Evening Star Newspaper, January 4, 1931, Page 27

GERMAN MUDDLE MENACE TO PEACE OF EUROPE Combining Communism With National- ism Held Both Grotesque and Dangerous. BY FRANK SIMONDS. ERLIN.—What is wrong with Germany? This has become the dominating _interrogation, not merely in Europe or America, but, in fact, all over a world which perceives without understanding the far-reaching change which has taken place in the Reich. This ques- tion, too, does not arise from the single fact of the results of the recent elec- tion, which could have been interpreted as the expression of discontent, disap- pointment and economic depression, not absent in the recent American ex- perience. Rather it comes from the character of the German Fascist move- ment and the fact that every day the movement gathers force, and that each new local election shows a great in- erease of strength since the general election of September. The world is, then, in the presence of the astounding spectacle of the most orderly, reasonable and business-minded le on the European Continent en- in |ever-growing numbers in a political army which combines the watchwords of the French revolution with those of the Russian, which unites the Communism of Lenin with the super-nationalism of Mussolini, urges ecoriomic heresies with all the eloquence of the late Willilam Jennings Bryan, and militaristic doctrines with of Ludendorfl. . How, after Three Causes Given. ‘The answer to this question must be found in three 't causes—a lost ‘war, an impossible political system, and -onomic d the treaty of Versailles, stripped the own eyes of practi- -producing re- through the national ty. visions im- a huge annual ite over two tions a nation which in the and inflations crisis had lost its all regard as essential to na- tional existence. the present If one is to German crisis at all, it is essential first to appreciate, to reckon with this na- tional state of mind. The German sit- uation is , and even path- Jore it 18 political or eco- . And here is the ex- tion succéss of the cam- of Fascism and the spread contemporary doctrines. 1918 Revoit Acecidental. the Kaiser fled, the army crum- bled, the Communists rushed forward to repeat the Russian experiment. This supreme disaster was barely averted, but, the danger exorcised, there was left no basis of unity. At Weimar a constitution, mnuhu; whelmed by g sibility for the treaty of Versailles. For the next five years these so- ealled Weimar parties strove to carry on with ever-diminishing majorities, steadily mounting unpopularity and dally growing differences. Then at last came Stresemann with & new concep- tion. While inevitably accepting in foreign affairs the consequences of a lost war and boldly proclaiming his policy of Locarno, in home politics he endeavored to bring about a union of the which were conservative in domestic legislation. In a word, he tried to unite the Nationalists and Con- servative Republicans by persuading the former to drop their monarchial and chauvinistic program and the Iatter to abandon their radical allies. In this effort Stresemann falled, and the effort ended by killing him. When he died the slight degree of system which he established collapsed. The| inevitable result was the compleu‘ w of orderly administration and jon Germany Before War. You must see the thing in the Ger- man light. Before the war Germany | was, on the whole, in domestic affairs | the one hand to appeal to national sen- timent outraged by the weakness of | foreign policy, and on the other, to in- | cite domestic unrest roused by hard times. Every ill, evil, wrong, real and im- aginary, became a talking point. In the Hitler program there was a plank attacking every unpopular measure and every hated class. Persecution of the Jews was combined with ‘“shaking down” of the war profiteers. The dis- armament of Germany was to be ended, restoring to full pay the army and navy officers on half pay. Prospect of Upheaval. The heads of the leaders of parties and governments responsible in recent years were to roll in the sand. The accursed treaties were to be revised, reparations were to be discontinued, Parliament was to cease, dictatorship was to function, and a world that saw this new strong Germany reappear was confidently forecast as assenting, bow- ing its head in inevitable acquiescence. All this grotesque combination of a Communism that is nationalistic and a nationalism that is Communistic must be seen in its relation to the men- tality created by a lost war and a dozen upon that for the first time it is possible to be both Commu tic and patriotic, to denounce capital at home and the con- querors of 1918 abroad. And one must recognize the appeal of this new nationalism to a young generation, to a generation which did not know the horrors of the war, which finds intolerable the limitations laid upon it by the consequences of.a con- flict it had no part in, which is fired with a patriotic passion with all the enthusiasm of youth, and which has escaped all the discipline of an older Germany, now completely gone. Moreover, while without the economic depression the Fascist movement could hardly have become swiftly, if at all, ternational developed steadily and with ever-grow- universality since 1919. shall reserve to next week a dis- ‘happen sign force or the spread of the Fascist movement. Real Germany Stirring. sallles, the parliamentary 3 nt hard times; and Germany revolt adds new battalions every week. At the moment every