Evening Star Newspaper, September 29, 1935, Page 52

THE EVENING STAR With Sunday Morning Edition. WASHINGTON, D. C. SUNDAY ............September 29, 1938 THEODORE W. NOYES...........Editor The Evening Star Newspaper Company. Buu.nen Oq ek BB e TH Eaes & or) earo Ofhes. Lake Mictigin Bullal Burapben Smoe: 14 Heaent i unf fiana. Rate by Carrier Within the City. Regular Edition. -—-45¢ per month Night Final fieht Fnal and Sund 0¢ per mon! ta 082S montn cnllecuon mnd. at the tnd ox S“” mnm. Orders may be sent by mail tional 5000. Rate by Mail—Payable in Advance. Maryland and Virginta. 11y .u‘ sunfln,__} 35 $10.00: 1 mo. 850 Mo: o \:u ay 1 yr. .005 mo.. 40¢ 8] 00. i mo.. $1.00 T A e oo 1 Zoc Member of the Associated Press. lusively eatitled to the se for Tepublication of All news Gispaiches credited to it or not otherwise credited in this paper and also the local news nnh\lshcd u_gn fu_rishts of oublication of special erein are also reserved. —_—- Italy’s Land Hunger. Italy's case before the bar of world opinion has been almost irreparably im- paired by Mussolini’s plans for the seizure of Ethiopia. His Napoleonic posturing and saber-rattling, his contemptuous deflance of international peace machin- ery, his preparations for crushing a small, backward nation in a sheer war of conquest, have prejudiced nearly all peoples against him. Yet there are cer- tain realities in the situation worthy of discussion, as the League prepares to invoke punitive measures against Italy 4f she insists upon becoming an aggressor. It is generally recognized that Italy’s need for expansion, to care for an annual population increase of 500,000, is genuine. Sir Samuel Hoare recently made public admission of that fact. The abortive Anglo-French compromise efforts took Italy's territorial necessities primarily into consideration. It is conceded that in the quest for domain suitable for colonization Italy came into the market late, to find desirable lands pre-empted by other countries. Immigration doors are locked nearly everywhere. It is not denied that Italy, even though history possibly will say that she entered the World War for what she could get out of it, may have been shabbily treated when the spoils of victory were dis- tributed in Africa. Nor is there much doubt that under the Anglo-Franco- Italian treaty of 1906, respecting spheres of influence in Ethiopia, Italy failed to garner the plums, territorial and economic, which she expected. Mussolini's current woes spring from the circumstance that he has ventured to obtain a square deal for Italy by methods long since outlawed. It will not do for him to plead in self-defense that he is essaying no more than Great Britain, France and other European nations did in creating colonial empires. ‘There have even been suggestions in Rome that America won her West by some such procedure as the League would restrain Italy from pursuing against Ethiopia. The simple fact is that land grabbing is no longer interna- tionally ethical, even on the Japanese model in Manchuria; nor is there virtue in the contention that others are justi- fied in emulating Japan just because she escaped unscathed with the goods. Despite all these things, it is worth while to examine dispassionately Italy's claims to a wider place in the sun. What Mussolini must remember is that he will not promote a favorable considera- tion of them by bluffing and bulldozing tactics, Apart from any merits his claims may possess, it is interesting to speculate what might happen if after a desperate gamble to conquer Ethiopia the Roman dictator should be de- throned. Would Communism supplant Fascism, and would the Red tide stop at the Tiber? 11 Duce has pretty well forfeited the right to expect the world to waste much thought on the possibility that his Ethi- opian adventure might end in personal disaster, yet statesmanship may conclude that it lies in the world's own interest to explore to the limit the possibility of appeasing Ttaly’s land hunger—not Mussolini’s lust for Caesarian glory—be- fore it leads to consequences immeasur- ably worse. me- ——— The word “avanti” is all that is needed to start active hostilities in Africa. The niethod appears even simpler than that of pressing a button to start an exposi- tion hundreds of miles away. An American Type? A resident of Washington traveling in Europe on several occasions was greeted by strangers with the remark: “You must be an American’ But to the question “How did you know?” he could obtain no satisfactory answer. It was not his voice nor his attire that “gave him away.” Neither was it any distinctive mannerism of which he was conscious that was responsible. When he made particular inquiry the best explanation he received was: “You look like an American.” Yet it may be wondered if there really is any definite American type of human being. Some, of course, may argue that the existence of an average of stature, complexion, size of head, etc., can be detected and that those who meet the biometric requirements of that average are, in effect, the “perfect” American variety of genus homo. But if that be true, what shall be said of George Wash- ington and Abraham Lincoln, who were taller than their ordinary contempo- raries, and of Edgar Allan Poe and James Abbot McNeil Whistler, who were strikingly diminutive? And what about Andrew Jackson, with flaming red hair; Thomas Jefferson, described as “sandy”; Willism Jennings Bryan, who was “dark,” and Col. Charles A. Lind- bergh, who is “light”? Again, what is the American shape of skull-round and ‘THE ' SUNDAY STAR, broad of brow, like Johh Quincy Adams, or long, square and relatively narrow, like Woodrow Wilson? Weight certainly is no criterion, since men have a habit of adding avoirdupois as they grow older; neither can any single physical feature be accepted— ‘Washington, for example, had very large hands; Coolidge very small. A composite photograph of a hundred citi- zens, one impression superimposed upon another, probably would show an “gverage” of about five feet eight, one hundred and fifty pounds, but that would be a “norm” which not all of the hundred individually would approximate. Cultural likenesses, of course, are ad- mitted. Yet even in that respect vari- ation is the rule rather than the ex- ception. All Americans speak the Eng- lish tongue, but sectional dialects or accents are common enough to pass un- questioned and each community has its own peculiar localisms. The problem is interesting, surely, and should be studied by scientists with the training and experience needed for the task. Final findings, however, are not likely to be possible while the tides of immigration which brought millions of Europeans of different stocks to the United States in the nineteenth cen- tury still are unassimilated. It would seem that at present it is impossible to tell what the ultimate American type will be. Roosevelt Rebuffed. President Roosevelt's efforts to bring the warring Democratic factions in Ken- tucky together somehow missed fire. Gov. Ruby Laffoon and Thomas S. Rhea, defeated candidate for the gubernatorial nomination, just stayed away from the love feast which the President had thoughtfully prepared for them on board his train when it reached Cin- cinnati. The successful candidate for the nomination, Lieut. Gov. A. B. Chandler, however, and Senator Barkley, leaders of the other faction, were on hand to greet the Chief Executive. Gov. Laffoon and Mr. Rhea apparently did not feel called upon to join the happy Democratic party aboard the President’s train. Perhaps they remem- bered the letter of the President which Senator Barkley had carried some months ago to the Democratic State Committee, strongly indorsing the idea that the Democratic gubernatorial candidate should be nominated in a primary elec- tion instead of by a convention. They may have recalled that, when Laffoon and Rhea came to Washington to make peace with the administration, no sooner had they left Kentucky than Lieut. Gov. Chandler called a special session of the Legislature to put through a mandatory primary election law. In a convention Laffoon and the Central Committee doubtless could have brought about the nomination of Rhea. In the primary Rhea lost. Rightly or wrongly, the Governor and Rhea seemingly take the view that the influence of the President was thrown against them in the fight for the control of the party in Kentucky. If there is to be a mediator of this Kentucky feud, they consider that the man who exerted great influence against them should not be that mediator. Rhea flatly declined to board the train to meet his enemy, Chandler. Gov. Laffoon, through some mistake, was not included in the tele- gram sent him from the White House implying an invitation to board the train, but was merely asked to have Chandler and Rhea on hand to see the President. Long-distance telephone calls from the White House, after the mistake was dis- covered, failed to bring the Governor around. He did not go to the train. The contest for Governor of Kentucky this year stands in the political lime- light. For Kentucky is the only State to elect a Governor. No general con- gressional elections are to be held. Ad- mittedly it would look none too good for the New Deal should the Republicans defeat “Happy” Chandler at the polls in November. Kentucky is a border State and is usually Democratic. It has today a Democratic Governor, two Democratic Senators and eight out of the nine mem- bers of the House. The election of a Republican Governor this year, particu- larly when the New Deal is made the dominant issue in the campaign, would not augur well for Roosevelt in 1936. A G. O. P. victory would be placed along- side the Republican congressional victory in Rhode Island of last August and the defeat of the Roosevelt Democratic leaders in Pennsylvania recently, when they sought to win a constitutional con- vention to revise the State’s basic law along New Deal lines. How far Laffoon and Rhea and their followers are willing to go in their oppo- sition to Chandler remains to be seen. Chandler, it is reported, insists that nearly all the principal backers of Rhea have pledged him their support. The Roosevelt Democrats, however, may be expected to go into the campaign in Kentucky in a big way. Ol is present in Ethiopia. Mussolini may be able to locate a castor bean plantation. Pedestrians’ Penalties. Every motorist will probably agree, and indeed contend, that there should be some effective regulation of the pedes- trians. For the persons on foot are a decided bane to those who drive. This is especially the case at the crossings, where despite the lights—even when they are clearly visible to the walkers—the driving space is encroached upon by impatient ones, who in many cases, in the downtown section, reduce