of suspicion, the same fear that cvery country was scheming to put the other in a position of inferiority. Ju was a system which looked upon international intercourse, not as co- pperation n_advancing mutual strug- to guard against more open wars which most governments regarded or later as inevitable. During this pre-war period diplomatic confer- 2 were held only as a last resort. ternational negotiations were carried on by skilled intermediatories—profes- diplomats; but the ministers re- ble for ?olh:y seldom met each Eritian sectetary of forelgm aTeiry, secretary of fore airs, l?l.l had visited the m:fi'enc only twice during Lis life, before the out- preaof the World Waz. ‘Today, however, a new spirit and a dificulties over diplor ing confidential documents from other countries. Nevertheless, diplomacy in the modern day is much less insistent upon formal ceremony than it was in the pre-war age. A new spirit of frank- ness and of ‘pittiless publicity” has come, moreover, to pervade the conduct of world affairs. Private conversations necessarily take place between govern- ments as between business men, but the principle is gradually coming to be established that not only should all agreements be published but that many sessions of diplomatic conferences should similarly be open to the world. The League of Nation's organizations have gone the limit in providing for open | diplomacy. While the Council of the League may hold private sessions in discussing the appointment of officials | and other delicate matters, the minutes of all public and private sessions are immediately published as & matter of | official record. The State Department | of the United States is also taking the | lead in keeping the public informed of public affiairs. Through the system of press releases, which hitherto have been mimeographed but hereafter are to be printed, the American newspapers re- ceive more documents regarding foreign ~ What of Future Wars? new method has come into the conduct | | of international affairs. There are still| tic precedence. Many governments still'maintain secret | services which spend their time in steal- | AN AERIAL “DOG FIGH BY JOSEPH CAILLAUX. HE more I meditate on past policy than do the press of either France or England. Inspired by Good Will. ‘Thus diplomacy has become less for- mal and more o] What is of even more importance, diplomacy is now car- ried on in a spirit of good will to & greater extent than ever before. The old diplomacy was based on the assump- tion that the interests of two nations usually conflicted, that one nation should never be caught off guard. The done much to change this attitude. In the joint statement of October 9 President Hoover and Prime Minister Macdonald declared that the relations of Great Britain and the United States would henceforth be conducted on the assumption that war between the two countries had been banished. The two countries would work together in the promotion of peace on the assumption that the interests of every nation were advanced by peace and that the inter- ests of every nation were injured by war. Professional diplomats are steeped in the war tradition, and it has been diffi- cult for them, therefore, to cast off the old suspicions and the old cynicism. The result has been a growing distrust of the professional diplomat and the appointment to important diplomatic posts of men who have distinguished themselves in the public eyes for ability and fair dealing in non-diplomatic fields. Thus President Coolidge sent Dwight Morrow to Mexico. Only a few months before his appointment war be- tween the two countries was actually threatened. One government issued a bitter statement, only to bring a more bitter reply from the other. Dwight Morrow went to Mexico without any of the small man’s desire to win party ad- vantage. He went there with a great sympathy for the national aspirations of the Mexican people and with a de- sire to prove to Mexico that the United States could be a helpful friend. By means of this spirit Mr. Morrow revolutioned the relation between these two countries. In the light of this new spirit, political problems which at one time seemed unsolvable have alread: beeq or are on the way of being solved. Dawes an Example. President Hoover proceeded upon the same principle in naming Charles G. Dawes as Ambassador to London. The results of the appointment of a man whose very fiber is made of frankness and sincerity were soon made manifest in a tentative naval agreement between England and the United States. which will form the basis of the London con- ference this January. A second development in American diplomacy has been the appointment of outstanding men in public life to at- tend certain international meetings in the capacity of “experts.” The most conspicuous” examples of this develop- ment was the appointment of Gen. Dawes and Owen Young to the repara- tions committee in 1924, and the ap- pointment of Mr. Young and J. P. Mor- gan to the reparations committee in 1929. Another