Evening Star Newspaper, January 19, 1930, Page 29

EDITORIAL SECTION he Sundwy Star. WASHINGTON, D. C., SUNDAY MORNING, JANUARY 19, 1930. E&rt 2—12 Pages RICA, UNLUCKY THREE IMES, IN FOURTH PARLEY IObservers Declare Europe Cannot Lose Anything by London Conference. BY FRANK H. SIMONDS. HE London naval conference, which will hold its opening ses- sion in the historic St. James' Palace on Tuesday, is the fourth in the series of international jeetings in which the United States has rticipated. And it is at least a sig- cant_detail that all have been un- Jucky. The peace conference at Paris, he disarmament conference at Wash- 1 the Coolidge conference at e all failed to fulfill the hopes the American people. these three former conferences, t of Paris was certainly the most fa- ous and the most far-reaching in its nsequences. It was, too, the most pectacular and impressive because the kground of the meeting was the still ntouched battlefields and indescribable «eserts of the devastated area. One short hour in a motor car sufficed to take one to Belleau Wood or the even #earer flelds of the First Marne. Again, at Paris, the statesmen who iconducted the discussion were known throughout the world as no public men jhad ever before been known. Wilson, IClemenceau and Lloyd George had filled the world with their words and deeds for four long years. And in full view +behind the Big Three were the soldiers, Foch, Pershing, Weygand. Less bril- liant than the Congress of Vienna in 1814, less formal and stately in its man- ners than the more recent gathering At Berlin in 1878, Paris was, as & conse- quence of the multiplication of means fof transmitting both the news and the picture of events, a drama that was iplayed to the largest audience in all uman history. On the American side, too, no one (who was in Paris, London or even Rome during the first visit of Woodrow Wilson fcan forget the universal passion of hope and enthusiasm which seized upon the masses of people beholding for the first time an American President upon Eu- ropean soil. I recall the story of a dis- Jinguished French man of letters de- ‘scribing the experience of his maid. “She went away from the house in the morning, stood in the crowd all day, returned late at night exhausted but triumphant. ‘He has come, I have seen him come,’ she said; ‘now all will be well, now we shall have peace.'” © © For & moment, the briefest conceiv- mble span of time, Wilson seemed to Tepresent to the war-weary millions of ©Old Europe something far above ordi- pary human stature. But from that first hour onward, enthusiasm, hope, faith died as the satesmen worked be- hind closed doors. | Wilson himself never knew but one more really happy day in Paris and that ywas when, in the first o session, he \read off the text of ti which he was to face the later conflicts which we to prove fatal. ‘Washington Was Tame. By comparison with the Paris. Con- ference, the Washington disarmament meeting was inevitaby a tame affair. And yet the first great international meeting on American shores had a charm of novelty. The presence of Balfour, Briand, Viviani, Sarraut, the disf hed delegations from Japan and Italy, the sudden appearance in the streets of Wash! of journalists whose fame was hardly less than that of the statesmen, editors like Wickham Steed, authors like H. G. Wells, cru- saders like Henry W. Nevinson, lent an unforgettable touch. Moreover, the Wasl Conference opened amidst the most perfect sun- hine, prefaced by a general excursion &) the grave of the Unknown Soldier ‘and begun by the ever memorable Hughes “bombshell” which resulted in the destruction of more tall ships than were sunk at Jutland. In its after effects Washington was slmost as unfortunate as Paris. 1If, too. there was the general charge that at |the Peace Conference Wilson had been outwitted by his abler associates, there was the conviction that his errors had been repaired by the action of the Sen- ate in rejecting the treaty of Versailles. And there was the almost equally gen- eral bellef that at Washington Mr. | Hughes had been taken in by Lord Bal- four. And, just as there had been after Paris a recrudescence of traditional dis- trust of Europe, so after Washington there began a period of angry suspicion of Britain, which was to culminate in a | eneral explosion after the failure of | pen he Covenant of the League of Nations, moved its adoption and heard the assenting voices of all his colleagues. That was just before he set out upon his American journey from to return, already shaken, stood forth defending that superiority which had been hers for three centuries. ‘While, in the end, rupture at Geneva came over the trivial detail of the cal- ibers of guns, the true explanation of the rupture was far more considerable. President Coolidge had called the con- ference convinced that it would be pos- sible to obtain parity by conversation | and not by construction and that Brit- ain would be ready to reduce