Evening Star Newspaper, December 16, 1928, Page 45

EDITORIAL SECTION he Sundwy Star. Part 2—14 Pages WASHINGTON, D. C, SUNDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 16, 1928. INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION OF CHINA IS DESCRIBED Creation of Proletariat Based on Con- dition Similar to Those in America Observed. BY COUNT CARLO SFORZA. ¥ormer Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs and Ambassador to France. HEN I went to Shanghai last year after a long absence from China, an American naval officer, whom I had known in Turkey with Ad- miral Bristol after the armistice, told me, when he came on board the boat to meet me: “It is going to be strange for you to see trenches and sandbags in peaceful Shanghai—barbed wires cutting across the large, rich avenues: to see again the shadow of the great war on the full bustle of intense industrial ife.” . It was really matter for wonder. Even greater wonder and food for reflection was the sight of the Chinese peddlers, who, when our sentries were rather far off, hung their toys and sun- dry goods on the very wires of the trenches—making them useful for once, but in a way quite unforeseen by our gallant general staffs. All that was so Chinese; Chinese, the great fear of the foreigners; Chinese, the natives’ indifferent adaptation of any troublesome Western innovation. But I was not new to China, as my American friend was; I could have known all that before landing; it was not in vain that my five years of Pekingese life were still so fresh in my memory. What, in reality, struck me as new was the streams of coolies com- Ing out of the factories after work— all western-owned factories—buying a newspaper, throwing a rapid glance at it, then hiding it carefully in the depths of their filthy robes. It had only been a few years since I had left China, but | at that time, not a single Chinese would | have given a cent to buy any piece of political news. That is what decided me to spend more of my Shanghai days in visiting Chineses factories than in going around with dear and sensible Gen. Duncan, commander-in-chief of the British Ex- peditionary Corps, whom I had known and liked when he was military attache to Italy; or in discussing the situation with important and busy consul gen- erals. ‘There is a side of Chinese life which has never been examined by impartial observers—that is, the creation of a Chinese proletariat, based on condi- tions analogous to those in America and Europe, or, to be more precise (and ex- cluding America, where the conditions of the working classes are such a hu- miliating lesson for Europe), more or less similar to the status of miners in England at the beginning of British in- dustrial life in the first decades of the nineteenth century. Impartial Study Hard. It is easy to see why the problem has never been studied impartially. If con- suls attempt to do so, though they have the best intentions, they find themselves dependent for their information upon American or European employers, often compatriots and generally unable, apart from other possible reasons, to see the importance of the problem. If the r ports are made by labor or other so- cialistic Western delegates, they judge by Western standards and are therefore equally misled if not equally wrong. ‘The difficulty of ascertaining material and moral facts lies in the almost com- plete impossibility for a Westerner to ‘come into authentic touch with Chinese ‘workmen. If we approach them through their leaders, we are probably even far- ther removed from them. These lead- ers have been to Singapore or to South Africa, sometimes even to California. They speak some pidgin English—a comical language, half Portuguese, half English, where, for instance, “save-box” means head. But, with all their newly acquired Western knowledge, they have forgotten and lost all the old peculiar qualtites of the Chinese. For instance, 1 think of the unconscious effort toward beauty which one often finds among Chinese coolies, the sort of impulse to create folk song, that has almost dis- appeared from our Aryan family. It is gmblhly through industrialism and the igh pressure at which we live that we have lost the lift of popular beauty and joy of life which is still to be found in China and Japan. ‘What has been the Chinese laborer's life, and what is it actually at present? Generally speaking, no document should be read with more distrust than the speeches of the Chinese delegates to the League of Nations. The atmosphere at Geneva amplifies the Oriental’s natural gift of painting his country’s affairs in a tone as far removed from reality as were the Chinese stories in the Voltaire style, so popular with us at the end of the eighteenth century. But the life of the Chinese laborer before the beginnings of industrialism in the East has been efficaciously de- scribed for once by the Chinese dele- gate to the last session of the Inter- national Labor Conference at Geneva. The idyllic note may have been slightly forced to dazzle the Western barbarians, but it is true at bottom, especially view- ed in antithesis to the life which the 80 recent