equally important ex- ample was the eppointment of Elihu Root as a member of the committee of legal experts to revise the statute of the World Court, ané to devise a formula making it possible for the United States to enter the World Court. ‘This type of man commands such re- spect in his community that his recom- mendation as an “expert” is likely to carry more weight than the formal signature of a professional diplomat. ‘The final and not the least impor- tant development in this new diplomacy is the establishment of an interna- tional conference system which peri- brings together in personal contact statesmen and experts (in con- trast to the diplomats) of the leading countries of the world. This confer- ence system has been established by the League of Nations. representing each of the 54 mcmber states, meets annually at Geneva; the Councl, representing 14 governments, will meet henceforth three times a yea! In addition, dozens of meetings of vari. ous expert and advisory bodies, such as the Mandates Commission, the Opium Commission, and the financial commit- tee, meet at Geneva. Heart to Heart Talks. ‘While these bodies transact many items of officlal League business, their meetings also give an opportunity for statesmen to have heart-to-heart talks regarding their problems which are not technically within the jurisdiction of the League of Nations. The vast im- provement in relations between France and Germany probably would not have taken place had the conduct of affairs between these two governments been intrusted to French and German Am- bassadors. This vast improvement was due to the friendship and confidence which Foreign Prime Min'ster Briand and Foreign Minister Stresemann (whose recent death is so widely lamented), built up at periodic meetings of the League Councll at Geneva. Such are the changes in the new diplomacy in comparison with the old —Iless formality and less distrust, more friendliness and good will. Treaties and documents are important registers of international progress. But treaties are merely the result of the spirit which animates their negotiator: The triumphs of the new diplomacy a another {llustration of that gre: y: ing, “The letter killeth, but the spirit giveth life.” English System T_ried Out in German Court A German court has for the first time tried out the English system of cross- | questioning, and, as reported, with de- cided success. According to German regulations in criminal cases, the exam- ination of the prisoner and witnesses is left to the chief judge, whereas lnlzlhh eav- on at the Schoeffengericht Ber- carried lin-Mitte in order to obtain ‘The Assembly, | ye: events the harder I find it to control my anger against the men who plunged Europe and the world into the cataclysm of 1914-"18. Let us not invoke some vague pres- sure of circumstances nor drag in the law of historical materialism—a very debatable subject in any event—to ex- plain the catastrophe. I maintain with the German writer, Emil Ludwig, that neither trade jealousy nor national hos- tility, no reason bound up with material recent years | conclusion of the anti-war pact has|[or moral order, made war a necessity, this war of chancelleries. “Europe,” says the German author, with whose statement I almost fully agree, ‘“can blame no ‘tregical necessity,’ no ‘fatal entanglement,” for the sacrifice of 10, 000,000 of her sons, but solely the con- duct of her leaders. ‘Were it but finished! If only we were convinced that the disaster would not be repeated! ‘The most terrible consequence of the drama, however, has been its effect on the minds of men. In the years prior to 1914 a general conflagration ap- peared improbable, an anachronism. ‘Had not civilization made prodigious strides during the last 50 years, multi- plying the commerce between, countries, making the facilities of communication a hundred times greater and drawing nations closer together from day to day? Was not humanity moving toward union among its peoples? How was it possible for this vast movement to be suddenly destroyed or broken up? That would be a return to barbarism, said everybody, and rivers do not flow back to their sources. BY HENRY W. BUNN. ‘The following is & brief summary the most important news of the worl for the seven days ended November 9: THE BRITISH EMPIRE.