its vast | cruiser fleet to such limits as would enable us to acquire parity cheaply. | The British, on their side, interpreted | the President’s gospel of economy as | meaning that the United States would never spend the money to acquire equal- | ity by construction and British su- premacy could be retained by a refusal | to_reduce. The effect of the Paris conference had been to reanimate all American faith in the old doctrine of isolation, the result of the Washington conference was to produce & slow-burning suspi- clon of Great Britain, which repre- sented the survival of an old unhappy memory. But Geneva, in its turn, pro- duced a real explosion which launched the United States on the most consider- | able program of naval construction of the post-war era. It is, then, apparent that all the American conferences have been un- lucky. Looking further afleld to the record of the similar meetings in Eu- rope, the tale is hardly different. I re- member in 1925 meeting in Paris an old friend of mine, who is one of the well | known French journalists. “Since T saw you last at the Paris conference,” he said, “I have been to 30 conferences, all of which have failed.” Two Only Successful. | In point of fact, there have been so | far but two wholly successful interna- | tional meetings since the close of the war, the London conference of 1924 which framed the Dawes plan, and the more picturesque meeting in Locarno, which culminated in those famous treaties that for nearly five years have contributed to the readjustment of Franco-German relations and the grad- ual arrival of tranquillity in Europe. ‘The explanation of this success is dis- coverable in the simple fact that, as a consequence of all the events between the armistice and the occupation of the Ruhr, Europe as a whole, all European peoples equally, perceived that without some adjustment, without some agree- ment, complete ruin was just around the corner. In 1924, Britain was sinking under the burden of unemployment. Germany had gone to catastrophic bankruptey, the franc was following the mark. In that hour some workable agreement be- tween France, Germany and Britain had become equally necessary to all three. And, of course, the Locarno agreement of 1925 was only the politi- cal complement to the economic settle- ments of the Dawes plan. : Today, concomitantly with the Lon- don Conference, another meeting is tak- ing place at The Hague, which is occu- pied with the final adjustments incident to the substitution of the Yeung plan for the Dawes plan. When these nego- tiations are successfully terminated— and success is hardly to be doubted— the economic phase of peace making will have been completed. And since agreement at The Hague will fore- shadow the prompt evacuation of the Rhineland and the Saar, one can say that at last, after 11 years, the war is actually over. Europe Not Now Afraid. But if success at London in 1924 and at Locarno in 1925 was due to the pres- sure of inescapable necessities, one must see that no such urge is operating at London. No fear of impending drives the statesmen there gathered to make those sacrifices of national inter- est which are necessary. On the con- trary, Europe—at least in so far as France, Britain, Germany and Italy are concerned—is patently peaceful in pur- gose and without any immediate appre- ension for the future. ‘That is why it is possible, no matter what happens at London, to view this latest conference as resembling the process by, which, as a ship approaches land, the lead is cast to find bottom. Not the first time nor even the twen- tieth is the bottom reached. This is not a proof that land is not near at hand, but only that the first soundings were premature, although by no means unnecessary. Vast good might result | from the London Conference if the single actual result were to give each country a clear view of the reasons e he Geneva Conference. This Geneva meeting was, by contrast with the Paris and Washington affairs, much less considerable. At Paris tho | world had been in session, at Washing- ton sll the naval powers, but beside | Lake Leman only delegates from Bri:- | which underly the policies of the other nations. And, by contrast, the only consider- able danger that the conference can have lies not in the possibility that failure would threaten peace, but only that the clash of these several national | ain, Japan and the United States as- | conceptions, equally expressive of the | sembled. clash between American and British naval conceptions. ing as a right that parity which it had not acquired in Washington. Britain America came ask- | Geneva was the first open |intellect and the conscience of the re- spective peoples, might lead to new re- | sentments and fresh recriminations and thus postpone later achievements. (Copyright, 1930.) Economic and Cultural Co-Operation With Europe Is Called Aim of Turkey In an article in a recent issue of the “Berliner Tageblatt” Yunus Nadi Bey, 8 member