Evening Star Newspaper, September 29, 1935, Page 53

CENSORSHIP BECOMES A OF PRESS BOOMERANG In Italy and Germany Suppressed Citizens Come to Believe Any and All Sub-Rosa Stories. BY ALBIN E. JOHNSON. GREAT deal has been written about the evils of censorship in Germany, Italy, Russia and the states where freedom of the press, free speech and liberty of conscience are non-existent. And even with all that has been written there still remains much to be revealed about the negative aspects of this favorite prop of dictatorships. But there is another side of the picture which casual observers seldom see and those who denounce censor- ships neglect to emphasize. That 1s the fact that in countries where the people have once enjoyed a free press and free speech censorship inevitably tends to defeat its own ends. This phenomena apparently 1 happening, albeit slowly and pain- tully, in Fascist Italy and Nazi Ger- many and to a certain extent in Por- tugal, Spain, Poland, Austria and Yugoslavia, where newspapers are sub- Jected periodically to official super- vision or control. Soviet Russia, ‘where the majority of people who can now read and write have never known other than the state-operated Com- munist press, is an exception. In Italy and Germany, the most censor-saddled nations in the world today, censorship is proving a boom- erang. It has developed into a two- edged sword, as dangerous for Mus- solini and Hitler, who wield it, as it | 1s distasteful to the people who have to exist under it. At the beginning of all dictatorships or in national crises censorships unquestionably are unavoidable and sometimes desirable for those in office. But a censorship is like an opiate or a narcotic. It either lulls the people into a feeling of false well-being or fuses them to- gether artificially for an abnormal common effort. But, like drugs, which may be beneficial in small quantities to an individual, censorship in large doses to a body politic is detrimental to a nation’s political health. Hard to Break. ‘The narcotic habit, once acquired, is hard to break; censorship, once imposed. can seldom be moderated or lifted without endangering the ex- istence of the regime which has been established under its influence. Both Hitler and Mussolini have learned that lesgon. Despite their claims that the German and Italian press are 100 per cent Nazi and Fascist, they dare not lessen the absolute control they have over the printed and spoken word in their countries. In Germany and Italy the press has lost its potency. ‘To the simon-pure members of the Fascist and National-Socialist parties it is merely a house organ. The “man in the street” in Berlin and Rome con- siders his newspaper as nothing more or less than an “official bulletin” of the government with a sprinkling of innocuous news interspersed to make it more palatable. As a result it is safe to say that there is hardly a newspaper in Germany or Italy, or even in Russia, worthy of the name that today stands upo its own feet financially. They are all either owned outright by the state or party or are supported and subsidized by the dic- tatorship. Their paid circulations, which are pitifully meager, tell ‘he story; their paid advertising is prac- | tically non-existent. Mussolini and Hitler had two ob- Jectives in mind when they established their censorships. The first goal was to withhold from the public informa- tion which might be detrimental to their regimes; the second was to feed readers news, either true or mislead- ing if politically expedient, that would serve to strengthen their hold upon the populace. fiscating newspapers and periodicals of all kinds and issuing decrees and establishing “propaganda ministeries” 1t was comparatively easy to stop dis- semination of unfavorable news. To make the public accept without re- serve everything that was published was another matter. The intelligent ‘German and Italian newspaper reader of today attaches no political impor- tance whatsoever to his daily paper except as a source of one-sided offi- cial information. And as for accept- ing as gospel truth the accounts of political events as they appear only the most stupid reader confesses to such credulity. Youth Affected. While it is undoubtedly true that | in Italy and Russia a generation of young people, not old enough to have taken an interest in political events of 15 years ago when the Blackshirts marched upon Rome, or two decades ago when the bolshevists seized the government in Russia, has been in- fluenced by the all-Fascist and all- Communist training they have re- ceived through rigidly supervised newspapers. In Germany the Nazi censorship has not been established long enough to stamp out pre-Hitler political influences. Also the genera- tion which reached manhood and womanhood before the armistice, in Italy and Germany particularly, still thinks for itself although it reads ‘what the dictatorships provide. For obvious reasons, these people seldom think out loud, but nevertheless they think seriously. The unfortunate break for