industrialism of Shanghai tends to create. Peasant Is Happy. The the first strikes of 1925 broke out. T found that pay is good and that hours are not_long for those parts—only 101% hours a“day. T went through the work- rooms, accompanied by a Japanese in- spector. Thousands of young Chinese girls stood rigid and dumb, as on pa- rade, their eyes fixed on their ma- chines. Those were the orders. The following day I went to a Chinese factory rather similar to the Japanese one. In the Chinese factos where every one certainly was paid s, and everything was dirtier, a general merriment reigned among the workmen, who even joked about the height of the “foreign devil” as he went by between two tiny Cantonese directors. All That Remains. This little is all that remains of the old genial Chinese industrial life. Whea I say old, I speak of only 12 years back, when everything was based upon ihe family system, as were all Chinese ways of life. The fact is that family links reach very far in China. Every Chinese was, and still is, obliged to keep and t0 protect, wherever possible, his sons, nephews and brothers’ nephews, ad in- finitum. When there are no ties of cousinship, a certain amount of duty exists between folk from the same vil lage, between members of the same guild. A Chinese employer who was not surrounded by his relations or country- men would have been looked upon as a monster, socially speaking. From this resulted a kind of intimacy in everyday life. Those of fus who, not content to play golf on the dusty links of old Peking, visited the carpet fac- tories or porcelain works there before the war will remember the impossibility of distinguishing clearly between mas- ters and men. There was no need for the owner to maintain authority by keeping his men at a distance—no one would have dared to fail in due respect to their “uncle,” for the sake of their own self-respect. As a result, under the old system there was a family feel- ing between masters and men such as sixteenth century Europe knew in the cloth-weaving democratic cities of Flan- ders or in Dante’s turbulent but inti- mate Florence. The hours of work were long—though no longer than in present-day Shanghai with its violent strikes—but they were broken up by impromptu rests. Did a procession with music pass down a neighboring street? Headed by the masters, every one would run out to look and they would only return after exchanging quips and jests. There was no weekly holiday, but long breaks— sometimes three weeks—at the New itinerant sellers would bring practically the same ragout for masters and men— at any rate, all had the same rice. Un- der these conditions the Chinese work- men at least had the satisfaction of knowing that the same kind of life as his own was going on all around him. What a gulf between yesterday and today! The workmen are no longer relations or pseudo-relations, neighbors or friends of neighbors; they are noth- ing but an unstable mass of individuals brought by hunger to Hankow or Shanghai or Tientsin from the prov- inces of the interior, each speaking a dialect often unintelligible to any one not of his own region, ignorant each of the other, knowing only the superin- tendent who engaged them. Keeps Percentage. He, their paymaster, comes between foreign master and men, but the pay rarely reaches them intact—a certain percentage remains in his pocket as a fee for having engaged them. The Eu- ropean or Amercan owner is aware of this and guesses that the wage he pays becomes a starvation wage. But, not knowing a word of Chinese, he never speaks to any of his men, and soon learns how to dismiss any inconvenient qualms of conscience. With the will to do so sometimes, he would not know how to prevent a “squeeze,” of which in many other fields he himself becomes the victim. So it happened that after some years of mute endurance strike began to suc- ceed strike. The men have realized that the workshop is no longer a big, noisy family center, but a grim prison. Mur- ders of foremen are becoming more and more frequent, an evident proof—so, at least, it seems to me—that such mani- festations of discontent would have oc- curred even without the suggestions of agitators, foreign or otherwise. A Rus- siam_agitator would probably have ad- vised a more brilliant coup than the murder of a brutal but unknown native superintendent. In killing him the Chi- nese workman proves that he is satis- fying a direct and personal hatred. Realizing the necessity of securing a large number of graduate pilots from our flying schools, the methods em- ployed and the courses of instruction given are being carefully analyzed. Some very important changes have been made. To date the number of gradu- ates, compared with the number of en- trants in flying training, has been less than 25 per cent. With the very care- ful attention which is being paid to this phase of Air Corps work, it now seems that the number of graduates will be increased to more than 40 per cent of those who enter. One of the important changes which peasant of what our fathers | have brought about this very desirable called the Middle Kingdom is happy | result is