it by fifty per cent. This necessarily slows up the traffic, makes for ill feeling and exposes pedestrians to injury. Those afoot will continue thus to leave the curb at the crossings in the face of red lights as long as they are not restrained by the fear of punish- ment. They brave the drivers, vir- tually defy them. How far would a mandate of regulation deter them? Not in the least, unless it were rigidly en- forced by arrests and penalties, and this A process were continued until the habit of waiting at the curbs for the lights to permit crossing was firmly fixed. The present situation is the result of a combination of inconsiderate driving and inconsiderate walking. The driver feels that he has a right to a light-per- mitting crossing or turning. The walker feels that he, being the vulnerable factor in the equation, is entitled to a better chance to cross than he now has and encroaches upon the driving space as a gesture of defiance. A bad psychol- ogy prevails and accidents result from the wrong habits that are induced in consequence. Before any drastic regulation is adopted to penalize the pedestrians who ignore the lights at crossings it would be well for the Commissioners to have a close study made of the conditions at some of the most congested crossings, to deter- mine whether the light intervals are cor- rect in proportion to the volume of traffic, awheel and afoot. If the lights are in the proper ‘relation to these streams, affording readonably rapid and smooth progress to both motorists and pedes- trians, then a penalizing system of en- forcement should be undertaken, if it is felt that enforcement is practicable. But the mere writing of a regulation will not suffice. There must be teeth in any rule, to make it effective. Haile Selassie. While the major powers and the League of Nations are trying to effect some adjustment of the Italian-Ethi- opian trouble, which may conceivably set all Europe aflame, Emperor Haile Selassie, King of Kings and Emperor of Ethiopia, has engaged in a little Haroun al Raschid enterprise that is calculated to increase the admiration of his present sympathizers. It is reported from Addis Ababa, the capital, that the other night he went forth from his palace clad in peasant costume to see how his people were living, whether the streets were clean and the policemen were on the job. When he returned. he found three of the imperial palace gates barred and on seeking entrance at each of these he was arrested by the sentry and released only when a sergeant was summoned. At the fourth gate he was allowed to enter. Thereupon the Emperor deco- rated the three soldiers who had denied him admittance to his own palace and disciplined the one who had passed him through the gate. This adventure may not be regarded as a gallery play. The Emperor of Ethiopia is a serious man, who takes his role and rank quite gravely, with a high sense of responsibility. He now faces a very stern reality in the menace of a war waged by a greatly superior | power for the taking of a large part of his domain and the subjugation of the remander to the status of a dependent subject state. He is preparing his de- fense with all his resources and it is assured that his people will fight lite erally to the last man. If the sym- pathy of other peoples is potent in war, apart from material aid, he will receive | it to an extent that will give him victory over his enemy. ——————— German philosophers are not content with having thrown a monkey wrench into the political machinery. They go still further back into the story of man- kind and throw a swastika. —eo—s. The triumph of Joe Louis may have its 9‘ influence on dramatic art. Another revival of “Uncle Tom's Cabin” may naturally be expected. —_————— Shooting Stars. BY PHILANDER JOHNSON. Sea Serpent Days. The Autumn sky has cast a shade Of gloom across the sea. ‘The horse and buggy times must fade, But Neptune still rides free, His chariot roams through rainbow mist And stories quaint amaze. ‘We add unto our cherished list Those old sea serpent days. Although perhaps more strange than true You were a thing of cheer, As picturesquely you were due In Summer every year, And recollection fondly brings As backward now we gaze, Our fears of quaint and harmless things In old sea serpent days. Inspiration. “When will you make another speech?” “When the spirit moves me,” said Sen- ator Sorghum. “I employ a ghost writer.” Jud Tunkins said daylight saving made it possible to start an argument just by glancing at the clock. Chip on Shoulder. Munitions must compel respect In military pride And surely we must not neglect The decorative side. It is indeed a dangerous quip At martial pomp to scoff. An epaulet’s a golden chip. ‘Who dares to knock it off? Making Home Sweeter. “Why do you write household hints and cook books?” “Because,” said Miss Cayenne, woman’s place is in the home.” “Whose home?” “Everybody’s.” Grand! The pugilist becomes the pet Of various social folk. And even though in time he’s met As just a gentle joke, Half of an ample purse he got. His smile though bruised is bland. As he exclaims “this helps a lot! Ain't it two hundred grand!” “Don't blame a child too much foh wantin’ his own way,” said Uncle Eben. “De chances are dat’s what his pa was down fewn kickin' for all day.” | Industry Must Care for the Unemployed By Owen L. Scou. Mr. Roosevelt is reported finally to