Hitler and Mussolini is the tendency of their public to doubt much that is published officially and to believe almost every- tring that comes to them from un- eensored sources or through unofficial channels. Their line of reasoning is that if the government suppresses something it must be true, otherwise why go to the trouble of suppress- ing it. So worried are the Fascists and Nazis about “impressions” that might be gained by the public that it is a serious crime to be caught in posses- slon of forbidden literature, newspa- pers or periodicals which have been , or to engage in critical com- ment about the regimes, privately or publicly. The suspicious state of mind which exists among the intelligent— and even unintelligent—masses of Italy and Germany, a suspicion magnified by the knowledge that vital news is being withheld from them and that that which they are permitted to read is carefully selected, has made the public an extremely unreliable political ele- ment for the Fascist and Nazi re- gimes. Whispering campaigns flour- ish, although the whispers are, soft and are passed along with the great- est discretion. Clandestine pamphlets are read with as much avidityj as the youth of America used to devour, in garret or behind woodshed, the forbid- den Nick Carters or Diamond Dick thrillers. The certainty that discov- ery will mean conceniration camps, exile or even prison, is no effective deterrent. A factor that is causing censorships considerable grief is the radio. Dis- By suppressing or con- | semination of forbidden news and propaganda by broadcasting has com- plicated several international situa- tions recently. In the Saar plebiscite and the Austrian Nazi revolt, the Ger- mans blanketed the affected regions with daily and nightly broadcasts. Anti-Nazi refugees for a while used the Strassbourg, France, station to plead their cause before the Saar voters and their German brothers. The Austrian Socialists operated ef- fectively from Brno, Czechoslovakia. The Dollfuss government was helpless before the blasts that originated in the stations at Munich. Today, while Mussolini rages over the news reports put on the air by Geneva, Paris, London, Belgrade and other cities, reports which tell Ital- ians what actually is happening out- side their country, the. British and French charge that the Italian station at Bari is stirring up discontent among and Near Eastern colonies and man- dated territories by a series of broad- casts in Arabic. The Italians have engaged such celebrated and influen- tial Arabs as the Emir Chekib Arslan, to revolt in Egypt, Palestine, Syria, Transjordania, Algiers, Tunisia and other territories, it is alleged. A few French frontier stations could con- ceivably create serious difficulties for the Fascists should the European cri- sis become acute. That Mussolini is bothered is evidenced by the subtle attempt made by the Italian delega- tion at Geneva to silence the League's daily broadcasts. The *“garbling” of the Ethiopian Queen’s appeal to the world, presumably by an Italian sta- tion, also was an example of official interference. Meddling in the affairs of other nations, through use of the radio, has become almost commonplace in Eu- Tope. The Communists started the | practice several years ago. and anti-Fascist refugees and Socialist organizations in various countries seized upon the opportunity for sab- otage that presented itself. ‘The French, Dutch, Swiss, Belgian and for- mer Austrian governments were nof unsympathetic towards the activities of the harassed refugees who poured | across their frontiers. Wild-cat sta- | tlons appeared here and there and | caused considerable trouble until the | Nazis—in the Saar, Austrian and Dan- |zig campaigns—demonstrated that ‘lwo could play at the same game. | Retaliations brought about an armistice agreed to control rigidly stations of emission within their borders. | when situations become strained, as they now are over the Italo-Ethiopian | affair and the Memel controversy, pledges are forgotten and the air over Europe becomes poisonous. | Believe the Unheard. One of Europe’s most powerful ibmsdcasung stations is situated in | Luxembourg. It specializes in broad- | casts in almost any language and it | can be heurd all over the Continent. | Any one with the price can get on the air from the principality and the sub- Ject matter is of no concern to the owners of the station. “Jumbling” the | air when embarrassing subjects are ters. Radio audiences, suspicious and conjecturing over what they are not | worst. Hitler's attack on Lithuania the other day set all Europe on edge and will be reflected in the Memel elections; Berlin's censorship and in- terference with dispatches and broad- casts from the Vatican always results in increasing rather than decreasing | the antagonism of the Catholics and intellectuals in the third Reich. While, as has been pointed out be- fore, the majority of the youth of Italy and Germany—and practically all of the younger generation in Soviet selective information they receive