raising the standard of quali- not because of any great material com- fications of those who enter training. fort, but because the fulfillment of his | The impetus and aroused interest in task carries with it a certain feeling of independence. It is as though he re- called—I quote from the pompous Geneva report—the maxims of his old philosophers, which have taught him the value of a simple life and of human dignity. ‘The Chinese workmen’s life is as sim- ple as the peasants. As a matter of fact, originally. They do not strain after material comfort to the same extent as Western workmen; they ask neither | for amusements nor holidays. . They make no complaints about salaries, scanty as they are. But they expect to be treated like human beings and not like machines Hence, it is not surprising if, during the recent strikes in Shanghai, the chief and essential demands of the work were greater courtesy from the supe intendents and the right of talking to they were peasants themselves | flying training as a result of prominent flights and general air activity have made it possible to get a much higher type of personnel. The class now un- dergoing instruction at the flying | schools is composed largely of college graduates. Notwithstanding this high requirement, more than 200 qualified | applicants were not taken because they could not be accommodated at the schools. Let us look at the other side of the problem—the foreign employer. If the industrial worker is a novelty, s0 also is the modern type of employer. 1A good half of the cotton or silk spin- ining in China is in foreign hands— { Japanese, “English, American, French, [ Ttalian. Even if the foreigners were a ! minority, to them goes the responsibility | for the origin of modern industry in China. Even if Japanese factories alone | remained. their origin would be none Year. During the dinner hour the same |~ Arbitration in Americas Delegates to Pan-American Conference Discuss Great Principles Which Must Sway Nations. Steps to Permanent Peace Are Welcomed. BY ALEJANDRO CESAR, Nicaraguan Minister to the United States. Delegate from Nicaragua. Nobody can fail to ackmowledge the benefits which Pan-Americanism will derive from this conference. We are all eager to welcome all pacifist manifestations which step by step will conduct us to the su- preme ideal of our times —permanent peace. The efforts of the American states to adopt a general draft on arbitration which will insure forever peace in our continent clearly demonstrate that on this part of the world the modern political ideas and the advanced psychology of our peo- ple have created a new world where the inter- national relations are viewed from an entirely different and distinct angle than were those which regulated the life of nations a_generation or so ago. It is to be expected, therefore, that in America, more so than elsewhere, the new pacifist ideas which are so transforming the world will bear iruit. In so far as having recourse to arbitration for the settlement of disputes, I am decidedly an adherent of it, although I realize that in practice it must be accepted only with certain reserva- tions which are absolutely indispensable, such as the vereign rights, independence and national dignity. By only observing these exceptions, which are the inherent rights of the sovereignty of each nation, will the principle of arbitration be successfully adopted by our people. Mr. Cesar. Conference Marks Distinct Step Forward. BY S. GURGEL DO AMARAL, Brazilian Ambassador to the U. 8. The Pan-American Conference on Arbitration and Conciliation marks a distinct step forward in that great movement, which began with the founding of the Ameri- can republics and has for its constant and unfailing purpose the peaceful and orderly settlement of all inter- national disputes aris- ing on the American Continent. ‘With the record of accomplishment of the past to stimulate the delegates, there is every reason to expect that the conference will make an important con- tribution to the great movement for concilia- tion and arbitration. Brazil will, as always, lend her enthusiastic support to this splendid cause. Principle Held Political Necessity. BY GONZALO ZALDUMBIDE, Ecuadorian Minister to the U. 8. Delegate of Ecuador. Arbitration is not only an ideal but a political ” necessity which all na- tions feel with greater intensity day by day as a means to solve their international conflicts. However, arbitration in its full sense, without limitations or restric- tions, cannot be adopted at one stroke; it must be accepted slowly and by as the different ssities and the in- dividual rights of each state may warrant. The principle of arbi- tration with certain re- strictions, such as those affecting the sovereignty, dignity, constitutional precepts and the in- herent rights of nations, if accomplished by the present conference, would indeed be a most practical and beneficial Mr. Zaldumbide. achievement, Sees Great Aid In OQutlawing War. - BY ANGEL MORALES, Delegate from the Dominican Republic. I attribute unique importance to the present Conference on Concilia- tion and Arbitration and have the greatest