—The 839th lord mayor of London, to wit, Sir Wil- liam Waterlow, took office on November 8. The next day the lord mayor’s show, most delightful of functions, took place, followed by the lord mayor’s banquet at the Guildhall, most sumptuous of feasts. On November 5 the House of Com- mons approved the government's pro- posal of resumption of diplomatic rela- tions with Soviet Russia and its pro- method thereof, after turning down, 324 to 199, a motion offered by Stanley Baldwin censuring the govern- ment for its manner of dealing that affair. The Liberals, holding the bal- ance of power, threw their votes to the government, only three Conservatives supporting it. The debate was long and heated. It will be recalled how diplo- matic relations were broken off in May, 1927, under most dramatic circum- stances. . ‘Happily the rumors, widely put about to the effect that the Labor govern- ment cont:mplates to move immediately for dominion status for India seem to have been falsified. A correspondence between Sir John Simon and Prime Minister Macdonald has just been pub- lished which discloses the intention of the vernment to make further ap- nmc‘: toward solution of the Indian problem by way of a three-cornered conference in which representatives of the British government, of British India, and of the Indian native states (ruled by Indian princes with a cer- tain measure of British supervision), respectively, should participate. It is expected that the early of the coming year will see publis n of the report of the parliamentary commission headed by the eminent Liberal, Sir John Simon, which, commencing about two s ago, made an elaborate study on the ground of the working of the Dyarchy system in India. But what is this? With the above- mentioned correspondence was published a statement issued on October 31, to the people of India by Lord Irwin, viceroy of India, as follows: “I am authorized on behalf of the government to state clearly that in its judgment it is implicit in the declaration of 1917 that the natural issue of India’s consti- tutional progress as there contemplated is the attainment of a dominion status.” That s, to be sure, merely a restatement, of long-established policy, and moreover very cautfously worded; it does not hint early concession of dominion status. Yet its issue is bound to arouse hopes in that sense: it can only be explained by extraordinary reasons. ‘There are such reasons. Obviously, ‘Whitehall and the British government in India are greatly alarmed over the threat of violent measures on the grand scale by Indian agitators. It may scarcely be doubted that Lord Irwin was instructed from London to issue the statement in the hope of thus fore- stalling hideous developments. But it may plausibly be urged that this action has desperately prejudiced British policy relative to India; that in conse- quence thereof the grant of dominion status will have to be hastened, per- e | haps fatally hastened, a considerable period of progressive training of India for self-government having been con- templated, in the course of which Hindu and Moslem should be induced to work together and a satisfactory formula should be evolved for amalgamating the native states with British India. A reply of Capt. Wedgwood Benn to a parliamentary interpellation is none too reassuring, as follows: “Questions of policy involving changes either in time or in substance cannot be considered until the Simon commis- sion and the Indlan central committee have submitted their reports and until after the British and Indian govern- ments have considered them and there has been the proposed three-party con- ference on the whole matter.” The issue of Indian policy bids fair to rival or transcend in importance any other of the great issues confronting the .| new Parliament. T" ABOVE THE ARGONNE, ‘Where shall we find anybody at the present day to assert that we think as we did in 1910 or 1913? Certainly, slaughter and devastation are of too recent a date to be easily forgotten. Nobody wants to hear of a return to these horrors. But new wars are, nevertheless, not regarded as impossible. We have become accustomed to the idea of carnage. We almost admit| its periodicity. Juarres wrote in 1889: “War is not killed by waging war.” I go further: “We foster war by waging war.” Now, what would & new war be like? It would be commonplace to say that there would be as much difference be- tween the hecatomb of a future war was between the world conflict and the little war of 1870-'711 On this point all are agreed. And to think that the childhood of us Frenchmen was lulled by the lamentations of our parents and grandparents on the drama of 1870! Two hundred and fifty thousand of ours had disappeared. The Prussians, as we then used to call them, had occupied part of French territory and their hand fell heavily upon our fel- low citizens. What tales were not told on this subject! The conclusion was always the same: May you never see such times as those my children.” We have witnessed the abominations of 1914-'18. Our offspring, should a new up- heaval shake humanity, would behold —nay, would actually participate in— an infernal outbreak of horrors and torments. In fact, we must dispel ail illusions. The last war was a war of heavy ar- tillery, machine guns, submarines. The y of New Deadly Chemicals as Means of Fighting Reviewed by Statesman. AMERICAN TROOPS RESTING AT CHATEAU.THIERRY. next war, were humanity foolish enough to permit it, would be a war of chem- istry, a war of gases. In 1914-1918 the combatants fell by the million. In the year X, which I sincerely hope will not find a place in the calendar, the ecivil population would be annihilated and there would be no place for their pres- ervation. 