through the controlled press of their countries, there nevertheless is a small militant minority which reacts un- favorably to any form of censorship. They are usually found in the uni- versities. The Nazis are having more trouble than they admit, or than the outside world is aware, in directing the political and religious thought in the universities of Bonn, Cologne, Aachen, Heidelberg and Freiburg. Be- fore the wholesale burning of books, banned by the ministry of propaganda, took place students at Cologne and Bonn virtually stripped the library shelves, hiding the precious volumes away in their dormitories or in their homes. In most of the big universi- ties the advanced students still refuse to take the National Socialist Stu- dents’ League seriously and are keep- ing alive their traditional students’ corps, Catholic corporations and landsmannschaften. Going on the Mussolinian theory— which II Duce borrowed from the church—that if they can influence the children of today they will have Wwith them the youth and adults of tomorrow, the Nazis have ordered that one day per week in the schools be devoted to a study of National So- This political education is to be under the direction of Dr. Alfred Rosenberg, leader of the anti-Christian movement in Germany. But while Rosenberg may have the children one day a week ;‘r; sck;;lol their parents and the priests ve them seven day. at hol the church. ‘ s Touched Social Funaamentals. The few dissenters that are devel- oping, although a small minority, are worth far more than the thousands of sheep-like acquiescers who go to make up the mass of Hitler's and Mussolini’s followers. If the Nazis had contented themselves with censoring and suppressing purely political news it 1s doubtful if they would have aroused the antagonism that has de- veloped in university and religious cir- cles. Learning and Lutheranism, to say nothing of Catholicism in the Saar and Bavaria, are traditional in Germany, while the political shibo- leths of the post-armistice period have every reason to be transitory. When the Nazis attacked the former they attacked social fundamentals and so- chlifltuxl\damenuls will persist despite Ppolitical re] n vl L Pression and temporary The censor’s drive against foreign correspondents, both in Italy and Ger- many, also has not served its purpose. Like the domestic censorship, it has proved a boomerang. Most of the so- called “inside stories” that appear in foreign newspapers about conditions in Italy and Germany originate with the foreign correspondents who are on the “job. There are many ways of getting stories through the censorships to_Geneva, Brusels, Amsterdam_and (Continued on Fourth Page.), | the native populations in their African | THE SUNDAY STAR,” WASHINGTON, D. €., SEPTEMBER 29 among others, to incite the Moslems | well-directed radio broadcasts from | Anti-Nazi | and now most governments have permitted to hear, usually imagine the | | Just “Sticking Around” New Dealers Seem Determined to Have Their Stamps on the Nation—Collectors Gummed Up. Russia—are deeply influenced by thef clalism and Hitler's “mein kampf.” | BY RUTH A. WEEKS. | HE shimmering, sun-cursed sheet of water lapping Eri- trea's shores writhes in unac- customed activity. Massawa’'s small, shallow harbor and four miles of sea beyond that harbor are alive liners, from great trans-Atlantic | sambuks and Adab dhows. | to the scuppers with ammunition, air- craft, cement, steel, automobiles, gas- oline, medicines, macaroni, Wheat, guns, trucks, tanks, asphalt, lumber, barbed wire, mules, cows, shoes, fuel oils, wire, blankets, hay—even water! | These ships lie here weeks on end | awaiting to discharge their cargoes; | their crews swearing, their captains | exasperated. Forty-six ships are anchored thus at the present writing. | One ship waited two weeks to unload | its cargo of asphalt, then sailed away. with every conceivable sort of craft, | packed with Italian troops, to native | | Freights of many nations are loaded | | That cargo has put in at Massawa | three times and has sailed away in- | tact each time. Hard to Keep Lighters. An Italian road contractor, with a to unload, waited 40 days before he ran into a port official who promised him lighters. Next evening, true to | his word, the official appeared with three lighters in tow. The two friends went in to dinner to celebrate, coming | out afterward to find the lighters | gone! ‘ by some one higher up! \ It is not surprising that many ships re: | Eritrea. not a tenth enough space. And those that will have ‘The troop But | shipload of machinery and materials | y Behind Front in Africa Eritrea, Ttaly’s Base, Is Filled With Soldiers and War Supplies—Here’s What’s Happening. SMILING ITALTAN TROOPS ON THEIR WAY TO THE AFRICAN ZONE OF ACTION. 