faith that its labors will im- measurably aid in the outlawry of war; and will serve as a great means to peacefully settle the conflicts which might arise be- tween the American states. I believe that the labors of the conference will materially aid in bringing about better understanding between these people and that it will also add impetus to the tendency of mak- ing arbitration ample and without restrictions as the only proper course to be followed in the settlement of in- ternational disputes. Mr. Morales, Support of Haiti Promised to Principle. /BY RAOUL LIZAIRE, Charge d'Affaires in Washington. Delegate from Haiti, The International Conference of the American ~ States on each other during working hours, wiyle | the less Western. their committees were authorized to| Since a sort of moral, or, at any rate, come fo terms on the question of in- |2 historical responsibility, rested upon creased salaries. These are facts to re- the foreign employer, he would have member in studying the Chinese labor [been wiser not to try to escape from problem. { this, especially when the Chinese min- Let us admit that, for once, Chinese | ister of the interior in Peking promul- evidence is nearer to the truth than the | gated two or three years ago some social statistics compiled in answer to a circu- | legislation intended to dazzle—by naive lar which Mr. Ramsay Macdonald issucd | copies of foreign laws—the bureaus of to his consular agents in China, when |the “Office du Travail” at Geneva and he first went to the British Foreign Of- | the investigators the British Labor party fice. The consuls applied for informa- | was beginning to send to China. tion to the employers, mainly English, | who truthfully and in gmdhfallth were | Lack of Foresight. able 1o cite figures to show the huge im- . % B stasnla misich mofiern Inmstrislion | ot Who Sre temmed by e ofain B0 Beeaeht shout it Mbor conditions, | [20Hm of the Sciish press 86 “Rughsh . . i | merchant princes” of the East showed a especially from a hygienic point of view. | TEYEIT e e : But the importance of these things is | FAther dangerous lack of psyctology st | foresight on this occasion. They were B pasr tn b than in Americ2 | oo ainly right in thinking that the new At Shanghai I visited a big Japanese | Chineses law: spianing factory—one of those in Wl _in the hands of Chinese Arbitration and Con- ciliation constitutes a new step in the pro- gram which the repub- lics of this continent have adopted toward true Pan-American Union. ‘This conference is in perfect accord with the general tendencies of Pan-Americanism, such as was conceived by its founders over a century ago. The native land of Alejandro Petion will contribute all its efforts toward successfully ac- complishing that great dnitiative,’ ‘What of Success? OTE—The part arbitration must play in the future re- lationships between the na- tions of North and South America has long been a moot ques- tion. When the Pan-American Con- ference convened in Washington last week, immediately came agitation for complete and full settlement of all international difficulties ‘around the Council tables rather than by warfare. What is the prospect of forever preventing war among the American States? Is arbitration practical? Can arbitration be applied success- fully among American nations? ‘What of the success of the present conference? These are but a few of the many questions directed to influential statesmen now attending the con- ference in Washington. All are inclined to believe that ar- bitration can be a forceful and living thing in all future relationships in spite of the many obstacles which must be overcome. Their views are presented herewith. Should Negotiate Before Conflict, Not After. BY EDUARD DIEZ DE MEDINA, Bolivian_Minister to the United States. Delegate from Bolivia. Arbitration will in time be the proper solution of all conflicts between states when their own will lends to it that coercive force which is indispensable to guar- antee its complete suc- cess. It is to accom- plish that end that all nations direct their ac- tivities, specially those of the American con- tinent, who have been exerting from genera- tion to generation their unselfish and constant efforts toward giving the principle of arbitra- tion the widest possible scope, striving in the meantime to conciliate the divergent views con-| cerning this modern| ideal. y Even then, that no- ble juridical principle should be applied as a| precaution before resort is had to armed con- flicts between those na- tions who allege partial or adverse interests, certainly not after the consummation of vio- lent aggressions or acts which today are con- demned both by civilized society and interna- tional law. Mr. Medina. —e Would Remove Al Arbitral Restrictions. BY MANUEL CASTRO QUESADA, Costa Rican Minister to the U. 8. Delegate from Costa Rica. - T feel confident of the beneficial results which will be attained by this conference. To prove i % this assertion, we have but to consider the good will which the Ameri- can states have always shown respecting their desire to adopt peaceful means for the solution of their