7y Statistics on Gas Fatalities. I understand that there are military experts eager to declare that gases are not so horrible as is reported, that they are the least dangerous arm of modern warfare, and they justify this assertion by quoting statistics. They maintain that the proportion of soldiers killed among those that were gassed is small, and the massacre of 1914-'18 as there | gte TTiN this strange mania for forecast- ing the future by the past persist con- tinually? Less than 20 years ago, in 1911, when I was at the head of the government, at the time of Agadir, I collected the opinions of military ex- | They perts on the subject of aviation. were all of opinion that it could play no part in war. Had war broken ous then events would have immediately falsified their views. But what re- mained of their prophecy in the Au- tumn of 1014, three years later? What was left, long before 1914, of the positive assertion—the echo of which I heard in my infancy—as to the harmlessness of artillery? “Artil- !zry merely makes & noise,” they used say. battles. The only weapon that counts is the rifle,” they added in 1869. Belated gentlemen, please read what I am about to write and what follows. Then be good enough to reflect. Guided by the past, you speak only “The infantry is the queen of | (Etchings by Lester G. Hornby.) of two or three gases: chlorine, phos- gene, mustard gas. Do you quite under- stand what considerable progress—you know the meaning I attach here to the word “progress”—has been made since the end of the World War? It is impossible at present to give the number of gases which would be em- ployed should there be a new outbreak. A well informed journal admits that more than a thousand usable |{ would have to be reckoned with. hat is certain, in any case, is that of late years gases have been discovered which are 50 and even 100 times more ef- fective than those known in 1918. New Deadly Chemicals. Also more deadly! We now have gases—I spare my readers their scien- tific designation—which penetrate the skin without making any wound and without the person's being able to notice it. Their effect later is to bring about violent convulsions, followed by “chronic and incurable” mental dis- orders. All should be able to under- stand the significance of these words. ‘What is really . diabolical is that these tortures are intended not merely for the soldiers, but for those behind the armies, the civil population in particular. The German officer Endres says in his book, “The War of Gases': “The terrible and hideous part of the new system of warfare is not simply the employment of gases as a new weapon, but the change made in the objects of war, *~e & “Wholesale slaughter of the eivil population as a system and object of war; the fact that the ome who ki (Continued on Fourth Page.) tory the Week Has Told succeeded in forming a government. The radical Socialists having refused his offer 6f participation, his choice was confined to the Center and Right. The new government closely approximates in complexion the late Briand govern- ment, including the most important members of that government with the exception of Painleve. Tardieu is again minister of the interior, Briand of foreign affairs, Cheron of finance and Leygues of the navy. A very important appointment is that of Andre Maginot in succession to Painleve as secretary of war, evidently made to placate and reassure the Republican-Democratic or margin group of the far Right, for Maginot (he was minister for the col- onies in the late government) is a very determined advocate of a strong policy of national defense. On November 7 Tardieu read his min- isterial declaration to the Chamber, and debate followed for two days before the vote was taken to decide his fate. Tar- dieu made certain important fiscal promises. He promised expenditures of the equivalent of $70,000,000 for the benefit of agriculture, including endow- ment of the Institute for Agricultural Research; of $60,000,000 for schools, hospitals, sanitoriums and other instru- ments of social welfare, and of $70,- 000,000 for miscellaneous public works, as improvement of roads, ports and canals, extension of electrification and of telephone and radio services, etc. He also promised important tax reductions, including a reduction by 10 per cent of all salary income taxes. The declaration unequivocally ap- proved Briand’s acts and policies rel; tive to The Hague, Rhineland evacu: tion and the Saar, but gave assurance that the Rhineland would not be evac- uated prior to definite institution of the Young plan, and further reassured the Right by pledging swift action toward MAN who knows Scotland told me of his experience with a Scotch shepherd. The shepherd A e an un sheep. W own peculiar call, every one of them, no matter how distant, raised his head and started straight for home. The visitor begged for a chance to try his calling powers. He cupped his hands over his mouth and emitted a noise which to his own