Evening Star Newspaper, June 16, 1935, Page 36

THE EVENING STAR With Sunday Morning Editien. WASHINGTON, D. C SUNDAY.........June 16, 1935 THEODORE W. NOYES. . .Editor The Evening Star Newspaper Company 11t o ans Benseyivania Ave New York Office. 110 East 42nd ot. ca. Lake Michigan Building. European Office, 14 Regent St.. Loadon. (when The Sunday Star,. Night Final Edition. eh ! and day Star.70c month Risht e Blar o0 35¢ per month Collection = mas the of each month. _ Orders be sent by mail or Telephone National 5000. Rate by Mail—Payable in Advance. only Sunday only. All Other States and Canada. Ruily and sunday. 1 yr. $12.00: § mo. 31,00 dly only......] yr. $8.00:1mo. " 75¢ Sunday only.. yr.. $5.00: 1mo. 60c Member of the Associated Press. The Associated Press is exclusively en. titled to the use for republication of all news dispatches credited to 1t or not other: Tocal D s published heren. Al fights o publication of svecial dispatches herein areé also reserved. —_—————ees——e——— A Fair Exchange. Congress sauthorized the Commis- sioners to borrow $100,000 from the Public Works Administration for con- struction of a new heating plant at Children's Hospital. The Commis- sioners have decided, after consulta- tion with Dr. Ruhland, to seek the loan. And of all the loans for the District, proposed or sought, none commends itself more to the sympa- thetic support of the community. The terms of the loan—as between the municipal government and the hospital—are unique. If the District will build the heating plant, replacing the plant which {s inadequate and has been condemned, the hospital will furnish clinical and diagnostic examination of children threatened with tuberculosis. That is a more than reasonable exchange. It is a form of health insurance that costs little and the returns are beyond measurement. But there is more to the story than that. For years the Children’s Hos- pital, working hand in hand with the Child Welfare' Society and the Mary Gwynn Clinic, has been doing an ex- ceedingly valuable work in safeguard- ing the health of children of the community—especially the children whose parents are unable to pay the cost of examination, diagnosis and treatment. Some years ago the wards of the hospital were filled with chil- dren who suffered the ravages of rickets. Today there are hardly enough cases to afford a clinical demonstra- tion of rickets. ‘That is one small indication of the preventive work possible through or- | ganized faeilities which have been | made available by the hospital and the Child Welfare Soclety. Today the hospital carries on its elinical and examination work in quar- ters so crowded that parents and their little children are often forced to stand for long perlods awaiting ex- amination. These parents are entire- 1y dependent upon the voluntary serv- ices of the hospital and clinic. They pay a nominal charge when they can; otherwise they pay nothing, and the Community Chest makes up the defi- cit. The hospital receives no contri- butions of any kind from Congress or the municipality. The present heating plant and laun- dry occupy valuable space in the cen- ter of the building which could easily be converted into additional eclinies. The new heating plant would be housed in a separate building, the upper floor of which would be used &s & laundry. The floor space for clinics would be practically doubled, The work there could be increased in some proportion to the demand. It is unnecessary to discuss the ad- vantages of the systematic health ex- sminations of children, which would reveal the presence of tuberculosis and other infections. Every intelligent person realizes the benefits of pre- ventive treatment following early ex- amination and diagnosis. The en- larged program which would be pos- sible at Children's Hospital would be directly in line with Dr. Ruhland’s campaign, which, in the face of financial odds, he 1s trying to start. ‘There are now at Children’s Hos- pital the case records of some 66,000 Washington children under fourteen years of age. The hospital has the ex- perience, the contacts and the repu- tation ‘which furnish the necessary foundation for any enlarged program. If given the assistance it now seeks it ‘would increase its service to the com- munity. And that is more than worth the relatively small amount asked of the community. ———. The Decision in the Holt Case. Decision that Rush D. Holt, elected Benator last November by the voters of West Virginia, may take his seat next Wednesday, when he will be thirty years of age, having been reached by the Senate Committee on Flections, it is altogether probable that on that day the oath of office . will be administered and he will as- sume the place in the Upper House of Congress for which he presented his credentials in January. This decision is based upon a broad interpretation of the provision in the Constitution that “no person shall be a Senator who shall not be thirty years of age, nine years a citizen of the United