international controversies. In no other part of the world have the principles of arbitration and con- ciliation enjoyed a greater support than on’ this continent. From among the American states, my country can very well boast of its peaceful tradition, and for this reason is paiticipating in the present confer- ence with the greatest optimism and certain that the legitimate ideals will once more prove paramount to mere profits and selfish interests. The present condition of the international rela- tions of our peoples and the degree of progress which has been accomplished by the modern theories of pacifism in each one of them par- ticularly favor any step which today may be taken respecting general agreements on arbitra- tion. % I am in favor of ample arbitration, without re- strictiops, with the only reservation that the arbit: decisions be final and peacefully ac- cepted. That is to say, that all disputes be subject to arbitration save arbitral decisions. Mr. Quesada., Hopes for Benefits Throughout the World. BY FERNANDO GONZALES RQA, Delegate from’ Mexico. The Conference on Conciliation and Arbitra- tion is a continuation of the Havana Conference, for it was in the latter, after the brilliant dis- course delivered by the delegate from Panama on behalf of the prificiple of arbitration, that the subject received some consideration. It is hoped that the results of the conference will be greatly beneficial to this hemisphere, as well as to the rest of the civilized world. This is the first time that the principle of obligatory arbitration has acquired an inter- national aspect, and the matter will be made the subject of close stuay and consideration as pro- vided for in a resolution adopted by the Sixth Pan-American Conference. The conference will most assuredly establish some system whereby this principie may be more extensively applied. The conference self already constitutes a great step, regardless of the results, for it will demon- strate to the world that the American states are eager and willing to support the principle of arbitration, Mexico, during the course of its independent life, has always been an avowed adherent of arbitration. Mexico is ardently against the solu- tion of conflicts by force of arms. War is one of the greatest calamities to the welfarc of na- tions. All measures which may be adopted by the conference to avoid it should be looked upon with enthusiasm and warmly praised by all with- out regard to political opinions, creeds or races. Seed of Arbitration Planted in Havana. BY RICARDO ALFARO, Minister of Panama in the United States. Delegate from Panama., ‘The seed was planted in Havana. Let us hope it will flourish and bear fruit in poas Would Clearly Define Arbitration. BY ORESTES FERRARA, Cuban Ambassador to the United States. Delegate from Cuba. The Pan-American Conference on Arbitra- tlon and Conciliation—although it Mr. Ferrara. and conciliation indeed may not satisfy the illusions of those who prefer to dream of unattainable ideals rather than to dedicate themselves to more material and use- ful causes—will accom- plish much. The international con- flicts which have in the past or may at the present time impair the good relations of nations should not be made the subject of sarcastic remarks by dissatisfied_elements or arlse doubt in the minds of those en- thusiastic supporters of the principle of arbi- tration. International conflicts precisely constitute suf- ficient proof that the principles of arbitration should be more clearly defined and so established as to make them more effective. It is my earnest belief that this conference will accomplish that mi: Hopes for Greater Steps to Desired End. ion. BY ADRIAN RECINOS, Delegate from Guatemala, The Republic of Guatemala, faithful to its traditional attitude in has accepted with the greatest enthusiasm the invitation to participate in the labors of the Pan-American confer- ence now in session in this Nation’s Capital, and is most hopeful that as a result of this conference new and great steps will be taken toward the reali- zation of so vital a principle, which will eventually do away for- ever with war conflicts between the nations of the New World. The delegation of Guatemala is confident that during this confer- ence one or more agree- ments will be signed by all the American repub- lics, which, embracing the various phases of conflicts, may be adapt- favor of arbitration, Mr. Recinos. ed to the peculiar conditions and needs of each particular country, thereby constituting in this manner the most firm and effective friendship. Much Accomplished, More Yet to Be Done. BY CARLOS ties of ESCALLON, Delegate from Colombia. Arbitration and in general all the means avail- able to peacefully settle Mr. Escallon, the controvessies which might arise between nations have indeed hed a great ‘The world has progressed immensely in this respect during the past years and al- though we feel confi- dent that the results of the present conference will be most promising, we must admit that they will not accom- plish all that we aspire in theory. We cannot ver hastily in of this nature, require time and patience. At