1935—PART TWOQ. © Wide World Photos. D3 DEMOCRATSHAVEBUT O WAY TO BLOCK NEW DEAL Congress, Anchored to Roosevelt, Held Unable to Break Away—Party Split Still BY MARK SULLIVAN NTIL quite recent weeks it re- mained a fact that the Demo- | crats represented the most | immediate chance to switch from the New Deal back to the tra- | ditional American conception of so- ciety and government. They had con- trol of Congress by enormous ma- jorities—42 in the Senate, 209 in tne House. And this control of Congress they will keep until January 1, 1937. Far more than the Republicans, mcre than any other group, the Democrats could reverse the New Deal or modify Possible. Roosevelt next year, and will rot. True, they have always the oppore tunity tc vote the Republican ticket, but many of the Democrats do not like to do that. They would much prefer an opportunity to vote against Mr Roosevelt—and yet remain Demo- crats. It is to these that Mr. Kirby's movement appeals, to these that every | suggestion of an orthodox Democratic third ticket appeals. Many Are in South, Many of this class of Democrats are {in the South. In the South is at it. They had only to say to Mr. Roosc- velt that he was not the only person put in power in 1933, that the Demc- cratic party was also put in power: that they, as leaders and Congress- men, have a trusteeship for the Democratic party as a historic and continuing institution, and that they must insist that the Government be administered according to Democratic principles and traditions. This the Democratic leaders in Con- gress could have done at any time. In each chamber a majority of the Democrats wanted to be Democrats, and not New Dealers. On occasions the Democrats voted as a majority | against New Deal measures; at all times they were sullen against what they were told to do. At one time the Democrats almost once the strongest fidelity to Demo- | cratic principles and traditions — but |at the same time strongest repuge nance to voting the Republican ticket. Tens of thousands of Democrats in the South, perhaps hundreds of thou= sands, would welcome an independent orthodox Democratic ticket | When Mr. Kirby, or any one else who proposes an independent Demo- cratic ticket, seeks for leaders to head .his movement, and especially when he seeks a nominee for the presi- dency, he must go away from those Democrats who now hold office. He must go away even from those Demo- crats who in the future hope to hold office. Any Democrat who would ac- cept the nomination of a third party | for the presidency, or conspicuously identify himself with leadership of a | took the step of rejecting the New third party, knows that by that act technicians. A choppy, seasick voyage | white, arcaded, two-story buildings— | mutilation will be the fate of all pris- | Deal. They would have done it if the he may proscribe himseli from the across the Mediterranean had been followed by the sweltering heat blasts of the Red Sea. Then for five days they broiled in the sun and steamed in their packed humidity by night. Sullen and frenzied, the men were nearing the zero point in morale by the time they reached shore. Only s fraction of the ships reach the docks. The rest unload their cargoes into small craft manned by yelling, white-robed Arabs, half- naked Somalis or Italian laborers. New Warehouses Pushed. And when the heterogeneous im- ports are at last on shore, where are they to be stored? The military port staff, overworked and inadequate, has filled all the warehouses, the city squares and most of the empty lots. Although many new warehouses are being pushed to completion, there are still not enough. Labels come off the boxes; there is no time to read cor- respondence that accumulates on the | desks; tempers are short, the heat, the flies, the dust, the glare, the shortage of water, bad food. sickness— all these create a tension near to the breaking point. The square in front of the Banca | d'Italla is filled with barbed wire. ‘They had been ordered away | | of motor trucks fill the air. fuse to take cargo consigned to | ships are given precedence in unload- | ing, but even they must wait days for | their turn. The Vulcania steamed BY WEARE HOLBROOK. HATEVER else the New Deal may have done or left undone, it has cer- tainly given philately a boost. Small boys have always col- lected stamps, ever since any of us can remember. However, they also collected cigar bands, birds’ eggs, fish hooks and Indian arrowheads of dubious authenticity. To their elders, their grubby albums were just one more manifestation of the juvenile jackdaw instinct. But with a President who is an ardent philatelist and a Postmaster General who is an active publicity promoter, stamp collecting has ac- quired new dignity. The metropoli- tan press gives it as much attention as the Youth’s Companion and St. Nicholas ever did. It is a full- fledged adult hobby. At the rate the enthusiasm is growing, collecting stamps will soon cease to be an avo- cation and become a civic duty. Beginners usually get their start with a stamp received from some relative who is a missionary in China. Distance lends enchantment to it, and it forms the nucleus of a gaudy and indiscriminate collection that expands by leaps and bounds. But sooner or later the amateur collector, appalled by the