man of sober judgment, reasonable opinion, world outlook, echoes the same judg- ment: “With the Hitler movement of today we can perhaps deal. The situa- tion is difficult. It may well become dangerous with the inevitable mounting impossible. In sum, while it is ble to regard Fascism as a fever, it is exact to see it as an iliness rendered acute by circumstances which may well pass without fatal nces, it is not nitely, helpless as the sick man is to- day, he remains potentially a giant. (Copyright, 1981.) Japanese May Float Bonds for Jobless The Hamaguchi ministry, which since it came into being 16 months ago, has made economy and retrenchment its watchwords, may be forced in the course of the next few months to aban- don its policy of floating no more pub-~ lic loans. Junnosuke ister of finance and a genuine “watch- dog” of the treasury, admitted in a recent interview that should unem- ployment continue to increase the gov- ernment would be forced to resort to the issuance of bonds as a means of raising funds for relief. “Until now the prefectural governments have been able the best governed country in the world. And now during more than a decade the republican, the oft-replaced reput»} lican government, presents & spectacle | of incapacity, helplessness. It had been | alike & spectacle of confusion born of lack of suthority at home and of ap-| parent surrender born of cowardice | road. | Such was the background at the mo- ment when suddenly Germany, like the rest of the world, was assailed by the of _effort. ‘When at last the government under- took a of relief it was con- the consequences of years ogram of econ- consent to & But such to take care of the unemployment situ- ation,” the finance minister said. “If (and please note the conditional nature of what I say) unemployment con- tinues to grow—there seems to be a na- tional emergency—the central govern- ment will certainly take a hand. As much as we can do without floating loans will be done first. Please note further that I have not said the gov- ernment will issue bonds. I have sald merely that the government is ready and wil to issue them if conditions demand it. We hope, of course, that - | such conditions will not develop, but we will not hesitate to act if they do.” B | Entomologist Studies Insects for 26 Years A French entomologist living in Al- giers, M. Ernest de Bergevin, whose sis- ter is the well known writer, Colette Yver, owns one of the most beautiful and complete collections of insects on Bergevin has. been swudving e big 'n - stu m of the “rhincoles” and collecting insects from all parts of the world. nce and variety. insects are to be EDITORIAL SECIION he Sunday Star. WASHINGTO .G, o SUNDAY MORNING, JANUARY ¢4, 1931. Would Solve Peace Riddle Arthur Henderson, Britain’s Foreign Secretary, Favors BY C. PATRICK THOMPSON. N the privacy of the big, quiet room in the foreign office at Whitehall “Uncle Arthur” Henderson, foreign minister in Ramsay MacDonald’s cabinet and general manager of the British Labor party, is dreaming a peace dream which, if it comes true, will pro- ducfd a revolutionary change in the world. He has caused to be announced, through the Jean medium of Viscount Cecil at Gené¥a, proposals for a general disarmament conference in 1931, and, following a treaty, the setting up of & permanent commission at Geneva to act as a world controller of armaments. A nominee from each of the states repre- sented on the League Council and a rep- resentative from America and from Ri sia, both non-member states, would co: prise this world peace council or arm: ments control (call it what you like). It is a big dream, a bright dream. Henderson hopes against hope that it will come true. War talk is rising so high in Europe that he sees it as the only road of escape back to peace. Since Mars is intractable, his teeth must be drawn. Then he may be able to foam, but he cannot bite. It may be said at once that the con- sensus of opinion in England and else- where is that, European politics, states- men, armaments, prospects, pacts, feel- ing and feuds being what they are, Hen- derson 1is not likely to succeed where so many others have falled. It may also be said that the consensus of opinion in England is that the con- ference will not occur, because before it can a Tory government will be sitting in the places of power now occupied by the Labor men; and the Tories call the Hen- derson peace scheme a more-haste-less- speed affair, and propose waiting for a more favorable psychological mood to come over the world before inviting it to disarm. But as to that, although the stock exchange—shrewd judges, the brokers—is betting on a Tory majority if and when an election comes, Henderson, who runs the party machine, thinks he can pull Labor back to victory again. A massive, calm, astute, North Coun- try man, not spectacular, but with more ballast than any of them. You might call him the foundation of the Labor skyscraper in which MacDonald is the imposing facade, Snowden the undeco- rated but utilitarian back block and goods entrance, Jim Thomas the central heating installation and Sir Oswald Mosley the weathercock. Rough Seas Encountered. He is secretary of the Labor party and has done more than any other man to build that party from the ground up and to keep it afloat in all seas—it has | encountered some rough ones, and near- ly flew apart under the strain and stress of the war years. 