the present time every na- tion has more or less some problem pending solution, and because of certain interests or adverse conditions, which impede the full acceptance of the events as they arise, are compelled to make one or more restrictions. But will have been solved; in time these problems the interests might be the subject of different considerations, and an American or universal criterion formed respect- ing the principle of arbitration and then would the day be at hand when without reservations or restrictions those nations would accept ample arbitration as the most effective and beneficial course to follow in the settlement of international disputes. Sees Progress Toward Arbitration. BY ENRIQUE OLAYA HERRERA, Colombian Minister to the U. S. e U. 8. Delegate of Colombia. I have absolute faith in all initiatives that may tend to amply foster the principles of conciliation and arbi- tration. The history of the American republics shows a continuous progress in that respect. Each republic has been lending its co-opera- tion and support to this principle of peace, civi- lization and progress, which constitutes ~ one of the most sound and advanced achievements of our continent. The present confer- ence marks a new era in the course of events. Sees Step-by-Step Advance in Principle. Mr. Herrera, BY CAYETANO OCHOA, Delegate from El Salvador. The republic of El Salvador has confidence and the greatest hopes.in the results of the Conler- ence on Arbitration and Conciliation, which is studying the means of realizing one of the most outstanding ideals of our continent. With respect to conciliation, I do not believe there will be any difficulty in reaching an agree- ment, for all the American states are in com= plete accord so far as the adoption of conciliatory means as a modern policy to solve international conflicts are concerned. Conciliation is in fact a moral compromise that in itself is accepted by the American republics as well as by the rest of the world. However, in the consideration of the principle of arbitration there undoubtedly will arise certain tendencies not very feasible to conciliate. Ample arbitration, without restrictions, will receive the support of many, but it will not be convincing to all. As a political ideal, it is unquqgestionably deserving of the adherence of each and every one of the countries of this continent, but as a poli- tical reality many f these nations will decline BY FRANK SIMOND:! [AE recent declaration of Sir Austen Chamberlain in the House of Commons on the sub- ject of the evacuation of Gi many, notable as the first utter- ance of the foreign secretary since his return after a long illness, serves to make clear at once the enormous strength of the French position in all the forthcoming discussions with re- spect of reparations and of evacuation alike, The German claim, pressed with growing insistence ever since the mak- ing of the Locarno pacts, has been that there remained no justification for the presence of allied troops on German soil now that the matter of reparations had been regulated by the Dawes plan and the question of French and Belgian | security by the Locarno agreements, | which combined German acceptance of | the status quo with a British guarantee | of this condition, of course, in both cases limited to the Rhine frontier. Actually the Germans have founded their case on two separate contentions, one legal and the other moral. They have argued that the language of the | treaty of Versailles, while foreseeing a | possible occupation of German territory | up to 1935, foreshadowed earlier evacu- | ation if the treaty terms were fulfilled. | They have also contended that since Locarno represented a moral disarma- ment, the first step in a final reconcili- ation of the French and German peo- ples, nothing could be at once more absurd and more fatal than the pro- longation of the constant irritation and minor conflict incident to the presence of French troops on German soil, Replies on Legal Claim. Sir Austen has now undertaken to answer the legal claim, and that alone. While he agrees obviously with the pre- vailing sentiment of Britain’ that as a matter of policy Germany should be evacuated, he is forced to recognize that as a matter of law the French can con- tend that, since the Germans have not yet discharged the whole of their repara- tlons account, they have no legal claim to_demand evacuation. But, in point of fact, while the Ger- mans have not discharged their obiiga- tions, these obligations have never yet been_translated into a final statement of what Germany owes. The account remains where the reparations com- mission left it eight years ago, wher. | it fixed at $33,000,000,000 the amount Germany ought to pay, based upon allied claims. Technically Germany still remains liable to pay this sum, al- though in practice the world has long ago recognized that this is at least three | times larger than the maximum possible Under the Dawes plan, which was agreed upon in 1924, the sum of Ger- man obligations was ignored. The com- | mission simply undertook to fix the sum | which it held possible for Germany to pay over