be convinced of one thing. That is, the Government, whether through pump- priming or through a “third economy,” is unable to take the place of private in- dustry as an employer. The New Deal attempt to create 3,500,000 jobs with $4,000,000,000 is turn- ing out to be a nightmare. Four billion dollars, the President finds, simply do not go far enough. They are a drop in the bucket compared with the forty billions that the depression shaved an- nually from the national income. As a result, spenders fight among themselves for the chance to spend the avaflable billions; the country is to get less than it expected for its money; milllons of jobless will be disappointed over not getting jobs; others will be dis- satisfied with the jobs they get; com- munities will be upset by inability to obtain money for projects that they planned and were assured that they could have. The President is concerned enough over the situation to ask the clergy of the country what they think of the work-relief program. Also he is to do some assessing of his own while traveling. Experience forces on governing offi- cials the following conclusions: Industry, not Government, must take up the country’s unemployed. Dr. Rex- ford Guy Tugwell’s plan for a “third economy,” in which the Federal Gov- ernment would give jobs to all who are not employed in private industry, is found in practice to cost more than the Treasury can bear. The present effort to shift from pump- priming to a “third economy” through the medium of $4,000,000,000 in spending money turned out to be a jump in the dark. The reason: Primarily because $4,000,000,000 are not enough dollars to create 3,500,000 worth-while jobs for one year. At least three more billions will be needed to carry the present plan through a second year, with no promise that the spending will end even then. Talk has started of another big -appropriation before the spending of the first has hardly begun. Either that or a return to the dole. * ¥ % ¥ ‘Employment of relief labor on a na- tional plan for developing the country’s natural resources has gone into the dis- card as too expensive. The same is true of other important development pro- grams. There is significance in the fact that old C. W. A. jobs, objected to by the public as “leaf raking,” cost $900 per worker per year. New W. P. A. jobs, dividing available funds with the prom- ised jobs. can cost no more than $728 a year, of which $600 is to be in the form of wages. The struggle for the privilege of spending the billions has involved lead- ing personalities of the Government. Reputations are staked on the outcome. The character of the battle has been such as to require Mr. Roosevelt's per- sonal intervention and adds to the rea- sons why the whole plan has become a nightmare. Harold Ickes, Secretary of the Interior | and P. W. A. administrator. stood out for | pump-priming. He lost. The President shaved his spending to $200,000.000 out of the $4,000,000000 Still Mr. Ickes fights on. His idea is that if money is to be spent by the Federal Government, it should be spent on large-scale projects like dams, flood control, grade-crossing elimination, housing and other programs that leave something tangible and worth while when the spending is ended. But the President has promised 3.500.- 000 jobs from the expenditure of the $4,000.000,000. He is told that each job created on a housing project costs $4.883 per vear, and that even when the Gov- ernment contributes only 45 per cent of the cost of large-scale projects, the cost is $1.326 per vear. Further, spending on public works takes time, and Mr. Roose- velt wants jobs by November. * ok ¥ % The determination to create jobs in a | {jon At the same time let them overhaul { | and replenish their stock of repairing | | material. | study of ‘how not to do it’ and take a | hurry and on a large scale leaves Mr. Ickes pretty well out of the present pic- ture. His friends think he will be back after a_year's trial with the tvpe of work-relief that lies ahead. As Mr. Ickes goes out, in comes Dr. Tugwell and another fight. Dr. Tugwell has several ideas for spending money. One is to buy up poor farm land and move the farmers to better land. An- other is to help destitute farmers to get a new start in life with Government loans. But the idea in which he is most interested concerns what he calls suburban cities or “satellite” cities. ‘These are housing projects. They in- volve the creation of new-fangled towns. Dr. Tugwell wants to go into the coun- try, cutside 20 big cities, buy up land, build up a community with houses, gar- dens, playgrounds, schools and com- munity centers, and then sell the houses to people who work in the cities. The Government would contribute 45 per cent of the cost, would provide su- pervision and financing on a low-inter- est-rate basis, and would sell at a price to provide rental at not over $6 per room per month. * * ok % Mr. Tugwell wants $225,000,000 for one year of resettlement administration ac- tivity. That is more than Mr. Ickes gets. Yet one official who is helping run the show said privately: “You can't tell what Tugwell will get. He has a way of coming out of the ‘White House with what he wants.” Actually, both Mr. Ickes and Dr. Tug- well are to run side shows. The main event is to be run by Harry Hopkins, as works progress administrator, backer of the idea of creating 3.500,000 jobs and