ears sounded exactly Maybe there i flock; and if s you. When sheep are h they will follow only their own shepherd, but a sick one may go modern parents for devoting too much time and attention to our physical well being. Says such a critic body is important, but it given to us not to be ex- alted, but to be disciplined and put down. To lay so much em- phasis on the physical added that our ancestors, by neglecting their bod in the interests of their souls, beat us to Heaven by an average of 20 refortification of the eastern frontiers answerably to the very latest develop- ments in military technique. The following glances at the coming five-power naval conference: “We shall watch not less carefully over the liberty of our communica- tions with our colonial empire. Only a people who are strong and calm can work usefully for peace.” ‘The chief spokesman of the bitter- enders of the opponents of a generous policy toward Germany was Franklin Boulllon, convert from the Left, and bitter was his onslaught. As to Tar- dieu's domestic program, he had found the radical Socialists out bathing and had stolen their clothes; not a word, apparently, was sald against the do- mestic program. Briand and Tardleu spoke in reply to Franklin Bouillon, hardly ever was oratory more effective. The govern- ment received a majority of 71 in a vote on_ a motion for confidence; whereas 1 had scarcely dared to count on a majority greater than 10 to 15. Presumably the government received practically all the votes of all the groups from but exclusive of the radical So- clalists on the Left to and inclusive of the Republican-Democratic union on the Right, and in addition a good many radical Soclalists’ votes. It is of note in that connection that, in refusing participation in the proposed new gov- ernment, the radical Socialist party machine voted an “open mind' toward that government. So the memorable crisis is over and, happily, the new government has a certain look of solidity. Tardieu's man- agement since he undertook the Presi- dent’s mandate has been of a quite unsurpassed elegant efficiency. How one could wish to have heard that two- hour speech of Briand's, said to have Do We Put Too Much Emphasis on Health? BY BRUCE BARTON. years. They matured young, worried much and died in what we now regard as early middle were truly religious, whether is possible to be religious in the best if one i to mortify the body. He chained himself to the top of a pillar and became so loathsome that ed in his flesh, and he did not attempt to pick them out, he regarded his suffer- am of grace. ow such an idea could have been born out of the teaching: of the healthy outdoor Jesus one of the mysteries of the ag He mortified no bodi He led them, built them rejoicing. St. Paul, the great disciple, loved games, races and fights. 1f it be argued that most of the philosophers have been men of poor health, | venture to contend ophy than use. And that what is more im- portant is more normal, laugh- ing, optimistic women and men. Health prophyl A healthy boy would much go to @ ball park than a saloon. It's the weak, nervous creatures who demand the stimulus of d sipation. Just as the weal sheep go off when a false voice calls. (Copyright, 1020.) On the Bth, both | been the crowning oratorical effort of his career, ROk k% GERMANY.—Yés, indeed; dne should are hatcihed. We had been assured that the German Nationalists had fail- ed by a humiliating margin ‘to’ secure the required number of subscriptions to a petition for reference of their “Hberty bill” to the- German people (the bill which proposes rejection of the Young plan) should, as seems cer- tain, the Reichstag accept the Young plan. It now turns out that the re- quired number was, after all, obtained; Jjust. It is, however, alleged that the Nationalists employed illegal methods on a considerable scale to obtain sig- natures, and there seems a possibility | that enough will be invalidated to kill the petition. Dr. Julius Curtius has been appointed foreign minister of Germany in succes- sion to the late Dr. Stresemann, he had been acting foreign minister since Stresemann’s death. He was an inti- mate friend of Stresemann and is in full agreement with the Stresemann policies. He is a lawyer by profession and is said to be a man of culture and scholarship. ~ Helmuth Albrecht, like Curtlus of the People’s party, succeeds :she“l:::te{ I.:dmltt‘lés!er of economy; he ve len ey ly ed with the potash * ok ok % CHINA.