sheer physical labor of classi- fying and pasting up & “300-Assorted- | All-Different” packet, begins to ap- preciate the charms of specialization. Specialties the Thing. Real philatelic connoisseurs always specialize. They not only limit their interest io stamps of certain places and periods, but they concentrate upon such physical characteristics as color, paper, cancellations and per- forations. Then there are ihe boys who fly into ecstasies over the discovery of typographical errors. They heavy money, and in addition they have the satisfaction of gloating over somebody else’s mistake, As soon as & new issue appears ther go over it with a high-powcred magnifying glass, looking for trouble. The varia- tion of a single line in engraving is enough to put them all in a dither and their latest triumph is the de- tection of a flaw in the 1-cent de- nomination of the Canadian Jubilee series, which shows a tear dropping from the left eye onto the cheek of little Princess Elizabeth. It occurs only in a top-left corner block, the third stamp down along the left edge —=0 they say. I don't know; I'm a stranger here myself. Urge Still Is There. ‘Though I still feel a faint nostalgic twinge at the sight of a triangular Cape of Good Hope, most of the stamp news published nowadays is quite in- comprehensible to my middle-aged mind. So much%has happened in the philatelic world. War and revolution have produced hundreds of new issues. Airmail stamps have multiplied like are the | ones who some times cash in on the | | into port one morning crowded with | being broadcast does not help m“""l‘ono men—soldiers, workmen and | Black drums of asphalt cover another, Piles of boxes, crates and bales are everywhere with soldiers guarding them. The blare of ship's whistles, the clatter and cry of workmen, the roar | The streets vibrate with the tramp of marching feet. Caravans of burden- ed camels are squeezed to the walls by the speeding motor cars of black- chirted officers. The reek of gasoline, of sweat, of camel, of crab-infested mudflats, of pungent bonfires—that is the smell of Massawa. The dust- covered streets are lined with bone- | HIS BIG MOMENT CAME WHEN MOTHER WITH A DISTINCT FLAVOR OF CARAWAY SEEDS. expositions and centenaries compli- cates the situation. And then there is always Little America. Yet there is some truth in the old saying (about six weeks old by the time you read this). “Once a philate- list, always a philatelist.” Though I have no albums, catalogues, millimeter scales or watermark detectors, I col- lect stamps in spite of myself. I've been doing it for years. My specialty is ungummed, uncanceled United States current issues, and despite the fact that I am not a personal friend of Mr. Farley I have accumulated some choice items without half try- ing. My usual procedure is as follows: I start out the front door, and Phoebe hands me a packet of letters, saying: “Will you drop these in the mail box on your way downtown?” This I agree to do, but when I reach the mail box I discover that one of the letters has no stamp on it—which necessitates a visit to the nearest drug store and the purchase of not less than 10 cents’ worth of stamps. After all, one can't bother a busy pharmacist with & 3-cent transaction; at least, I can't. ‘Then, having stamped and mailed the stowaway letter, I put the super- fluous stamps away in my pocket, fully intending to use them later, I A and every room is packed. Enter Hotel Savoy. Stretchers placed | between the tables in the dining room | are filled with sleeping men by night. | The tables and packing boxes that flank the hallways serve for beds as well. A visitor is lucky to be able | to reserve a box. As for getting a | meal—that is a feat. | room is jammed with Italian officers and a few civilians. One orders spaghetti, waits an hour for it—and | when at last it arrives a ranking officer gets it. The Italian soldier is laboring under | the greatest of difficulties. His ration | of water has been less than two quarts a day—one to drink, the other to wash in; of course, during rainy periods he gets more than this. He gets no fresh vegetables or fruit and very little meat. Macaroni and red wine form his diet. He has been crowded into sardine quarters ever since he left his native shores. most confusion. This troops stationed in Massaws. Those sent immediately to the capital, | Asmara, 8,800 feet above the sea, were saved from much sickness by the bracing climate. Here gnow fell last June, and it was quite cold at night. | Soldiers Are Docile. | There has been malaria mosquitoes and dysentery has | others low. from laid Up to the present time most of the soldiers invalided home are those who cannot stand the climate. For, to an onlooker, at least, these soldiers of Mussolini's seem sur- prisingly docile. They do not get drunk, nor do they need watching by military police. ‘The threats of Col. Guerlugubi, the highest commanding native officer of the Ethiopian troops, are percolating among the Italians. Not death, but HE DISCOVERED A WHISTLER'S (put them away for a rainy day. And the next time I take them out I find ithlt the rainy day has come and | | gone, leaving them in a hopelessly | conglomerate condition. | _ The left-hand corner of my desk drawer is full of these stamps. They | will never serve any practical pur- pose, and yet they are too valuable to destroy. Obviously, they must be collectors’ items. People have told me that I can arrange a deal with the Government and get them re- | gummed free of charge, but it sounds like & lot of tapioca to me. You don’t get something for nothing, these days. You don’t even get something for something. No, it is my collection and I'm stuck with it. One of the choicest specimens in it is the famous “Groucho Franklin.” It is an or- dinary green 1-center, but if you ex- amine it closely you will see a flake of tobacco just under Franklin's nose —which makes him look like Groucho Marx. Washington as Harpe. This phenomenon ranks with the purple 3-center, in which Washington is depicted as having a tousled mcp of hair extending low on his forehead. A bit of fluff from the inside of my pocket has stuck to this stamp in such s way that the father of our country The dining | of the time in intolerable heat and | is particularly true of mg“ oners of war, he promises. | more, Ethiopian powers that be are said to have published an edict to the inst N. R. A. had come a few eks earlier. (Which shows the New Further- unanimous Supreme Court decision regular party organization, from all hope of ever being given future office or honor by the regular party. He | effect that they will burn alive any Dealers were sh_rewd in keeping N. would have to say, like Nathan Hale, Abyssinians found in the Italian Army. | R. A. from arriving before the court “My only regret is that I have only | As all Eritreans were once Abyssinian | | subjects, this warning is aimed at the Italian colonial army, which is largely | native. Will their one cent of pay a day and their loyalty to the Italian cause hold these soldiers in case of Italian reverses? As most men in Eritrea carry arms, these are ominous threats; but it is expected that they will be carried out on all prisoners of war, just as the wholesale mutilations | were after the battle of Adowa 39 years ago. | For the officers of Mussolini's crack troops life is hard; but the rewards of victory will be great. As Italy, if vic- torious, will have a rich new colony that will need administration, trans- portation, education and exploitation, there will be work, honors and wealth for the faithful. | Wages Not So Large. | for two years.) Magic Controlled Majority. During his first two years Mr. Roosevelt told the country, and the country believed, that recovery was dependent on N. R. A. and the other New Deal measures. This was the magic with which Mr. Roosevelt for | two years secured allegiance from the ' pooorate Democrats in Congress. But when the Supreme Court overturned N. R. A. recovery did not depart. On the con- trary, that decision was the real be- ginning of recovery. The Democrats, released from the spell of President Roosevelt's pre- | sumed magic, were for a while, last candidate for July, on the point of rejecting the New Deal and legislating as Democrats. But they realized that to reject the New Deal in July this year would make it logical to reject the No. 1 one political career to sacrifice for my | country.” There are many Democrats whose political careers are behind them. If their future ambitions are also be- hind them they would be free to | identify themselves with an inde- pendent Democratic movement. Many who have had distin- guished careers have spoken public dissent from the New Deal, in some cases thoroughgoing opposition to it. They include some of the best men in the party: Ex-Gov. Smith of New York, ex-Gov. Ely of Massachusetts, | ex-Gov. Ritchie of Maryland, former Presideni John W. Davis; a former Secretary of State, Bainbridge Colby. Could Get Many Votes. It is possible that among Democrats The prospects of 50 to 60 lire a day | Ne” Dealer as their presidential of this type, Mr. Kirby, or any one looked like easy money to the men in Italy who were signing up for the labor battalions in Africa. But after nominee in July next year. Some of the Democrats in Congress were will- ing to do that. Now the party is com- else organizing an independent ortho- dox Democratic party might find & presidential candidate, and find lead- 10 lire a day have been deducted for |Mitted to running for re-election next | erg gnq spokesmen. If so, this third taxes and 40 spent for necessary ex- penses, after the heat, the dearth of water and fresh foods, the dysentery, the malaria and homesickness have done their work the morale of the Italian laborer reaches a low level. Native Somalis and Eritreans are Ppoor material as day laborers for road construction, as stevedores and on labor battalions; .so Italian labor con- | tractors in Egypt engaged thousands of Egyptian workers, at 50 cents a day. said they could go, but later changed | year