States, and an inhabitant when elect- ed of the State for which he shall be chosen,” The phrase “when elected” is held to qualify the last of the three requirenients, that of being an in- habitant of the State for which the person named Senator is chosen as a representative, - Had that phrase occurred in the first of the three qualifying clauses, that relating to the age, there could be no question that 8 person less than thirty years of age at the time of his election could not sit #s Senator, wnm*-umb- tent of the framers of the Constitu- tion thus to limit the qualification “when elected” solely to the residential status cannot be determined. The fact that Candidate Holt would not be of constitutional age for mem- bership in the Senate until June 15, 1935, was known when he was nomi- nated. It was disclosed in the course of the campaign to the voters of the State, a majority of whom expressed their preference for him notwithstand- ing the fact of this probable dis- qualification for service immediately after election. Thus the majority of the voters of the State were willing to take a chance on West Virginia being only partially represented for nearly six months after the opening of the Congress. The Senate Com- mittee on Elections now holds, and the Senate will probably hold with the committee, that it was the de- liberate choice of the voters that 20¢ | West Virginla's second seat in the Upper House should be left unoc- cupied for that period if objection was raised to the qualification of the newly named Senator. The “Mind of the King.” The “grass roots” conference of Midwest Republicans did not make the issue of the 1936 campaign. It merely seized upon an issue which President Roosevelt offered the Republicans, the issue of increased Federal control and concentration of power in Washington. From this time forward the President and the Democrats generally—with the exception of the ardent New Deal- ers—may back away from this issue. It is an issue that has its prickly side for them. The President and the Democrats may try to take the coming national campaign back to the days of 1932, when the country was sick and sore and the Democratic goose hung high. In those days, however, the Democrats had a platform that was about as much like the New Deal as day is like night. The President then was cam- paigning for a lot of things that have been cast into the discard by the New Deal. To return to the days of 1932 [in the campaign of 1936 is likely to be a tough task. The grass roots conference, al- though it made no issues, called atten- | tion in plain language to shortcomings of both the President and his adminis- tration. It is on this record—and not the record of the Hoover administra- | tion—that the Roosevelt Democrats will have to go to bat next year. The conference served to center the spot- light on failures and inconsistencies of the Democrats. But more impor- tant, from the Republican point of view, the conference was able to lay emphasis on the fact that the demand for centralized power in Washington— for powers far beyond those given in the Constitution—comes not from the { brain trust, out from the President himself, as disclosed in the President’s | talk with the press after the Supreme Court’s N. R. A, decision. The Republicans in their grass roots conference attacked the President be- cause he had abandoned the cam- paign pledges made by himself and Government expenditures. Generally, it is more popular to spend than to save. In the campaign next year the administration will be engaged in a huge program of spending. It has been handed by Congress a sum of $4,880,000.000. fund which staggers even the grass- roots Republicans. They regard it plans of the Republicans for the de- feat of Democratic candidates. How, they wonder, is it possible to defeat nearly five billion dollars at the polis? | The cynical answer is that it is as | impossible as it was at one time said | to be impossible to “put a muillicn | dollars in jafl.” How far can the President and the new dealers back away from the demand to concentrate great powers in the hands of the Executive in ‘Washington—powers which are essen- tial to “national planning”—without alienating the affections of the more ardent of the new dealers? Even before the Blue Eagle was plucked of its feathers by the Supreme Court Gen. Hugh 8. Johnson was complain- ing because the President did not speak more clearly about his plans for the future, Today, the geheral suggested, “no man knoweth the mind of the King.” The New Deal, or much of it, the President has declared, seems impos-. sible in the light of the Supreme Court's N. R. A. decision. If that is the case, what is the President going to do about it? The grass root- ers take it for granted that he will seek a constitutional amendment. The Democratic high command, possibly like Gen. Johnson, is wondering what is in the “mind of the King.” — b ‘Whether you like it or not, radio brings into the home a ringside