of the assembly, gave from the Turkish point of view the possibili- ties of Turco-European economic and cultural co-operation. He also affirmed the completeness and finality of the Turkish break with the past. Among other things he said: “The new Turkey, arising after the war from the liquidation of the Osman- lic Empire, saw itself compelled, in or- der to secure its national life and un- hindered progress, to throw overboard all the useless ballest of the past. Thus the young republic replaced the anti- quated monarchy; thus the Caliphate disappeared, giving way to clear con- ceptions which separated the spiritual from the temporal and applied to the affairs of this world the laws of Eu- rope, and which assured a unified ad- ministration of justice. All Equal Before Law. “All inhabitants of the Republic, without distinction of religion, are Turks, equal before the law: educa- tion is offeed equally to all; the Arabic script has been displaced by the Latin alphabet, and a start has been made toward insuring all classes of the popu- lation instruction and culture in the shortest possible time. ““The renunciation of the old is not merely suj cial. The Turk of today is not satisfied to exchange the fez for @ hat, but wants to equip himself with all European intellectual acquisitions. Turkey is to become thereby a prolong- |ation of Europe to the east. Much |more must be done, of course. It is not possible to hasten progress so that ’A country, laid waste through endless war, shall be converted into a paradise within & decade. “Fourteen million industrious people | |on an area of 215515 cultivated and | 1,085,285 square kilometers of virgin | | sofl—that is the Turkey of today. | Relations With Europe Sought. tical relations with Europe. These ex- isted in name for a century, but could not be developed under the imperial-| | 1sm of the old regime, since, because of the capitulations the European states never wished seriously to co-operate, but were bent on fostering their own interests. The Treaty of Lausanne, in which the capitulations were de- nounced, has created a new basis for development and must be theé starting point for worth-while relations between Turkey and Europe. “Rumors have been spread that busi- ness enterprises in Turkey encounter obstacles, but these rumors are gross | exaggerations. Turkey exerts itself & | little in order not to be again outbar- gained, for there is also a Turkish proverb, ‘The burnt child dreads the fire’ Certain evil conditions, which are an inheritance from an era of dis- trust, presently will vanish before an earnest will to create the closest asso- ciations between Turkey and Europe. “In this economic association the interested parties naturally will aim at their own advantage, and this fact must be frankly recognized on both sides. Capital and technical services can both be utilized by Turkey, and in this fleld combined effort can be mu- tually profitable.” - —e Fern Growers’ Association. TALLEHASSEE, Fla. (P).—Florida's | baby eo-op, the Plumosus Fern Grow- | ers' Association, expects to handle 30, 000,000 sprays of ferns during its first |12 months of operation. “It is now striving to establish prac- |8 BY ARTHUR S. DRAPER. SCIENTIST measures in milli- meters—approximately in hun- dredths of an inch. A doctor reads the chart and gives the closest attention to tenths of a degree. An engineer calculates just how high a dam must be erected, not only to serve as an insurance for the people who live in the delta, but to be an economic investment for his em- ployers. An international conference is about to be held in London where deci- mals will count heavily, where the dele- gates must calculate fractions closely, where statesmen will win handsomely | or fail lamentably, depending on their | ability to give details their relative value in this great problem of twentieth cen- tury civilization. The most important naval conference since the gathering in Washington in 1922 opens this week in London. In the simplest terms, the two objee- | tives of the conference are (1) the con- BY HENRY CABOT LODGE. N two days a conference is opening | in London which may, if all goes well, take giant strides toward the | elimination of competition in naval armaments and so remove one of the great causes of international fric- tion. The personalities and the prob- lems to be met with at London are ! pretty well known, but it is not gen- erally realized that in such a conference crucial decisions are made many thou- sand miles from London itself. President Hoover, presumably, will be in close telegraphic, if not tele- phonic, communication with the Amer- ican delegation and will probably keep in touch with the representatives of foreign governments in Washington. Moreover, where other nations are con- cerned he will undoubtedly have his views presented in foreign capitals, through the American Ambassadors. | One of the most important nations ' represented at London is Japan, and