on the same ticket on which Mr. Roosevelt is the head. From now on, every Democrat—certainly that large number of them who will be up for re-election next year—is com- mitted to saying that the New Deal is all good. Most of them will not believe it but the exigencies of poli- tics will make them say it. We may dismiss now all notion that the Democrats as a party will change the New De; Once they have com- The Egyptian government first | Mitted themselves to renominating | pemocratic Mr. Roosevelt, the rest follows. In party would get a large number of votes. But let no one be misled; the third party would not nave the faintest chance of electing its candidate. It would be fortunate if it got as much as 10 per cent of the total vote. Who- ever heads a third party movement would be making a ‘sacrifice hit’ and | would know he was making it. | The effectiveness of an independent movement woula lie largely in the conspfruous notice it its mind. Overtures later were made | the sesslon of Congress beginning next | woyld give to the public that the to_the Dutch for the use of Malay|January (which will be the same | egyjar Democratic party is not really (Continued on Fourth Page.) | | it hardly can be), will not be a New Deal Congress. After the election next year, the Democrats will know Mr. Roosevelt is ineligible for a further | term. They will feel they need not party bears & startling resemblance to Harpo Marx. Let other philatelists look for watermarks. At the present time I am going over my collection with a microscope in search ot Chico and Zeppo. | Then there is the double-faced com- | memorative issue which is unique in the annals of philately—an 8-cent gray-green stamp with a picture of | Mount Zion on it. Through some er- | ror in printing—or possibly beeause | I sent my seersucker suit to the dry | cleaners without emptying the pockets | —this stamp is the same on both sides. | I have never seen anything like it, | and I don't care if I ever do. | These are only a few of the spaci- | mens which make my collection what | it is today. New varieties continue to | turn up unexpectedly now and then | Instead of going through old trunks | in the attic, I go through old clotnes | in the closet, never knowing when I may pull out a prize—along with part of the pocket lining. Beginners often ask me to what I attribute my suc- cess as a collector, and I always tell them it i3 simply a matter of stickto- | itiveness. That usually shuts them up, although they sometimes star: throwing things at me. Miss Maizie’s Complaint, But there is no doubt that philately is on the upgrade. More and moic | people are taking it up: fewer and | fewer are putting it down. Miss Maizie Mayhem, late lady of the en- semble in Billy Fishbein's “Frou-F-ou | Frolics,” related an incident recently | which illustrates the trend of the times. | “The other night after the show,” | said Miss Mayhem, “I met one of these Park avenue guys at Maxie's | He was tall and dark and good look- | ing, with a wicked droop to his eyes— lllke Adolphe Menjou. We had some idrinh togther, and pretty soon h said, ‘Listen, baby, how about coming around to my apartment? I'd like w show you my stamp collection * “So we went around to his apart- ment—and what do you think hap- pened? He showed me his stamp col- lection. So help me, he showed me every darn stamp from Abyssinia to| Zululand! And when he finished | showing me the stamps he showed me | the door—and that was that. “Which all goes to prove” Miss Mayhem concluded bitterly, “that you just can’t trust a man nowadays.” Jobless in Canada Returning to Work OTTAWA.—A gain of 15,062 in the number of Canadians employed dur- ing August is announced by the Do- minion Bureau of Statistics. With this is recorded 9,355 employers reporting September 1 & total pay roll of 954,- 647 persons. These figures, according to the bureau, show s continuous increase in manufacturing industries during the last eight months, | | continue to oppose | presidential nominee? Congress that recently sat), the Demo- crats will be that much nearer to the election. They will be obliged to be the more loyal to the New Deal, or to pretend they are. Then, during the campaign they will be cbliged to be more loyal yet. Some of the Democrats have mental reservations. In effect, they say, or think, something like this: “We will go along with Mr. Roosevelt until after we get ourselves back in power—but then just watch.” Revolt Seen Nearing. There is something in this. I think the Congress which will be elected next year, even if as overwhelmingiy Democratic as the present one (which defer to him or the New Deal, and their suppressed sense of outrage about the New Deal will express itself. But for the present, up until the election in November next year, the country can expect no reversal 1ior repudiation of the New Deal by Dem- ocrats. That is, not by Democrats in office and running for re-election; and it is these who really make up the party organization. The country can not even expect repudiation of the New