seat at a prize fight. Some one in the family wants to hear all about it even if a collegiate lecture on current prob- lems has to be sidetracked. B o B “Aryanism” and Art. To what strange limits the anti- Semitic cult in Nazi Germany ean go, when fanatics in high position are permitted to vent their zeal unre- strained, is illustrated by the an- nouncement that Dr. Richard Strauss, Germany's most distinguished com- poser of opera and’ lieder, is soon to lose his head as president of the Reich’s musical chamber. He was sppointed to that office by Dr. Paul Joseph Goebbels, minister of props- ganda, in November, 1933. Dr. Strauss’ newest opera, “The Silent Woman,” is to have its world premiere at Dresden on June 24. Immediately afterward, Berlin dis- patches report, he is to be deprived of all his official honors under the Third Reich. The composer’s offense. con- sists of his “treason” in having Ste- 1an Zweig, & Jewish author, write the libretto for the new opers. Hitherto Strauss’ librettos have been supplied by the late Hugo von Hofmannithal, also a “non-Arysn.” f the composer his party for greater economy in { You wonder just what you are there It is this huge |y, cabmen are raising a riot: as the chief stumbling block to the | of “Elektra,” “The Rose OCavalier,” “Ariadne” and other works seems addicted to utilizing for his musical purposes the literary products of Jew- ish authors, the Hitlerites have de- cided to visit condign punishment upon him. Following Herr von Hof- mannsthal’s death, Nazi leaders ex- pected Strauss to turn to “Aryan” librettists, but he insisted that Zweig’s text of “The Silent Woman” was indispensable, the author's Juda- ism to the confrary nothwithstanding. Goebbels is sald - recently to have warned Strauss that his “Stlent Woman"” would be the last new opera by a Semitic litrettist to be permit- ted in Nazi Germany, The composer replied that “it isn't easy to find li~ brettists. Writing opera text is a special art." PO | Among all the absurdities and ex- cesses committed in the name of “Aryanism” by Hitler, Goering, Goeb- bels et al, the impending disciplining of Richard Strauss for the cause stated will takeé high rank. Few things that have occurred in the course of the Nazs’ insensate anti- Semitic crusade outstrip it in sheer ludicrousness, though many episodes have outdone it in cruelty. It is not of ftself a matter of grave impor- tance, but it will have its effect in convincing the outside world that Nazi-ism is still rooted in & deep sub- stratum of frrationalism, Finland pays up. She should find European patronage for a college spe- cializing in & eourse of instruction on the ethical aspect of international finance. A lack of much further regard for the Blue Eagle is encouraged by a comparison of the statesmanship of Charles Evans Hughes with that of Gen. Hugh Johnson. Bureaucracy is denounced by some students of budget balancing as put- ting too much accent on the second syllable, properly pronounced “owe.” It may be that Japanese economists figure that goods may be offered ebroad at still lower prices if China can be turned into a vast sweat shop. Automobiles bring only one differ- ence from horse-and-buggy human pature—the inevitable quarrel con- cerning parking space. —————r————————— Human affairs are gradually being simplified. The baffling word tech- nocracy has faded from the popular vocabulary. —_—————————— A crime rendezvous becomes an ex- pensive item in town economy when the taxpayers figure the cost of court procedure. SHOOTING STARS. BY PHILANDER JOHNSON, Seeking Rest. e The engines are smoking and steaming, The cinders fly hot through the air, The whistles are fitfully screaming, And life seems a burden of care. You eat what you really don't care for, In vain for amusement you roam, for, As you wistfully think of your home. There's a spot that is shady and quiet; You turn on the fan for a breeze; You can dress pretty much as you please, As you turn to the porch or the ball- room, } In the hills, or beside the salt foam, You'll be missing your house or your hall room As you hum the old tune, “Home, | Sweet Home.” Effective Background. “Do you think your audiences enjoy the statistics you quote in your speeches?” “No,” replied Senator Sorghum, “I | just put ‘em in to make the rest of my | remarks seem more interesting by con- trast.” Jud Tunkins says the great objec- tion to dreams of ambition is the habit they have of turning into terrible nightmares. The Fascination of Trouble. All strive to shun the various cares ‘Which ordinary life contains: Yet when a man finds his affairs Are free from worry’s wakeful pains And he contentedly might jog Through paths that trouble cannot | would go a grant of power, mar— He goes and gets himself a dog Or else he runs a motor car. Precaution. “Her husband plays & very poor game of bridge.” o “Yes,” replied Mrs. Flimgilt; “she in- sists on bringing him along so that somebody else will be sure to have a bad p'nmur." Sometimes s