victor in the struggle that went on for control the work-relief billions. Mr. Hopkins is staking his reputation on success of the program. He has to turn out results that will convince the public that the Govern- ment is getting its money’s worth out of the jobs. He, too. has to show that the Federal Government actually can get out of the relief business, as promised by Mr. Roosevelt. This means providing work for those unemployed on relief rolls who are able to work, and it means a shift to States of the care of those who are unable to work. His job involves figuring out what will be done after the present money is spent, and it involves spending the remaining billions by about July 1, 1936. Those who are to do the spending contend that if 3,500,000 jobs actually are created, then the billions will be gone on scheduled time. But then what to do? Right there is another work-relief battle, and probably the principal one so far as future New Deal policy goes. This battle involves the New Deal’s leading spender and its new aspirant for the title of budget balancer. On one side stands Harry Hopkins as the leading spender. On the other side stands Henry Morgenthau, jr, Secre- tary of the Treasury, as the leading- budget balancer. The two are reported already to have clashed in the White House conferences. Mr. kins, in effect, says “My is to taks care dflulfl? WASHINGTON, D. C, SEPTEMBER ‘29, 1935—PART TWO. QUALIFIED SERVICE BY THE RIGHT REV. JAMES E. FREEMAN, D. D, LL. D, D. C. L, BISHOP OF WASHINGTON, An incident is recorded in the ninth chapter of St. Luke’s gospel that relates thé story of three evidently sincere and earnest would-be followers of the Master who had been drawn to Him by the beauty and appeal of His ministry. They readily recognized His leadership and they sought, if possible, to become His disciples. We read that “a certain man said unto Him, Lord, I will follow Thee whithersoever Thou goest.” In response to this recognition of His leadership Jesus admonished the zealous follower that while the foxes and birds had their places of refuge and repose, He, the Son of man, “had not where to lay His head.” There is no evidence that this response met with the ready acceptance of the seeker. A second offered his services, but immediately requested that he be permitted to return to his home to dis- charge a solemn filial obligation. The third, with like zeal, said: “Lord, I will follow Thee, but let me first go bid them farewell which are at home at my house.” ‘To which Jesus responded: “No man, having put his hand to the plough and looking back is fit for the kingdom of That these three men were sincere in their tender of service is quite obvious, but their readiness to follow the leader- ship of Christ was qualified with a “but.” They had decision, but they lacked cour- age. They represent types that are always common with us. In another incident in the gospel nar- rative where a call to service was made we read that “they all with one consent began to make excuse.” It is universally true that under the spell of strong lead- ership men will ‘readily reach quick if superficially sincere decisions. They are like the seed which Jesus described in the parable of the sower that fell on thin earth that rested on a stone, which sprang up quickly and, because it had no depth, speedily withered away. Repeatedly in life we come to a crit- ical situation where the test to loyalty of conviction is put upon us, where we are called upon to decide, and decide | with a full knowledge of consequences, what course wz will follow. When such | a situation arises the depth of our con- viction and the strength of our purpose is conspicuously disclosed. Whether it is commitment to a principle or an ideal, there can be no such thing as “qualified discipleship.” In all His contacts with ‘men the Master was tenderly sympa- thetic with their weaknesses and foibles. He recognized the influence of environ- ing conditions and other limitations that tainment of their ideals and purposes, but He refused to recognize a discipleship that was half-hearted and subject to no time did He give promise to those who would follow Him that the way of the disciple was an easy one. The appeal of Jesus was to the stronger and more heroic elements in men. Too frequently emphasis is laid upon a *“comfortable gospel.” It certainly is a comforting gospel, but there is nothing in it that glves promise of ease to those who would be disciples of the Nazarene. It is quite evident that the strongest and most virile periods in the history of the church have been those where the followers of Jesus have been of the heroic type. The men and the women who have blazed the trail for the advance of His kingdom have ever been of the militant kind. The periods in which His cause has made its greatest progress have been those in which trial and sometimes suffering have attended the way of His followers. That “the blood of the martyrs is the seed of the church” is universally true. ‘There is a fresh call and an urgent one for demonstrative Christian living. In the distress and confusions of our mod- ern world we may not subordinate the The reason we fail in effecting a better world and a peaceful one and in the ushering in of the more abundant life is because we lack loyalty to those deep and fundamental principles which our Chris- tian discipleship lays upon us. follow