3 Unless you know the man you would not suppose that his massive physique conceals a highly developed nervous gel system. But it does. He is a man of several facets. At times his dignity ap- proaches pompousness. - Sometimes, a7 —Drawn for The Sunday Star by 8. J. Woolf. ARTHUR HENDERSON—HE ENVISIONS WORLD DISARMAMENT. likes; he also has an acrid tongue and forgets a friend, but gets an enemy; and man's character, in traits of loyalty or of treachery, he has to be shown only once. His rise has not been meteoric. He is a plodder. Iron founder, trade union organizer, town councilor, election he' agent, mayor of his city—those are the looking at him on a public occasion or listening to a string of platitudes, you would say he was dull. These are his moments of rest, of reserve, of a calcu- lated tactical attitude. Dissect him and you will find an agile shrewdness, good nature and a Calling of New Disarmament Policy. high lights of his career up to the age of 33. Earnest, solid, a dry, an assidu- ous churchgoer and an active worker in local Wesleyan circles (his oratori- cal style was formed as a Wesleyan preacher), he was not regarded as a danger to the community when he went Labor after having been a pillar in the local Liberal house. The death of the Liberal baronet whose election agent he had been opened the door of Parliament for him. He had learned the tactics and strategy of the game and had intrenched him- self locally. He also had become sec- retary of the young parliamentary La- bor party. He stood as a Labor candi- Polfical parties by winnine the s political es three-cornered fight for Labor. At that time there were only three Labor men in Parliament, and control of political power was not a serioys aim of the group. They did not believe it could be done. was back in 1903. Three years later Henderson and his three col- leagues were joined by MacDonald, Clynes, Snowden and 22 others, in what the newspapers of the day described as “the revolution of 1906.” England was disturbed and astounded. On all sides there were inquiries as to what Labor wanted. Still, Hemderson and his little ‘f"’“g looked across at a Liberal party ed by Asquith and Lloyd George and numbering 400 members, and the most self-confident Labor men never supposed: that by 1930 that overwhelming would be reduced to an insignificant little portion led by Lloyd George while Henderson’s party would be the largest of the three, with MacDonald as Pre- mier and Henderson directing foreign policy. Aims at Transformation. ‘Taking the long view now, Henderson prophesies that the political fight will not be over until a real industrial democracy has ushered in the Socialist commonwealth. He asserts that his movement is animated by a conception of life that is essentially dif- ferent from that which England knoWws today. “They want to patch up the | existing order,” he says; “we aim at | transforming it.” Ramsay MacDonald may, by virtue | of his more impressive oratory, his more impressive presence, his intellectual su- periority and his unrivaled prestige in international Socialist circles, be leader of the Lal movement. But Hender- son s and always has been its organ. izer. He knows more about it and its personalities than anybody else. has lived with it far more closely than MacDonald has. ‘When he came into national politics from the municipal life of his northern manufacturing town the aggregate num- ber of men in the Labor movement was short of a million. Henderson, then in his early forties, and with an organizing capacity which would have made him a big fortune. in business, set himself to build a great national party out of the (Continued on Fourth Page.) If You Want J ob Ahewad“—'- You Must Be Ready for I, Says Mary Dillon, Named as One of America’s Most Useful Women. BY ALBERT EDWARD WIGGAM. HEN getting a job is the su- is lives of several million more, and when getting a still better job is always oc- cupying the minds of every one who is | ambitious, I can think of nothing that could be more helpful than to talk with g:ople who not only have jobs but who ve come up all the way from the bot- tom to the top. Many achools and colleges are now inviting business women, -to ization of | upon be- quirements for success. particularly helpfal if the a wide and sympathetic un of a large number of jobs on the one hand and of human nature and human needs on the other. It was for these reasons that I spent an afternoon talk- ing with Mary Dillon in order to give her ideas to The Star’s readers—for she Inoyue, the min- | lines of development bee tial factor in i, what she has to say, to young women in business, cannot but be extremely helpful. As to what other women, competent to judge, think of her place among women, it should be stated that Miss Ida Tarbell, in her carefully selected list of the 20 greatest and most useful women in America today, not only includes Miss Dillon, but that Miss Dillon is one of the only two women in business listed in this roster of genuine distinction. ‘This leads you to say, of course, “Oh, well, she has succeeded just because able circumstances, which she told me frankly she did not believe come to every woman, however well qualified she may be. Secondly, however, she ascribes much of her advancement to some very definite principles that she adopted when she came as a girl to the company—principles that she has | most held to ever since and is still putting lnwuvrmlce, “If a woman wants to succeed in business,” Miss Dillon said to me, “there are some things she must do