famous man has to work very hard to overcome the un- favorable impression made by the cigars named after him. Vecalization. Unto the prima donna when she sings ASSURANCE BY THE RIGHT REV. JAMES E. FREEMAN, D. D., m D, D.CL, Bi ‘ashingto, ishop of W it yeceives indorsement and confirma- tion from those who are most compe- tent to judge it. As we survey the road we have help, whether expressed in creeds or formal religious profession, the aver- age of us has a secret, possibly unde- fined, feeling that, there is a “divinity that shapes our ends, rough hew them as we willL” Repeatedly, in contacts with those whose lives bore no evi- dence of deep religious feeling, we have seen them in a crisis blaming God for their mistakes or their mis- fortunes. The inconsistencies of men are never more evident than when in an hour of supreme testing they inveigh against one whom they have never acknowledged or reverenily worshipped. During the Great War the men going into action spoke of their security or insecurity in terms of an invisible and supreme power < determined their fate. It is a comforting feeling to believe that behind the plan of our life re- sides a power, not of ourselves, that regulates and determines our course. There is a story in the Old Testament that strikingly illustrates this. Two brothers, Jacob and Esau by name, had parted company as the result of Jezlousy and rivalry, Jacob had, un- der compulsion, set out for an un- known destiny. Confused and uncer- | n, £ : 1 B £ i 8 I il i B &1 i | ggss ih i gif?is i SBE T g EEE i $ iy gsif 1 5 gallery on that occasion, and several of the elder employes at the Capitol,, notably William “Andy” “who was in charge of the Record even that long historic speech »|He had studied law while in the “I fled Him, down the nights and down the days, I fled Him down the arches of the years,” and to recognize His prevailing presence in his life and to give him- self without reserve to what he con- ceived to be God's plan for bis course. Zeal for Reform Is Now Cooling Among the New Deal Administrators BY OWEN L. SCOTT, Zeal for reform is cooling among New Dealers. Nine Supreme Court | justices, by deciding that government | isn't altogether a personal matter, not only killed N. R. A. codes but took much of the glamour from the entire Washington show. Personalities, all of a sudden, count for less; orders from Congress for more. Pet schemes that were hatch- ing in private to be sprung on the country by the simple process of ex- ecutive order are being wrapped in moth balls. When the whim of an administrator could be written into law by the magic | of a White House order, that admin- | istrator got a real thrill. His every whim might be of importance to a few million business men, or a few | million farmers, or a hundred million | citizens. Gen. Hugh Johnson, in the old New Deal days, could decide that a Dit of | price fixing would be good for indus- ! try. So in the steel code, or the cop- per code, or the fly-swatter code there “ by the White House, permitting in- dustry to do something that the Na- | tion, through its anti-trust laws, had prohibited for 45 years. Or Harold Ickes could make rules and regulations for the spending of | public works billions that would deny] money to some communities, grant it to others, supply cash for one type of | project competing with private enter- | prise, deny it to another. Harry Hopkins could decide that ! money for relief should be turned on or off as he saw fit. Henry Wallace could tell 130,000,000 food eaters the amount of tax to be levied on some farm products. Donald Richberg could | give out orders that were law to busi- | ness men, * * ¥ % But now all is being changed. The Supreme Court frowned upon the free and easy manner in which power was wielded by individuals. It found that in one case a man had been sent to jail for violating one of Mr. Ickes' orders that didn’t even exist. The Government had thought it did. 8o the court has said that Congress, if it wants to delegate power to the executive arm of the Government, must surround the use of that power with careful standards and limits. There is 8 question, too, whether the National Government could as- sume leadership, under dynamic per- sonalities, in any real program remake the economic organization of the country. Its part, apparently, must be more negative in character, involving the drafting of rules and regulations and seeing that they are enforced. > Congress, according to the Supreme Court, should do more of its own brain-trusting. How is the Congress reacting to that suggestion? Are there signs that a reminder of its function in the Gov- ernment has pumped new life into the might be extended to th. reservations. groups, looking at problems from sec- tional viewpoints, broken up into fac- mmmmneoltnmml fiings. > But orators, alas, we oft forget, Because their words are not to music set. “Some men,” said Uncle Eben, “is | trust. talked about because dey’s great. An’ some men