—Dispatches of the fourth instant told of a very serious reverse to Natlonalist forces in the vicinity of Lao- Ho-Kan in Northwest Hupeh, while other dispatches of the same date re- ported an important Nationalist success some 50 miles west of Chenchow in Honan. Dispatches of the 5th an- nounced a Kuominchun victory in the vicinity of Yenshi on the Lunghai Rail- way, a little east of the city of Honan, while other dispatches of the same date vaguely indicated success, however, slow, of the Kuominchun thrust down the Han River. Reports persisted import- ing treasonable defections from the Na- tionalist cause and loyalties to Nanking maintained only at a heavy price. That important gentleman, Yen Hsi- Shan, governor of Shansi, seemed to be sitting on the fence, as usual. The previous week's announcement from Nanking that he had definitely declared for the Nationalist cause and that his forces, descending from Shansi would soon be attacking the Kuominchun in rear, seemed to have been falsified, though, on the other hand, one lent a very dubitating ear to Feng Yu-Hslang's alleged assertion (said to have been ‘n{'\n e to foreign correspondents) that Ten was in complete accord with him. 0 repeat, Yen seemed to be sitting on the fence as usual, and the thought sug- gested itself that it might not be too unfair to the Confucian benevolence of \{enu character to conceive that he would not be altogether unhappy should the belligerents “liquidate” each other and choke up the yellow springs, thus :lf:gzgln. wider scope for his benev- On the whole, things lool black for the Nlfionllfi l:lukl:.d I;Ifi:": cable of the eighth instant, quoting a Nationalist news agency, carried an ac- mialunt of a sweeping Nationalist victory .Pr ul’g‘nl the lines in Honan and Hupeh reotv ces; 50,000 rebels captured, the 5; in retreat. Moreover, Yen Hsi- an_ really mobllizing to’ attack the llflmmlm:h\m Of course, this report, like all reports from or as'from Chinese ":;r ronts, decidedly calls for confirma- n. As to meh it NIA reasonable to e el S ationalists have ictory, to the Nationalist nd:yothem:“fseng?m * X X % UNITED STATES OF o, The recent little unnlelun:n’;l!l?xx\CVAllll Street has left many persons sadder, though, considering the human cap- not count one's chickens before .they |is GENEVA LEAGUE MEETINGS MARKED BY INFORMALITY Physical Setting Simple and Precedence Omitted, While Most of Delegates Wear Sack Suits. Note: The author of this article is a grandson Ew?;'am .Iuli:(u Seelye, distingu 'mer presi- dmly;/ Ambherst College, and is him- self a graduate of Amherst and of Union Seminary. Since 1919 he has been professor of philosophy and psychology at the American Uni- versity, Beirut, Syria. He is first cousin of Prof. Julius Seelye Birler of Smith College. The following ar- ticle appeared in the Congrega- tionalist. BY LAURENS H. SEELYE. ROM the beginning I had had & keen but rather philosophical in- terest in the League of Nations. Ten years of living in the Near East _has, however, enabled me to hear the point of view of the peoples there. They had expected marvelous things of the League. It was to have settled their problems of race, religion and _ “self-determination. Through its healing, almost miraculous intervention, was to have arrived the new day. Instead of this the League remained off in the distance like a sort of political deus ex machina, to ‘whom prayers and petitions have becn wafted from hearts of Oriental votaries. The deus has not thrust down a mighty hand to punish adversdries, to write laws, to command order instantaneous- ly. For the most part the prayers lave | ceased, and to the mention of the name “League of Nations” shoulders are shrugged and chins lifted in scorn. With this background I came to the city of Geneva on the tenth anniversary the League. c"rhe physical setting of the assembly is simple _enough suit an early Quaker. The corner stone has beerr laid for the new “palais” which is to house the activities of the secretariat and provide a meeting place tor the assembly; but in the meantime the League uses buildings of the city of Geneva (with the exception of the In- ternational Bureau of Labor, which has its own building on the shore cf the lake). The place of the assembly is an ordinary hall, with main floor and two galleries. On the floor sii the delega- tions from the governments holding membership in the League. The region of the rostrum has three levels; the Jowest, on which stands tle speaker of the moment, flanked by official inter- preters; the second, on which sits the chairman of the mbly (this year a representative from Salvador), flanked by an interpreter and representative of the secretariat, and a wide, higher level for members of the secretasiat. The galleries inclose three tides of the hall. They are occupied by the press and by visitors. The only decoraions are signs ordering “silence” and re- questing people not to applaud—both of which are disregarded by the visitors and delegates. During the speaking of some representative not known to the audience, the talking among delegates and visitors becomes so loud that the chairman riodically whacks on his desk, his interpreter rises and (with tone and enunciation quite inaudible until one has heard him half a dozen times) “requests silence.” When a man like nd or Macdonald or Stresemann speaks, the crowd of vis- itors enforces its own silence. Meeting Is Described. The assembly meeting opens with & S statement of business by the chairman m&d in English his interpreter. first speaker mounts the' tribune