Thee, but—" is an inadequate ment of the supremacy and leadership of Him who gave His life for a supreme cause. Fifty Years Ago In The Star On the morning of Wednesday, Sep- tember 23, 1885, a 36~m:h water main in Georgetown broke Slow Repairs to and menaced the general distribution Broken Main 8 thatsee tion of the city. It was not repaired until Thursday evening, when the water was partially turned on. Much eriti- cism was aroused by this delay in the re-establishment of the service. The Star of September 24, 1885, says: “The bewilderment and helplessness displayed by the Water Department over the accident is not calculated to inspire | confidence in the vigilance or the intelli- gence of the supervision exercised over the water supply. When, after many hours' delay, the nature and extent of | the break has been ascertained, it is discovered that the valve intended to stop off the water in the broken pipe is so rusted that it cannot be turned and that there is absolutely no way of ; stopping the flow in this pipe but by shutting off the whole city supply coming through all three of the pipes. Then, again, it is ascertained, after further delay, that no provision whatever has been made for appliances to mend a break of this kind that is liable to occur at any time. And so the safety and health of the whole city is imperiled while the aqueduct officials are pottering about trying to get the rusty valve to operate and ransacking the northern | cities for materials to patch the broken It is to be hoped that when this | | break is repaired the aqueduct people will pipe! condescend to investigate the condition of the waterworks all along the line and see if there are any more rusty valves or defective pipes or sources of water pollu- In short, let them drop the lesson or two in the opposite direction.” * * % An isolated and individual case of determined conservation occurring in & ‘Washington is thus noted in Saving a paragraph in The Star of a Tres. September 23, 1885: “Statisticians say that the annual cut of lumber in the United States would clean a space equal in size to New England, New Jersey and Maryland. No wonder that those who appreciate forests are becoming alarmed and that Mrs. Nesslaine and her daughter keep guard over their own particular tree on First street and swear to shoot the man who tries to cut it down.” * * X% ‘Washington was by no means alto- gether out of the running in the national game fifty years ago, Base Ball and its representatives 2 in the organized sport Champions. even acquired a cham- pionship. The Star of September 25, 1885, prints the following: “The Nationals walked away with the Newark team at Capitol Park yesterday without difficulty, the score standing 11 to 0 at the end of the seventh inning. The visitors could do nothing with Barr's pitching, making but three scattering hits during the game. The home team pounded Pyle, the new pitcher from the Virginias, in every direction. This game closes the Eastern League base ball sea- son so far as Washington is concerned and the Nationals become the owners of the championship pennant, having played 96 games and won 72.” employed. If the decision is in favor of " spending money to create work for these unemployed, then I will do the spend- ing. If plans are to be laid for future policy, then my staff, acquainted with the relief problem, should do the plan- ning. The job of the Secretary of the Treasury is to get the money and have it on hand when needed, not to argue over policy.” To which Mr. Morgenthau, in effect, says: “My job is to raise the money for carrying on the Government. When taxes don't cover the expense, I have to borrow. The problems of borrowing are growing more difficult to meet. It is my province to seek to interfere with policies that affect the Government credit. If I am to raise the money, then I want something to say about the spending of that money.” The interesting part is that Mr. Roose- velt is listening more and more to Mr. Morgenthau. He wants to show a budget for the next fiscal year which can be construed: as conservative and tending toward balance. On that basis the crack-up of a future work-relief program may come on the rock of the Treasury rather than as a result of anyiof the squabbles be- e Capital Sidelights By Will P. Kennedy. The retirement of Deputy Public Printer John Greene of Lowell, Mass, after 47 vears in the Government Print- ing Office breaks up a closely co-oper- ating partnership in getting work done at the big printing establishment for members of Congress. John Greene and William “Andy” Smith, who has represented the G. P. O. at the Capitol for 60 years, in charge of the Congres- sional Record, have been doing team- work for many years that facilitated the members. Now “Andy” Smith, the “Grand Old Man,” is left to carry on and to develop a similar smooth-work- ing system with the assistance of the | new deputy public printer. This getting out of the Congressional Record is one of the big jobs handled handled so long and so efficiently by “Andy” Smith that few have realized the amount of work involved. The last tember 10, is one of the largest in a session where the issues have been un- long debate and lengthy speeches. This last issue—of 230 pages—is devoted en- tirely to “extension of remarks” speeches —that is, speeches on all sorts of sub- jects, which were not made in the legis- lative