a_series of years. Rising by degrees, this sum reached a total of $625,000,000 in the current year. But there is no provision setting forth how long Germany must pay this annual charge, although the treaty of Ver- sailles 'does provide that the German obligation shall be discharged within 30 years. Thus as the situation stands Germany can be held for $625.000,000 annually for the balance of the 30-year period Temaining. Seek to Fix Total. ‘Today efforts are being made to bring about a fixation of the sum, which| means in practice deciding how much Germany shall pay during a specified number of years. And this means that there is to be substituted for the figure of $33,000,000,000 some amount held possible and, in addition, some system like the Mellon-Baldwin agreement on he British debt, to cover the rate of yment, is to be determined upon. It is clear, however, that the sum to be fixed must be beyond the capaci of the Germans to pay at once or even | within the period fixed for the occupa- | tion of German soil, which ends on| January 1, 1935. But on the other hand it is just as clear that technically, since until they have paid their entire debt the Germans will not have ful- filled their obligation, allied troops could stay on German soil. And it is in theory at least possible that French troops might stay in the Rhineland not until 1935, but until the full discharge of the principal and interest of the debt which, if the British precedent were followed, would be in 1960. France, therefore, holds the cards. Without her approval the sum of repa- rations cannot be fixed, for what is in- volved must be a sweeping reduction from the liability of $33,000,000,000. Only on terms satisfactory to her can the total sum of reparations be fixed and only on terms satisfactory to her can evacuation take place, even in 1935. And in Poincare France has beyond all else a lawyer determined to exploit the French legal position to the uttermost. On the other hand, it is, of course, clear that not even Poincare believes that Germany can be made to pay $33,- 000,000,000 or that French troops can be kept on the Rhine until 1960 or even later. He has in mind selling French NEW CRISIS IN EUROPE LIKELY TO FACE HOOVER Effort to Adjust Debt and Reparation Tangle Seen as Result of Chamberlain Statement. legal rights for certain political and material advantages. On the material side, he seeks to insure for France pay- flicient to meet French debt which are due the United States and Great Britain, and the further sums necessary to meet the costs, prin- cipal and interest included, of the r~- construction of the French devastated area, which has been rebuilt wholly by French capital. On the political side Poincare has, also, two objectives. Primarily he is interested in obtaining, in return for French evacuation of the Rhineland, a perpetual guarantee that it shall re- main demilitarized. In the second place, he is resolved to extort from Germany a recognition of the perma- nence of her eastern frontiers# identi- cal with that given for the western in the Locarno pact. His purpose is thus to insure the security of Poland and Czechoslovakia and the prevention of the union of Austria and Germany. Germany, on her side, is seeking to get evacuation without any othar pay- ment than the incident to the final adjustment of the reparations account itself. She argues that since she has now been for years paying all that has been required of her, she has fulfilled, in so far as it is possibie, and that to keep foreign troops on her soil longer is contrary to the spirit of the treaty. Sentiment With Germany. Public sentiment in Great Britain patently holds with Germany, although the government is legally bound by the language of the treaty. This British public sentiment is based upon the clear perception that if French troops stay upon German soil indefinitely, France and her Slav allies will con- tinue to dominate Europe by their mili- tary strength, while German resent- ment will abolish all chances of en- during peace. _The British public, as a whole, be- lieves that once Locarno gave France a British guarantee for Alsace-Lor- raine, French security was fortified to the greatest possible extent. It 4s not prepared to give Poland or Czechoslo- vakia any such guarantee, and, since France does, it is alarmed lest it be mixed up in some later continental struggle growing out of the question of the Polish corridor or of the union of Austria and Germany. Now, as after the making of peace, Britain is practically helpless in the face of the French. France has in the treaty the law, in her army she has the power, through her various allies she has a dominating situation in the League of Nations. If Great Britain desires France to make concessions to Germany, she can only support such a desire by a consent to make conces- sions to France in the matter of the | war debt. ,And in the present state of the British treasury this is out of the question. The situation is complicated by the American “stand. French consent to concessions to Germany could be ob- tained in return for American assent to cancellation of the French