below him and starts in. With pencil point !nurgre&fl;: . of ' the il Cou el o ot et L1 n, or il shorthand notes 'if 1t is ex tempore. Eng- lish or French speeches are translated into the other language after the speak- er has finished; and speeches in non- official languages are translated into the two official languages by interpret- ers standing in the speakers’ place on the tribune. During the speeches, and especially during the interpretations, delegates walk in or out of the hall, greet each other sotto voice, or take their assigned seats. In the galleries there is considerable movement to and fro, due to the large number of visitors entitled to standing room only. It be- hooves the lucky holder of an individual seat ticket to remember that the stand- ard of honesty in regard to seats is about the same as that of college pro- fessors in regard to books! An am- plifier (unc:lg:fl ‘!rér’uudlcluy with gusts of throaty iculation. Naturally, the personnel is varied. Among visitors who pack the galleries at important sessions, one notices most- ly intelligentsia type, American and Northern European, the English lan- guage being most frequently heard among them. If they cannot under- least they have seen the famous man, and the following morning at 9 o'clock, by paying 50 cents, any one can attend Prof. Zimmern's illuminating com- mentative lecture on the events and speeches of the previous day. As the visitor looks down from the gallery to on the main floor, he is tempted to as- sert that the greatest unsolved problem curity, but is that of the discovery of an efficacious hair-restorer. The official printed list of delegates and the floor plan provide study for the visitor's dull moments. He can watch some distinguished or indistinguished figure enter the door, follow him to his seat, and then identfy him by means of the list. Thumbing it further. he meditates on what an Italian ‘“pleni- potentiayy (second class)” means; he notes that the British delegation leads the world with 10 private secretaries, and that the names of two ministers of religion are found among the delega- tions, one a pastor from Denmark and the other a priest from Germany—both substitutes. He is amazed to find in the delegation from Holland the followin, name, “Raden Adipati Ario Achm Djdjadiningrat”—explained when fur- ther reading shows he was a former re- gent of Batavia in the Dutch East In- dies. Some 10 women also are listed as degelation members or substitutes from the following countries: Rumania, Norway, Lithuania, Hungary (Countess Apponyi, who is delegate along with her husband), Finland, Denmark, Canada, Czechoslovakia, Australia and the Brit- ish Empire, Delegates Seated Alphabetically. ‘The procedure is quite without the ceremonial which the history books have depicted as essential in international intercourse. Was it not at the Congress of Vienna that the 'gr:bl!m of prec- edence was solved by representatives of five nations entering five simultaneously? Here the delegations are seated alphabetically in the hall. Members walk in and out of the doors since April 9, 1925, over a very trying riod peO'I'l November 5 Erick Louw, first minister of the Union of South Africa to the United States, presented his credentials to President Hoover. This country will soon reciprocally establish a legation in South Africa. * kK X NOTES.—The other day a body of| Albanian deputies waited upon King| Zog to present a memorandum of acity of self-gullibility, it may be has left many wiser, hand, by its destruction of a very salu- economy and, Europe of cap- the Buropean grievances. King Zog locked 'em up. ‘There’s an elegant simplicity about gov- ernment in Albania. Alexander, king of the Yugoslavs, has decided to abolish the use of the cyrillic alphabet in his dominions; so taking a leat au:‘ of the common sense book of stand the speech or the interpreter, at |, the heads of the 50-odd nations seated |y, of the world is not disarmament or se- | hjm regardless of whether Lord Cecil or the ::: nm!m:tdrm - day, lem. ' most of the delegates wearing sack suits, and one or two cutaways. The only non-European bit of colorful costume was the white and gold turban of a delegate from India. The armbands on civilian than uniforms. I was told by one of the secretariat that this spirit runs through the entire organization; he inted out to me the doors of the offices the Labor Bureau Building, with a simple “Mr.” before each man’s name, even though he chanced to be & “doctor” or a “director.” Five impressions of the addresses and activities of the League rest strong P The. 1 abllity, the idealism . e_personal al 20 and the loyalty he Le negotiations and to secure certain twits advantages they wished, but that they were supercilious toward it. Nor were we inclined to think of the League as being the fruit of French, as much as it is of Anglo-Saxon political genius. * * * M. Briand mounted the tribune with a spry step that belled his enor- mous, hulking torso and turned hiraself loose on a