it | may be vitally important for the United States to have a man in Tokio enjoying the respect and confidence of the Japanese government and able to present to them the American point of view on naval matters. When Mr, Charles MacVeagh ended a most dis- tinguished tour of duty as Ambassador there in March, 1829, the place re. mained vacant until December, when the President, realizing the need of first-class representation, appointed a man—Mr. William R. Castle—who is probably as unusual and valuable a man as can be found in our whole Government service. | The forthcoming conference makes it ‘ interesting to see what kind of man | has been intrusted with such serious | responsibilities by the President. But even if there were no conference Mr. | Castle would be a profitable study, for he epitomizes qualities which are so badly needed and so seldom found in | jovernment. They are qualities which | are little known, for men of Mr. Castle's type are so much more interested in | their work than they are in themselves | that they are not often heard about. | Problems to Be Grasped. Whoever is interested in public affairs must have asked himself how it is possible for a private individual, how- ever able he may have been as a law- yer or a business man, to grasp the complicated problems of, , the Treasury, War or State Department, if he comes to these offices for the first time in his life. How can he really discharge his duties and how can the Government function as efficiently as it does when a new administration sweeps him out just as he begins to know something about his work? Mr. Castle is one of the answers to this question. He and the few men like him keep the government going. After the last touchdown has been scored in the foot ball game of politics, when— in short—something technical, dif- cult and special must be done, there must be ‘somebody who knows some- thing. Foreign countries realized this long ago. In their foreign offices, for instance, every one but the foreign minister is a trained man. When Prime Minister Macdonald came here he was not advised by elected officials, but by trained specialists who served him as well as they previously had served his political opponents, _ Let us look first at Mr. Castle's life before discussing the many problems which he has solved or the difficulties confronting him in his new post. He was born in Hawali as a loyal subject l * (Painting by Willy Stower, from “Die Deutche Flotte,” copyright, 1926.) sideration of the questions of battle- ships and (2) the limitation of auxiliary vessels, including cruisers, destroyers and submarines. A country business man has his problems to solve, but, to the ordinary observer, they must seem terribly complicated as compared with the Frob\ems facing the London Naval Conference. Whether one is a Briton, a Frenchman, a Japanese, an Italian or an American, the obvious objective is to reduce one’s expenditures on military armament and speénd the savings on national projects which will pay a divi- dend. It is all so frightfully simple that it is the most complicated prob- lem that statesmen have tried to solve in a broad span of years. There are two ways to approach this conference. One can study every angle of the situation, exhaust everything that has been said or written about the issues involved, figure sea lanes, esti- against strategy and take one’s chance. President Hoover and Premier Mac- donald elected to make sentiment a vital issue at the outset. By taking this step they gave the London conference a paramount importance. The experts have had their chance, and they must necessarily play leading roles in this new gathe: , but sentiment—or, in other words, public opinion—will count largely in the 1930 conference. Messrs. Hoover and Macdonald built the foundation for this Naval Confer- ence. They combined to create a senti- ment for naval reduction in a way which no two statesmen had done previously. They took the peoples of the two great English-speaking countries into their confidence and told them they thought the best contribution they could make to the progress of civilization was the reduction of the naval forces of the leading powers of the world. They were mate and compare mercantile tonnage, | so successful in the presentation of their plot on the map coaling stations and | project that they were assured of the naval bases—or one can put sentiment | support not only of their countrymen WILLIAM R. CASTLE—HE IS FILLING AN IMPORTANT JOB FOR AMERICA. | England parents whose ancestors came from England in 1645. His grandfather had gone to Hawaii in 1836 as finan- cial secretary of the American Board of Missions, and had left because the | in_ politics. | board wanted to meddle Mr. Castle’s father was in the famous office of Joseph H. Choate in New York when the King of Hawali asked him to become attorney general of the islands. He accepted and subsequently became Hawallan Minister to Wash- ington and finally an