chambers, but are designed mostly for campaign purposes—it is the special propaganda issue. In it, for example, Senate Leader Robinson tells of “The Achievements of the Roosevelt Adminis- tration” to the extent of 20 pages; Sen- ator Barkley, keynoter at the last Demo- | cratic convention, has reprinted an article on “Looking Ahead With Roose- velt”; Minority Leader Snell gets in his campaign licks with “They Should Take Who Have the Power and They Should Keep Who Can.” There are speeches and articles on widely varied subjects— such as “Nullification of Acts of Con- gress,” by Representative David J. Lewis of Maryland: on “Valiant Eskimos,” by Delegate Dimond from Alaska; “Military Order of the Purple Heart,” by Pennsylvania—and take your pick. Few persons realize it, but the Con- gressional Record is not a strictly free publication—there is a subscription list of about 500 copies daily and single of pages—this last issue sells for 29 cents. cents. The bound Record for the session just closed will make 15 volumes—the daily made 17 volumes. * % x x There are between 33,000 and 34,000 copies of the Record printed daily while Congress is in session. During the ses- sion just closed the House members sent out 22988 copies daily and the Senators had 7.658 on their mailing lists. The Governor of each State is entitled to a copy of the Record, the Government de- partments make requisition for the num- ber of copies they need. Each justice | of the Supreme Court has a copy deliv- ered to him. Each member of Congress is entitled to a copy at his residence, one at his office and one at his seat in the House. The Vice President and each Senator is entitled to 88 copies; the secretary of the Senate and the sergeant at arms are each entitled to 20, and the secretary gets an additional 10 for office use; each Representative and Delegate gets 60 copies, the clerk and doorkeeper get 20 each, and the clerk gets an addi- tional 10 for office use. Each member of Congress gets a bound volume with index every two weeks. * X %k % Discussing “Nullification of Acts of Congress,” Representative David J. Lewis of Maryland, the diminutive House member with a big brain, gives some interesting quotations: “We are under a Constitution, but the Constitution is what the judges say it is.”—Gov. Hughes of New York, now Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. “I do not think the United States would come to an end if we lost our power to declare an act of Congress void.”—The late Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes. “Why should we not have a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better, is there any equal hope in the world?"—Abraham Lincoln. * Kk X In these days, when the “G” men are being acclaimed by press and radio in their successful drive against the under- world, the racketeers and gangsters and public enemies generally, it is interesting to note that their big boss, the man who directs their campaigns, and who is one of the public officials in whom the reading and listening public is most interested, whose name is little short of a talisman against the powers of evil, or at least those who raise their hand against society—J. restricted and hindered them in the at- | change under the pressure.of events. At | | teresting thing. and wholly unsatisfactory acknowledg- | The biggest issue during the last 15 | years was on June 16, which sells for 38 | Edgar Hoover—di- claims which our disciplehood lays upon | us nor give them an inconspicuous place. | The Marines By Frederic J. Haskin. For the first time since their organi- zation in 1694 the Royal Marines of Great Britain have been assigned to stand guard at Buckingham Palace where the King of England resides. This does not seem especially impressive to the average American, but to an Englishman, it is at least interesting. There is no reason to mention the fact at all save for the circumstance that the American people have a rather high opinion of their own Marine Corps. Great Britain and the United States are the only two countries in the world which have Marine Corps. In Great Britain they call them—as they would— the Royal Marines. But here is an in- Although the first British Marine Corps was organized in 1694, it had miscellaneous vicissitudes and practically went out of business in | later years. But, in 1740, when the United States still consisted of the thirteen original Colonies, there were recruited in this country three regiments of Marines —Royal Marines, naturally—for his majesty’s service. They were raised to assist the fleet in its various operations against the King of Spain and against | the Prench with whom the British never have been especially friendly, especially at sea. To illustrate the military rather than naval character of these troops. it might well be noted that the three regiments recruited were commanded by colonels, if you please, appointed by the crown. The captains of companies were named by the several colonies. There seems to be no record as to which of the thirteen Colonies named the several captains. Perhaps each one named a captain. There were, assuredly, enough to go around. It is sort of amazing to other nations that the British and Americans should do 0 curious a thing as to have an army force aboard ship. The original Order in | Council which established the British “I will | 1 Marines, when it was heard about on the