seems great because dey manages to git talked about.” Germany’s New Navy. From the Los Angeles Times. § :g g Eziifi E 5 § E, g é % § . £ | i E £ | E | | Eigi - H H 3 with Gen. Johason, ran that show through two years, is retiring. Mr. Hopkins 15 treading lightly as he lays his plans to spend X 000,000. Some New Deal lawyers, in t, question whether this work- relief program would pass muster be- fore the Suprems= Court because cf the broad delegation of legislative power. But the plan calls for spending the morey before anyoody can find out. Progress Director Hopkins normally functions with a flair and with speed. Now he is subdued, saying little, feel- ing his way along. Dr. Rexford Guy Tugwell now has his big chance to perform. Mr. Dr. Tugwell is move into sction. has shunted lenry his knitting, has dug the New Deal farm program deep into the Nation's economic make-up. The A. A. A, under Mr. Wallace and Chester Davis, has known where it was going. But the Supreme Court suddenly has cast | | doubt over its powers and its plans. Processing taxes, marketing agree- ments, forced controls in cotton and ;ehcco are of uncertain legal stand- Ing. One of President Roosevelt's most prized creations is the Tennessee Valley Authority and its program of development for the States coming within its sphere. Courts have ham- strung T. V. A’s power program and threaten the very Character of the British BY A. G. GARDINER. LONDON, June 15.—“Show man’s friends and I will tell you character” is a sound axiom tions, na to say ¥ i it | 1 5af R § T § g gg! i i 5 4 . H . i 3l - E} g i g gfiz L | i Army. Later he was publisher and editor of several newspapers. He was s presidential elector on the ticket with Garfield and Arthur, He was characters,. such as “Sockless” Jerry Simpson. He was 62 years old when he made his incantation fiilibuster. death was known as the “dean of the ‘Washington correspondents.” In fact, the press gallery list at that time was a fair cross-section of Who's P. Marfarland, Jater District Commis- sioner; David 8. Barry, afterward sergeant at arms of the Senate: P. V. ‘Who—such men as Robert J. Wynne, De Graw, A. Maurice Low, who Iater, during the Great War, ceived knighthood honors from the King of England; L. A. Coolidge, Perry S. Heat Grantham Bain; John™ Boyle, Hobart Brooks, E. G. Dunnell, Frank Hos- ford, “Bob” Larner, Francis E. Leupp, M. G. Seckendorff, John 8. Shriver, marked that they would be regarded as a pose in other men, but that suspicion never attaches to him. He has by universal consent no private except the public interest. He is a party leader, but his horizon has never been bounded by party calculations. |and a good European, and whenever | the prejudices of his party come into collision with what he believes to be | the higher interests of human society | his action is never in doubt. loyalty to the idea of the extension of self-government to India, the In- dia bill, which is now reaching its | final stages, could never have over- come the powerful and ingrained dis- like and fear of the policy which pre- vailed in his own ranks. He staked his whole political career on that policy and no one but he could have carried the Conservative party with him in the teeth of its own convic- tions and feelings. And the prestige which has en- abled him to sway his own party is not confined to that party. He dis- arms both the Labor and Liberal op- position not merely by the spacious- ness and disinterestedness of his out- look, but by the integrity of his char- acter and his gift of magnanimous speech. It wes said of Goldsmith that he touched nothing that he did not adorn. It may be sald of Mr. Baldwin that he touches no question that he does not raise to finer issues. He does not do this by the arts of the rhetorician. He, himself, despises rhetoric and has called it “the har- lot of the arts.” He does it by con- veying the impression of a man who has the gospel of humanity in his heart and utters it, as the greatest natural orator of all time uttered it, “With malice toward none, with charity for all.” * X ¥ % Is he a great speaker? I do not know; but no one familiar with the House of Commons would deny that in his simple, unaffected way he touches the deeper emotions of that assembly as no one else touches them. A conspicuous example of his power of straight speech without a hint of bitterness was his recent reply to Herr . In effect it was an indictment of German policy, but it was en< veloped in such an atmosphere of sweet reasonableness, sanity and good- * | will that it was welcomed in Germany f 5 4| 2 E 5 : il 85 ER i were members of the| cents an hour and ranks fourth. V. Oulahan, who at the time of his | ax to grind and no interest to serve | He is first of all a citizen of the world | But for his steadfast, undeviating | Starting Wages for Workers BY FREDERIC J. HASKIN. It is the confident expectation of & large number of college and even high school that once com- mencement is over they will