annexation com- missioner in 1893. Castle was not only born in Hawail, but was educated there. he went straight to Harvard, and any one who has entered a large university without having come from a big pre- paratory school knows what this means. “The first year at Harvard,” we are told, as not very pleasant.” - But Castle overcame this difficulty to such an e tent that he is now more closely affli- ated with Harvard than most Harvard graduates. In Distinguished Class. | He was in the class of 1800, which has given so many men to the Gov- ernment service. “Ought, ought,” as it is called, numbers Dwight Davis, former Secretary of War and Governor General of the Philippines; Robert Bliss, now American Ambassador to the tine; William Phillips, the first American Minister to Canada; Peter of King Kealakaua in 1878, of New Jay, who recently resigned his ambas- From Hawali | —Drawn for The Sunday Star by Eric Pape. sadorship, and Charles Curtis, the American consul general in Munich. Castle’s entrance into the service of the Government was indirect. After his graduation he stayed at Harvard and taught English for three years. From 1906 to 1913 he was assistant dean, followed by two years of travel. Back in Cambridge, he became editor of The Harvard Graduates Magazine and gave courses in English. Then came the war. In this brief record one finds many clues to some of the most striking sides of Castle’s character. For seven years he was assistant dean at Har- vard. That is, his was the duty of keeping the undergraduates “up to scratch,” not only in their work but in their behavior. Most deans find it a thankless and 'disagreeable task and undergraduates regard most deans as policemen without the uniform. But Castle was an exception. He liked his work and the unde: uates liked him. He probably enjoyed it as much as anything he ever did, because he has | that very rare quality—an understand- ing of men, especially young ones. reader may not see how this would help him in deciphering the mazes of diplomacy, but it probably has been his greatest source of strength. In his division of Western European | affairs were many young men helping succeeds best who has won the love of his men, so Castle succeeded because 'him {n his work. Just as the general | Great Naval Conference What World May Expect From London Parley—Issues That Must Be Faced. AN AIR RAID ON LONDON. THE ABOLITION OF SUCH WAR-.TIME HOR RORS IS THE ULTIMATE GOAL OF ALL DISARMAMENT CONFERENCES. but of those of the other chief naval wers. Tactics are vitally essential. Great strategical campaigns are usually won or lost on minor tactics. Look back on the outstanding battles of the Great War. Sir John French (as he was - then) plerced the German lines at Neuve Chapelle in the early Fall of 1915. He was in the position of the quarterback of a foot ball team which has opened a great hole between guard and center and awaits a drive on the part of the backfleld. Tactics failed. Some one muffed the play. The ball was advanced, but the goal line was not crossed. In 1916 Sir Douglas Haig had a great chance on the Somme front. Through long cruel months, cavalry, his very own military arm, had suffered in northern France, waited, drilled, exer: cised, maneuvered for the final mo- ment. It ecame. The eavalry reached the outskirts of Cambral. The Ger- were caught unprepared. thrown (Continued on Fifth Page. ur New Envoy to Japan William P. Castle Likely to Play an Important Part in Navy Parley—His Past Achievements, [hll subordinates knew that he liked g;em. understood them and would help em. | | Understanding of Nature. i Apart from this relation between | Mr. Castle and young men his undes | standing of human nature is of enor- mous and constant value to him. Some of the men now carrying on our for- | eign relations may deserve the epithet so frequently heard—“the dancing I boys of the State Department.” This varlety of American diplomatist enters the diplomatic service because he likes the easy path and regards the enter- tainments of foreign capitals as the summum bonum of life. This is the type which regards an assignment to Central America, where our Balkans are actually fermenting, as a “bad post” and is anxious to “go into the field,” say in Paris or London, where dining out and not suppressing revo- lutions will be his principal concern. But Castle entered the State Depart- ment as a special assistant and did not enter the foreign service. When Congress is in session foreign relations come prominently into the | foreground. At the State Department | there are rustling and scurrying and officials asking themselves: “What is | the Senate going to do?" | In such situations it is not enough to understand the particular treaty or protocol which is before the Senate. A | knowledge of the whimsies of public opinion, of individual Senators and of | that inclusive term “how the Senate | will act” is indispensable if a measure |is to succeed. Especially is that true |in the United States, where cabinet ministers are denied the privilege of the floor and where the contact be- |tween the executive and legislative branches is comparatively remote. Mr. Castle realized the importance of this. At his house he entertained not only the foreign diplomats, but many Senators and members of Congress. He understood them and liked them. They reciprocated. | When he was giving courses in Eng- | lish literature at Harvard Mr. Castle always insisted that a study of litera- |ture was worth nothing unless one knew the history of the time at which the literature was written. ~This was in conflict with a theory of education current today which says that all vledge can be subdivided and that a man can study, say, biology without a knowledge of chemistry. Divisibility of Knowledge. Again we find a parallel between his earlier and his later life, for the divi- sion of Western European affairs evinced a similar theory that all knowledge was divisible into labeled pigeonholes. At that time the division occupled itself solely with litical” questions. What was “legal" to d on and usually drafted by the solicitor's office and what was ‘“economic” had to be drafted or passed on by the office of the economic adviser. Inasmuch as there are few, if any, diplomatic ques- tions which do not involve both eco- nomic and legal considerations, the messengers in the de] ent were busy carrying dispatches around from the various divisions: to the solicitor's and the economist's offices. The matter should be treated as a whole, Mr. Castle thought, and now a representative from the economist's of- fice is detailed to each geographical division. Maybe a similar step will some day be taken with regard to the solicitor's office. As chief“of the division of Western (Coftinued on Fourth Page.) POLITICANS S Wisconsin Senator, BY MARK SULLIVAN, ENATOR Robert M. La Follette sits on the finance committee of the Senate, as a Republican. That | is, he fills one of the places on | the committee to which Repub- | licans are entitled. This fact sounds | dramatic and is dramatic. It has been | treated as dramatic by newspaper head- | lines, editorials and cartoons, in most of which the phrase, “Old Guard Sur- renders,” figures largely. That phrase is about all of the story that the aver- | ase mah will gras] Yet there is a good deal more to the situation. La Follette's presence on the finance committee, taken with other current developments, is & s of some- thing in the future, something not yet clear and decidedly baffling. How puz- zling it is will be realized if you admit that this episode may meam either im- proved solidarity in the Republican party in the Senate or, with equal prob- ablity, the further disintegration of it. Immediate Results Outlined. ‘The direct, immediate consequences of La Follette's presence on the finance committee means difficulty for the Re- publicans. La Follette on this commit- tee will be no more a Republican than he has ever been, or his father before him. He will make no ¢ompromise. La Follette’s whole position in public life depends on his being almost an anti-Républican. Whatever is to hng- pen in the Republican party in the Senate, it will not come about through La Follette and his fellow insurgents moving over toward the “Old Guard” Rep\lb icans. f La Follette should compromise, or become even a middle-of-the-road Re- publican, he would lose in two ways. He would jeopardize, probably destroy, his hold on the La Follette following in Wisconsin, on whom his political life depends. Further than that, ami- help him with the regular Republicans, He is too far gone in the path of anti- Republicanism, especially in the light of his father's career, ever to be wel- comed into the Republican fold as a prodigal returned. It is almost justifi- able to say that La Follette, when he considers his own future and such am- bitions as he may have, must w\h, consciously or unconsciously, for t¥e death of the Republican party. Death of the Republican party would give op- portunity for the rise of & new third party—and only as the favorite of a g0 higher in public life, ever achieve a formidable contender for it. Fills Republican Post. Let La Follette, with this point of view forced upon him by his inheritance and his own circumstances, fills one of the 'Republican places on the finance com- mittee. « How much this means in the future of that committee can quickly be made clear. The finance committee, by custom, jority and minority parties reflect ac- power the figures would be reversed. stand with the Democrats on the com- mittee more often than with the Re- publicans. That will make, in effect, 9 Democrats and 10 Republicans. Bearing in mind that two others of the Republican members are really, so to speak, semi-insurgents, are a little nearer to La Follette than to the regular Republicans—bearing that in mind, it is a question today whether the Republi- cans can control the finance com- mittee. And