crowded hall which needed then no police regulations to maintain silence. Without a note he spoke. He lauded the progress of the League dur- ing its 10 years of life, and pledged France to the optional clauses and to the determination to solve all problems without recourse to war. The skeptical thought occurred that this was oratory. Certainly there was oratory. But I am reminded of what Abe Hummel, the notorious lawyer, once said apropos di- vorce proceedings, ‘‘Whatever say to a woman, if you don't want to get into trouble, for Heaven's sake don't g:t it into writing!” Briand's words ve been put into writ in two offi- cial languages, and sp; by wireless over the world. No man or nation Satements “withott sounding 5 desih soun & death knell to itself or to clvlli-u;n. Well Groomed Appearance. 2. The British Labor pas delega- tion stood out with its wefl?mnd appearance, its concerted intelligence and its youthfifl enthusiasm. One of their number pointed out at a_confer- ence of students of international affairs that the position of the party as govern- ment was decidedly more secure today than it was a few years when they held the power. The p‘:lvum of the party represent not the views of one or. two men, but those of l&nm e ence. Still, as political futures were al- ‘ways uncertain, the government planned any egation, I caught the note of intelligent planning, & mon, almost a rellglmu. s.:':nm‘ = u.l.& . Everywhere and at point sounded the conviction m{ an % lems were to be settled by conference and compromise; never by force. of the Labor party said an he used with ,tell paign was this, “ uesti t-e Qquestion 4 tled in our way for us to sen finest young men to get all mas! over {t>” Briand pointed out there was the will to settle probl reason, it can be done. He said that Wwhat, he felt at The Hague conference: The problem must be settled. His own people, he stated, would not be happy to have him return from the econference memory of history must recognize s totally new orienta tical mind at Geneva mflu";‘n&; o -Ezndencu with the governments of world, research on far-flung probe , direction of agenda for commite d commissions to be atterided to; there is the leaven of the League spirit spread invisibly by the individual mem- TS of the secretariat. Before one of the commissions a delegate from a Bal- kan state rose and delivered a bitter at- tack on an enemy Balkan country. The delegates of the enemy country grew more excited by the minute, and tg:n acrimonious was eveg l;p:uihnny for an Tsonal , quite aside airing rom the question .lt'md‘um One of the secretariat went quietly over to one.of the “enemy” delegates and requested to make no public reply ta the 5 tary, ars range a private meeting outside, where the personal matters could be talked over. The “enemy” delegate swallowed his wrath for the time being: the speak- er finished; no on: replied—and the public present (and perhaps he himself) felt he had exhibited himself in & fool- ish way. Incidents like this on the part of the secretariat are of common occur- rence. 1In fact the settlement of per- sonal differences and the accomplish- ment of committee business in the lob- :mnn:g .tbo;x!: the lunch table have e to the curren # (el t phrase, “hotel Problem of Smaller Nations. 4. The League has a problem to edu- cate and integrate, without domination, the representatives of the smaller na- tions. Wherever the maladjusted nority was the national problem it was presented to the League for immediate attention, sometimes with the sugges- tion that the larger powers were so busy talking about their own problems of se- curity and disarmament they neglected the problems of others. “Faith without works is dead.” sald one small-nation delegate. “Let's have fewer words and more action.” It was refreshing on the whole, after the eulogies delivered by the representatives of the large powers on the accomplishment of the gue during its first 10 years, to hear some unknown delegate of a country, of whose map-location most of us are un- doors | Aware, stand up in vuul:“nnfl remind the League of what it done. During a discussion of m”dfim the setlement of the recent controversy between South American state one of the newer delegates the ;m- priety of spending some $25,000 on tele- grams fo South America! 5. The central im about the pression Geneva this Summer is that it is nlace where politicians dresm dreams. We are not accustomed to think of poli- ticlans as dreaming anything except their own or their nation’s advancement —at cost to some one else. To under- stand the psychological situation in which we observed this extraordime= néw phenomenon we must note three factors in the present 1929 situation dif- ferent from anv previcus League As- sembly. In the first place, it is a tenth anniversary. No guns have been fired or flags waved to celebrate this; but the fact that the League has not only weathered 10 years, but has influence each year, cannot hel‘p’ having an influence on the minds of Some of them, M. Y