into & world eager for their resulting in early advantageous place- ment it often, is found that he slarts at the top and works down. ‘The competition for any kind of job is so keen today, when bankers and lawyers are driving taxicabs for a living and court reporters are waiting on tables because of the pressure of ten or eleven million unemployed, that the youth just emerging from school may be thankful to get the humblest by | work. The Bureau of Labor Statistics has made a study of what the beginner may expect to be paid in a number of industries provided he can convince the hiring foreman that he should have the job. The wages are not par- ticularly flattering but they are better than nome at all and, to the minds of most Americans, better than the dole. Always, by starting at the botiom, there is an opportunity for emulating the heroes of Horatio Alger and end- ing up by owning the business, even though one has to marry the boss’ daughter to reach that end. The Bureau has worked out average figures for 13 major industries. There are, of course, marked exceptions to these averages. Some companies pay more and some pay less. Wages are generally higher in the North than they are in the South, but, taking all companies and ail sections into con- siderstion, the bureau has arrived the averages the beginner can ex- The highest entrance wages are paid in the automobile industry—54.9 cents an hour. Henry Ford and others pay higher wages than that, but not every one can go to Detroit, and even Henry Ford cannot employ all comers. Allied to the automobile industry and paying the next highest entrance wage is the petroleum refining indus- try, with a starting figure of 52.6 cents an hour, General contracting ranks third as a large industry, paying 45.5 cents | an hour. This sort of work would include hod-carrying and the rougher sorts of manual labor incident to con- struction of all kinds, buildings, roads, sewers—anything that comes under the heading of general con- tracting. This is a good rate, as wages go, but a difficulty is that the constructlon industry is perhaps the most depressed of all industries and there are few jobs to be had. What .| might be called a subdivision of gen- eral contracting, the cement industry, pays an average entrance wage of 44.7 Wages in Various Industries. An hourly wage of 439 cents an hour is paid by the slaughtering and meat packing industry. One would need to have a taste for that sort of thing to be willing to take a begin- ner’s job in a slaughter house. The ‘| work is not exactly dainty, but 44 cents an hour is a pretty good wage | as_beginners' wages go. ‘The industry devoted to electrical machinery. apparatus and supplies pays an average wage of 435 cents an hour and public utilities 418 cents. This is the wage which the greatly envied Irish worker was get- ting, presum;bly, when he was up- braided with"his ldkury by ‘Mis wife, who said that while she bent over a steaming washtub all day he could dig in a nice cool sewer. ‘The paper and pulp industry pays 403 cents an hour, foundries and machine 40.1 cents an hour, and all other industries show an .| average under 40 cents. They include the brick, tile and terra cotta indus~ try, 369 ceuts an hour; leather in- dustry, 39.3 ceuts; Jumber and sawe mill , 33.1 cents. ‘There are differences in the hours of work & week which make dfffer- periods of: activity and inactivity which bear oo the an- nual earnings in these various indus- tries. The young man applying for & job should not be certain he will be offered as much as the average fig- ures quoted here and should not be offended if offered less, nor should he be surprised if offered more. These are but averages for all 13 industries and all sections of the country, so shouid be taken merely as a guide in the most general terms, Effect of N. R. A. Codes. What differences will be noted in the course of a few weeks because of the action of the Supreme Court of the United States in outlawing the codes of the Nationa! Recovery Ad- ministration cannot with certainty be foretold. There is some expectation that these rates will drop. A com- posite of all the averages for the 13 industries noted above gives an hourly wage of 43 cents. In 1833, before the N. R. A. codes of minimum wages went into effect, the same composite of averages for the same 13 industries produced a figure of only 35 cents an hour. 1t was this difference, created by the N. R. A. codes, which, in a little more than a year, added some $3,000,000,000 to the American pay roll—not, of course, only for these 13 industries but for all industries and trades. ‘Where you live and where you get your job will have a great deal to do with your wages. The highest wages for beginners are paid in the East North Central region including Ohio, Michigan, Indiana and Illinois, where starting wages go as high as §1 an hour. However, the lowest for that same region are but 20 cents an hour, Next comes the Middle Atlantic region, where the