the finance committee is the ark of the covenant of Republican orthodox creed. As the committee that handles the tariff, it is the citadel of the principal Republican historic doc- trine, protection. Assumes National Aspect. This aspect of the elevation of La Follette has important national mean- ing, clearly. One meaning is that the principle of high protection, as com- monly understood and practiced by the Republican party in the past, has lost, or. nearly lcst, its principal stronghold. Yet La Follette got his place on the finance committee by Republican votes, and Republican votes only. He did not get it as a fruit of the Pro- gressive-Democratic coalition that has been winning so many victories in the Senate’as a whole. Neither the_coali- tion nor the Senate as a whole nar Democrats, nor Progressives had any- thing to do with putting La Follette on the finance committee. Republican vacancies on that committee and on all committees are filled by Republi- can votes only. Only Republican Sen- ators had a vote in the process that elevated La Follette. La Follette got his place, it is fair to say, speaking roughly, because more than half the Republicans in the Sen- ate wanted him to have it—or thought it would be politically unwise to deny it to him. Where did this Republican strength and sentiment come from that put La Follette on the finance committee? To answer that is to explain a funda- mental fact about the Republican party in the Senate, a fact very little under- stood. | | G. O. P. Split Into Three Groups. ‘The Republican party in the Senate consists of not two but three groups. It is a spectrum with at least three rimary colors (and a many shad- s). At one end is the “Old Guard” group. typified by, for example, Grundy and Reed of Pennsylvania and Moses of New Hampshire. At the other end is the group that calls themselves in- surgents or progressives, typified by, for example, La Follette, Borah, Norris and Brookhart. Between is the bulk of the Republican party in the Senate. To express it numerically, begin with the fact that the Republicans of all kinds in the Senate, nominal and: real, insurgent, rey d what-not, num- ber 56. Of these, 15 are insurgent Re- publicans, chiefly from the West. A number not so easy to be definite about but approximately 15—rather less than more—are “Old Guard’ Republicans, chiefly from the East. The remaining | 26 are neither one nor the other—and these compose the solid bulk of the Re: publican party in the Senate. The name that has been given to this middle and largest group during the last few months, since the real nature of the division in the Republi- cans of the Senate has begun pear, is “Young Turks. ience we may accept it, though a more accurate term for the group would be “middle-of-the-road” Republicans. The “Young Turk: in their ideas and point of view, are much closer to the Western Insurgents than to the Eastern “Old Guard.” It was the “Young Turks” who really decreed that La Follette should have the place on: the finance committee. They include such Western Republicans as, to mention one example, Capper of Kans wanting La Follette on the ways and means committee they were moved, undoubte that the Western tariffy ability on La Follette's part would not new third party could La Follette ever the presidency, for example, or become consists of 19 members, of whom 11 are Republicans and 8 Demo- crats. These relative strengths of ma- cepted usage; if the Democrats were in La Follette, it is quite safe to say, will o, 2 | EE PUZZLE IN LA FOLLETTE STATUS Held Irreconcilable Independent, Captures Committee Post From the Old Guard. |by La Pollette should have some rep- | resentation in the finance committee. | They may have been moved also, in | part, by feeling that it would be politi- | cally unwise, especially in the West, to deny to La Follette a post to which he had some color, at st, of right by virtue of seniority. Middle-of-the-Road Men Decide. From the action of the ‘“‘middle-of- the-road” Republicans in accepting La | Follette, we may say that the center of gravity of the Republican party in the Senate is moving westward. Out of the new condition may arise a great- er solidarity of the Republicans in the Senate as a whole—though it would be dangerous to be confident in pre- dicting that outcome. ‘The “Young Turks,” the middle-of- the-road Republicans, are the largest of the three groups. They are almost equal to the other two groups com- bined. Toward this solid middle core the other two groups may gravitate. That statement, however, should be immediately qualified. The Eastern “Old Guard” might gravitate to the middle-of-the-roaders very readily. To accept majority rule is second natur: with the “Old Guard"—indeed, it is first nature with them. They believe in parties, believe in party government and party discipline. They believe in, and practice, reasonable deference of individual viewpoint to group action. If and when a certain type of