debt, but on this point Coolidge is adamant and Hoover is known to be equally im- movable. And, of course, on the political side the Germans are resolved not to pur- chase French evacuation by a surren- der of their determination to remake their eastern frontiers or to unite with Austria. Nor are they willing to con- cede any new limitations to their sov- ereignty incident to further demilitari- zation agreements with respect of the Rhineland. Thus, while it is patent that France has the law and has not the smallest purpose to give up the law without payment, there is no visi- ble source of payment. Actually, then, we are approaching a new and extremely dangerous crisis in Europe. In point of fact we are get- #ing back to the old situation, which preceded the occupation of the Ruhr and the making of the Dawes plan. At the moment there is one important dif- ference: Instead of seeking to coerce France as Lloyd George did, Baldwin and his associates are continuing to act in closest harmony with the French. British Situation. The truth of the British situation is that Britain is helpless in the face of France save as she has the support of the United States. But the naval dis- pute has accentuated a stparation be- tween British and American policies, which began with the rejection of the treaty of Versailles. If Germany, Great Britain and the United States desire to bring about evacuation, France can only be driven out or bought out—and in practice she cannot be driven out. Moreover, having restored her financial situation without foreign aid, she is now in a vastly better position than in 1923-24. Given the existing situation, nothing seems more likely tan that very early in Mr. Heover’s administration, he will be confronted by a new European crisis and fresh European invitations coming from all directions, British and German alike, to solve the old riddle, still re- maining after the Dawes plan, Locarno and finally the Kellogg pact. (Copyright, 1928.) BY ALBIN E. JOHNSON. While not in any sense an “educa- tional institution” in itself, although it recognizes as its greatest guarantee for the future the development of a “peace psychology” in the youth of to- day, the League of Nations is becoming a sort of training school for many rious-minded youths of various coun- During the past two years several prominent Americans—sons of familiz. whose names are household words— have spent an apprenticeship in the League secretariat. Actually they ha&el securied bonafide jobs on the League’s staff, working for months at meager salaries in order that they might learn how the wheels are going around in the greatest political experiment in. history. John D. Rockefeller, 3d, heir to per- haps the world's greatest fcrtune, spent the past Summer as a $100-per-month assistant in the information section. The fact that his father had given the League $2,000,000 for a library, and was contributing practically all the ex- penses of the health section meant nothing either to young “J. D., 3d,” as he was known, nor to his colleagues. He put in his 8 hours at his desk, did his work exceedingly well, found ro- mance during his_holidays and week ends, and returned to Princeton Uni- versity in the Fall to complete his edu- cation. Curtis Bok, also hefr-apparent to millions of his grandfather, Cyrus Cur- tis, owner of New York, Philadelphia and other newspapers and periodicals, and his father, Edward Bok, philan- thropist, preceded Rockefeller and is now practicing law in Philadelphia. Geneva Attracts Prominent Youths Taking Small Jobs to Study League The latest newcomer to Geneva is James W. Thornton, son of Sir Henry Thornton, Canadian railway magnate. ‘Thornton, having finished his schooling at the Royal Military Academy, at Kingston, is looking at the other side of the picture. The peace machinery of the League. as well as its technical branches which are designed to pro- mote international co-operation rather than national rivalries, 1s receiving his ! special attention. Having been converted almost imme- diately to the potentialities of the League as an instrument for promoting international understanding, and real- izing the important part the Geneva organization might play in the future history of the world, Sir Henry imme- diately decided that it was the place for his son—and all other youths of the oncoming generation who will have to tackle an increasingly complicated and industrialized world. So James W. Thornton put aside the military ac- coutrements of the royal military and is now wrestling with the world problems that are dumped on Geneva for solution. Of late Geneva has become very pop= ular as a “post-graduate” center, both for students interested in political as well as economic, financial and social problems. ‘Through its intellectual co-operation section the League encourages all forms of “international education” in Geneva and elsewhere, but obviously it cannot offer “temporary jobs” to any large | number of students. Those who man- age to “beeak through” are lucky, but the chances are good for those who can give proof of their sincerity and seri- ous-mindedness.. (Copyright, 1928.)