Deal by individual Democrats now in office, especially those sunning for re-election. Even Senators Carter Glass and Harry F. Byrd, two of the most intelligent and forceful ecritics of the New Deal—rather more than most Republicans in the Senate—these two Virginia Senators can be expected | to support Mr. Roosevelt in the ciec- tion next y They will stick to | their determination to take the party away from the New Deal, they will the New Deal in the Senate, they will hope to take the Democratic party away from the New Desl after the election—but 1n the election they will support Mr. the Democratic nomination. For the present the Democratic party is married to the New Deal; and the earliest date for a possible divorce is January, 1937, Independent Democratic Movement. Will there be any defection next year by Democrats—I mean any or- ganized defection, any separate icket, with an orthodox Democrat as their (It would have to be by Democrats not runmng for office. All those running for ofiice, the Democrats as a regular part,, will go along with Mr. Roosevelt and the New Deal.) There has been talk of an inde- pendent Democratic ticket, much talk, but as yet only one tangible sign. Mr. John H. Kirby of Texas has an- nounced an organization of D=mocrats to support traditional Democratic | policies. How formidable this is I do not know. Those of us who have had long experience tend to think of such organizations as “paper movements.” Mr. Kirby’s may be much more than this, but experienced political ob- servers will want to be shown. They will want to know if the movement has any “grass roots.” It is quite easy for anybody to hire a secretary, per- haps also a publicity man, rent an office, paint a title on the door and proclaim a “movement.” Mr. Kirby's may be much more than this, or may become s0. There is ma- terial for it. All through the country are Democrats who deplore the party's marriage—or is it an irregular liaison? —with the New Deal. They do not want to vote for Mr. A Democratic. Most of the Democratic voters thus warned would not, how= ever, vote for the third ticket. They would go all the way and vote the Republican ticket. Existence of an independent Democratic ticket would have its principal effect in helping to- ward Republican success. Until the death of Huey Long there were at least three possibilities of new developments in next year's election. | One was a third party to be led by | Long and appeal to radicals. That possibility has now ceased. Another was & third party to be headed by and appeal to conservative Democrats, That possibility still exists and some« thing may come of it. Coalition Still Possible. The other possibility was a coalition made up of conservatives, | Democrats and Republicans, and to have as its candidatc, either for Presi- | dent or Vice President, some such | Democrat as ex-Gov. Ritchie, or the former Budget Director in President | Roosevelt's cabinet, Lewis W. Doug- |las. This is by far the best way to give the country th: opportunity to | vote intelligently as between the New Deal and the traditional American | conception of society and government. | For the idea of a coalition ticket | there is much support among the | people. There is more support among Republicans than Republican leaders realize. But Republican leaders are | generally against the notion. Most of the national leaders are against it, and even more effective, the little | local party leaders in countries and precincts all througn the country are against it. They don't want to sac- | rifice the party name. They want to ‘keep the brand. They are unwilling | to let the Republican party lapse as | & going concern, | Against these influences only some | immense upsurge of public sentiment, “Wevelt as the candidate who has jed by dynamic personalities, can | bring about a coalition ticket of Ree | publicans with conservative Demo= | crats. (Copyright 1835 | e | Canada Awaits New Governor General OTTAWA.—His five-year term of office terminated, Lord Bessborough, with his wife and three children, Lord Duncannon, Lady Moyra Ponsonby and George St. Lawrence Ponsonby, have sailed for England and the state departmenit turned immediately to arrangements for the installation of his successor as Canada’s new govers nor general. He is Lord Tweedsmuir, or John Buchan in the world of letters, who will be inducted when he lands at Quebec on October 24. Canada’s in- terim administrator, Sir Lyman P. Duff, chief justice of the Supreme Court, will administer the oath of | office to the Scottish novelist. | The federal elections will have been | over. If they result in the return of | Premier Richard B. Bennett and his | conservatives, affairs will quickly ree sume their routine form. If the Lib- eral party accedes to power, then the new governor general will receive Ben- nett’s resignation and then preside as W. L. MacKenzie King and his new ministers are sworn in. Canada provides a salary of $50,000 a year to its governor general, besides allowances and residence. (Copyright. 1935.)