Repub- lican has a majority of the Republi- cans in the Senate it is easy for the small “Old Guard” minority to accept that condition and loyally co-operate. To say that the Western insurgents may gravitate toward the midle-of-the- road group is much less safe. Most of them are men of strong individual bias. Several of them are men whose political actions are determined almost wholly by temperament or mood. Few of them have any definite political philoso- phy, though some have. That they concede no sanctity to parties or party government, or party solidarity is proved by the very fact that they exist. ‘The political philosophy—or, more ac- curately, philosophies—that some indi- viduals among them have are so far removed from the doctrines of the Re- | publican party as to make union un- likely or impossible. Norris of Ne- braska, for example, pretty clearly in- cludes in his philosophy government ownership of some activities which American thought and practice almost :hnllveutlly concedes to private owner- p. Insurgents’ Attitude Doubtful. But it is not decisive that individua: insurgents now in the Senate should cr should not accept the middle-of-the-road Republican Senators as constituting a Republican party satisfactory to them More material is the fact that the peo- ple of the West, the Republican voters of those States, may be satisfied by the policies and actions of the “Young Turks.” One would think that Senator Capper, who seems to satisfy Kansas, would also satisfy Nebraska and Iowa. If the Republican party in the Senate as & whole takes on the color of the “Young Turks,” if the “Young Turks” really become the Republican party in the Senate—and this semes probable— in that event the Western States may be satisfled with it. Iowa and Ne- braska, instead of returning a Brook- hart and a Norris, respectively, may re- turn s Capper. All this is speculation about the fu- ture, and unsubstantial It may never happen. As for the present, the clear fact is and has been since about September 1 last, that the Senate as controlled by a coalition made up of 39 Democrats and 15 Republicans. To state the divisions of the Senate as a whole, there are 56 mubuzm. 39 Dem&m: and 1, Ship- stead Minnesof ted as “Farmer-Labor.” Present Senate Classification. These are the official designations Actually 15 of the Republicans are ive Republicans; so that the Democrats and the 15 publicans 'is & coalition which com- poses a majority of the Senate and exercises its will whenever it feels like s0_doing. Hardly anybody regards this as a satisfactory condition. Nobody is very happy about it, not even the members of the coalition. The regular Republi- cans have the we&hty responsibility that always goes with being a majority party—but they have only a minority of votes to live up to that responsibil: ity. The Democrats feel that they are the dog being wagged by the Progres- sive-Republican tail. The leadership of the coalition has come from the Progressive Republicans. The position taken by the coalition on the tariff is dictated by the Progressive Republi- cans and is not identical with the historic position of the Democrats. Nevertheless, on paper, this condi- tion seems likely to endure for a con- siderable time. The senatorial elec- tions next Fall will not materially change the respective numbers of the different groups. The regular Repub- licans may lose two or three seats, the Progressive Republicans may lose one, the Democrats may gain three or four. ‘This will leave the groups as they are now. The Democrats, even at the best they can do in next Fall's senatorial elections, will not have a majority. The regular Republicans will be even less close to & majority than they are now. The Progressive Republicans will con- tinue to be as they are now, cut o touch with the regular Repubiican?, and not really very much liked by the Democrats. Reach Total of 154,521 Christians of registered Protestant church membership in Japan number 154,521, an increase of 5,237 over last ye! according to the National Chris- tlan Council. The Presbyterian Chureh heads the list with over 40,000 members. There are nearly 160,000 Sunday school students in the country. Thd amount of offerings collected in these churches totaled more than $1,000,000 during last year, while a sum equal to about one-quarter of that was receivea for the support of these churches from the United States. This does not include funds received for educational, medical or other insti- tutions. While the number of Chris- tians among the Jaj nmhprom; tionally small, being: than one-] r cent of the population, many bene- ts from the work of missionaries are acknowledged and appreciated. One observer, himself not a church worker, sald recently: ' “The' Japanese church is the child of the West's half century of missionary effort—and who measures a child’s worth by its size?” Catholic and Greek Orthodox members are not included in the figures, but to- Bot number more than 50,000.