continent, provoked no little comment. It was dated 1694 and provided in some- what archaic English for “Twelve hun- | dred land souldgers to be forewith rayzed | to be in readiness to be distributed in | his majesty’s fleete prepared for sea | officially, service.” The Admiral's Regiment, As a further mark of the amphib nature of these men, they were cal “the admiral’s regiment.” That | sounds rather out of tune, like referring to a colonel of a battleship, but never- theless the Order in Council is of record. The American people who were reading | newspapers during the World War will remember that the press agency of the | United States Marine Corps exploitec, | largely through the eloguence of Capt. | of that body of men. work of Congress and the individual | | by the Government Printing Office and | is a big job at the Capitol end, but | John H. Craige, the tremendous merits It had been on the lips of half the country that, when anything in the nature of a threat to the Monroe Doctrine occurred between the tropics, that the Marines had landed and had the situation well in hand. There were some persons so confident of the prowess of this outfit that when they read that the Marines had landed in France, they assumed the World War would be over in time for the morning papers. That was not quite true, but it was not far off in theory. They did fairly well, as fighting goes from a civilian's point of view, at Belleau Wood, at Cha- teau Thierry and in the Argonne. In- deed, at Soissons, during those very hot | days, they gave a pretty good accol number of the Record, issued on Sep- | usually and consistently heavy, due o | Beitis kil e of themselves and were in, as the hun says, at the death. This idea of Marines seems to be a The idea of the British government, when the first Royal Marines were organized, was this. For able seamen, the British Navy was in the habit of picking up from Hell, Hull and Halifax any one who had so com- pletely lost his spirit of independence as to submit to being shanghaied. Al- most invariably that meant that there was some persuasion from a certain state of comatoseness which, we are informed, sailors are not wholly strangers to. These chaps were fairly hardy wights and, once aboard, not infrequently caused trouble. To be sure, there were then in the British Navy men like Lieut. Blich of the Bounty. but not even such marti- nets could always curb the rugged indi- vidualism of the enlisted men—"enlisted™* being a term emploved under the mauve shadow of euphemism and with apolo- gies to both the mer themselves and the | press gangs who. presumably, knew what the | Representative Clare G. Fenerty of | they were about! Stood Between Officers and Crew. Anyway, they were not always excel- lent models of deportment. They wore their hair in queues down their backs | and the sort of uniforms that one sees | and Sir William Gilbert's copies are sold according to the number | in a performance of Sir Arthur Sullivan's “Pirates of Penzance.” As these were prescribed uniforms and as the men were ordered to wear them as a part of the British Navy discipline and the idea that Eng- land expects every man to do her duty— and that is not a typographical error— it is slight wonder that there were fre- quent mutinies. So expecting mutinies, out of long ex- perience, the British admiralty decided that there should be another outfit aboard ship. The able seamen were shipped for a brief period, often as brief as the men could make it. The Marines were a more responsible lot and shipped deliberately and, if you please, their enlistment was for life. ¥ Therefore, they stood in a curious re- | lationship as between the officers, the | Lieut. Blighs, and the crew of seamen | jackies. In the event of a mutiny, here were these sea soldiers standing between the crew and the officers and having the situation well in hand. And, by the way, it is interesting to note that the Royal Marines are not called, as the sailors are, jackies. They, for some reason which is as obscure as any reason for anything the Englishe speaking people do, are called jollies or, alternately, Joes. Perhaps the jackies look down on their associates and refuse to share their nick-title with them or, per- haps, the Joes disdain the traditional appellation. There might be a suggestion for the United States Marine Corps that it get together with the Royal Marines and form a sort of exclusive society of the sea for it is indubitable that they are the- only organizations of their kind in the world. Kipling wrote a poem about the Royal Marines and sometime something may be written about the United States Ma- rine Corps. rector of the Bureau of Investigations, is a Government service product—he grew up in the service and found himself a place in the sun of public approval. Only a few years ago he was a messenger in the Library of Congress. After studying law nights, he got a job in the Department of Justice as a junior file clerk at a salary of $990—and now he gets nine times as much. He climbed to head of a bureau with an annual appropriation of millions of dollars and a secret personnel of nearly 1,000 spe- cially trained men. So, young Americans, who have de- veloped the habit of play with toy volvers in your hands, remember this: In our Government it is just as -easy to be an acclaimed J. Edgar Hoover as it is to be a hunted Dillinger—and much safer.