high is 87.5 cents and the |low 30 cents an hour. | The other regions are as follows: |in the North and West, where wages | rule generally higher, it is found that | in the New England region there is a high of 70 cents and a low of 275 cents an hour. In the West North Central region the high is 78.8 cents | and the low 23 cents an hour. In the Mountain region the high is 65 cents and the low 22.5-cents an hour, and in the Pacific region the high is 875 cents and the low 25 cents an | hour. In the South Atlantic region the high is 51.8 cents and the low 10 cents an hour, the lowest of any wage rate |in the country. In the East South | Central region the high is 68.5 cents and the low 225 cents an hour, and in the West South Central region the | high is 625 cents and the low 18 | cents an hour. i Only in the two highly prosperous | years of 1928 and 1929 have average | wages in these 13 industries been | higher than those quoted above. The President is making every effort to | have them retained, but there are other | influences at work tending to beat {them down, so the young graduate | need not be too certain that he will do as well as even these averages sug- gest. But that is the best there is td go by at present. Plan to Stabilize Soft Coal Mining BY HARDEN COLFAX. A proposal which many believe of- fers the great national industries a way out of the confusion that followed the Supreme Court’s decision on the N. R. A. is embodied in the Guffey bill, for the stabilization of soft coal mining. However the N. R. A. may have failed of its purpose in other parts of the country, there seems to be no dis- sent from the judgment of the coal mine operators of the Appalachian region (including Pennsylvania, Mary- )and, Virginia, West Virginia, Northern Tennessee, Western Kentucky and Ohio) that the codes were the princi- pal agency in bringing order out of | chaos in an industry whose well being directly affects all citizens. Coal has been in a bad way for some years. There was a code in the bitu- minous coal flelds, but none in the anthracite. There were all sorts of troubles about costs, unfair and un- wholesome trade practices and price fixing. Then, of course, there was hanging over the industry the menace from the competitive sources, particu- larly fuel oil, natural gas and hydro- electric power. Anthracite seems less likely than bituminous to be affected by the Su- | preme Court's decision in any serious way. For the last two years 65 per cent of the bituminous coal production has been marketed by a central sales | orgenization known as Appalachian Coals, Inc., which was in operation be- fore N.R. A. Now that the codes have been set aside the attention of the industry is being centered on the Guf- fey bill and such co-operative schemes as Appalachian Coals. * % x * The Guffey bill, if enacted substan- tially as written, would set up a com- mission of five members, two repre- senting the employers, two labor and one of Government, and it would ex- ercise a measure of control over the entire soft coal industry. It would be empowered to allocate production by districts and establish minimum prices. Under it, collective bargaining would be legalized, permitting agreements providing for minimum wages and maximum hours of work. Finally, $300,000,080, to be provided by & bond issue and liquidated by a tax on coal, would be appropriated for the purchase of what are known as sub-marginal coal lands, to establish a National BeRoe H i £ £ g E HH 3 ]Fifty Years Ago In The Star Early in the Summer of 1855 the ‘Washington Monument was several times struck by lightning and slight Protecting the s . ‘oo Star of June 13, LEDE L 1885, thus notes the steps to be taken to protect the great memorial from this cause of injury: “The committee of scientists who examined the Washington Monument after it was struck by lightning has ! not yet made a formal report of the changes they deem desirable to pre- vent a similar accident. As it is known, however, that their principal recom- mendation will be to supply additional points on the roof of the Monument for the lightning to strike, Colonel Casey decided to take immediate steps for temporary protection from light- ning, fearing that a chance bolt might strike the Monument again and cause even more damage before the entire changes which might be recommended could be made. With this view, after | submitting his plan to one of the committee, who immediately approved | it, as it was in the direct line of their | intended recommendations, Colonel Casey went to Philadelphia yesterday |and ordered four copper rods three- | quarters of an inch in thickness, which are to extend to the outside of the roof of the Monument, one for each face of the roof, and to be in direct connection with the four copper rods which extend from the iron pillars which compose the framework of the elevator to the base of the capstone. The four additional rods will reach terminals in seven branching gilded needle points.