that apply to both men and women, and perha one or two things that just now apply g the woman in ‘business but which in time may disappear. It seems lmuln? to me to see lists they get up of the 10 or 20 greatest women in America and the like. It will soon become such a commonplace thing for women to ucceed as presidents and general man- rs and occupy top positions in busi- and in the professions that it make news. is the unusual that makes news, And & seems to me such B agel ness won't “It of course. MARY DILLON. hard | River, which the should try to tell the general manager what he ought to do, but they ought to see as clearly as possible what problems are and how their own jobs, whether little or big, fit in with the work and purpose of the company as & whole. You have to see how your job fits into the job above you if you ever to hold that job yourself—in of words, see your job in its relation- think I could make this even more saying a word that - especially wo.he'omlnwh‘n clear work. Women Must Play Game. “Suppose, for example, the company is in litigation and the minor executives are called in conference by the attorney to get the facts for putting over his case. Suppose_that in those conferences became impressed with the fact that Dillion has the facts at her finger- better than any one else and knows So, ushing or log roll- its her, and if she certain they wowld Mke our kind of | ‘work. cations to like | some one or two influential men that & b—tha, is. prov fi :h’:lee in the matter at all. what I have done success, I a good deal of it was just because I have wanted to do it. I don't know any sort of life I would prefer to a life just working here with my company, its career—does it seem as if it would give fi@”a its business structure and its and happy life work- eals. Prepare for Higher Position. 2838 oE» son why I have been advanced from time to time with the company, and I would urge youn, going 4 “I think this has been the first rea- | nized by woman is usi tive advanced to execu- tions, at least as business is now on. Even men who do not feel against women ‘post are still not al- together free from traditional views. “However, a woman does not advance ‘woman who wants to succeed at it must play the game the same as men. Men want the job done. They want intelli- gence and efficiency, and as soon as a gets a chance to convince them ready to recognize it as they are in a man. My only point is that in to get her qualifications recog- a group of managers or direc- tors a woman must usually have these facts impressed upon them by one of their own members. “However, I do not take much credit any g woman into business to try to develop a love for it, a passion for it, and to try to | out of it not a living but an en- kind of life. for being in my present position, and this is no false modesty on my part, but an honest belief. I mean that while, of course, I have demonstrated by years of work that I do have the common ;eme ability to do this a on PICKING 1932 CANDIDATES ABSORBS PARTY LEADERS Hoover Believed Certain to Head G. O. P., But Choice of Democrats Held Doubtful. BY MARK SULLIVAN. HE outstanding feature of the political year 1931 will be—not anything that comes to fruit within the year—but rather progress of crystallization toward an event of which the outcome arrives in 1932, That event of 1932 is choice of candidates of the two parties for President—particularly choice of the Democratic candidate, use as re- spects the Republican nominee prac- tically everybody assumes as of today that he will be Mr. Hoover. As respects the Democratic nomina- tion, and as of the opening days of 1931, there are two visible facts. Omne is that Gov. Franklin Roosevelt of New York is more generally mentioned as the Democratic presidential nominee than any other one man. The other is that the leaders of the party, who will determine the outcome, show a general and definite reluctance to give the nom- ination to the New York Governor. Of course, there will be other things in the political year 1931 besides the matter of glruidel‘mll nominees. There will be prohibition, as usual—exactly as usual, because nothing will be done about it. The Wickersham - slon’s report, or reports, will not be acted upon by this session of Conj 3 which has until March 4 to live. ‘Thereafter, with the old Congress dead, there will be no Congress whatever un- til December 7, when the new Congress meets. - Prohibition Action Unlikely. Obviously, the final 22 days of De- cember, which will be all the existence the new Congress will have during 1931, will be too short to do anything about prohibition. If another reason were needed, that new Congress will be sit- ting right on the eve of a presidential election—and is a most unlikely time for Congress to do anyth! about prohibition or about any other acutely controversial subject having partisan assets and partisan liabilities. In what I have said so far there is an assumption. The assumption is that the present short session of Congress, endé‘ng Mnl’ihu:,lwfll wmmplefia all l'? routine work, including the passage of all the appropriations indispensable to keep the Government running. On assumption is based the statement that/ there will be no special session of the new Congress. moment is reasonable. The statement here made that this present session of Congress will com- plete its imperative work and thereby obviate the calling of a special session of the new Congress, is made upon rather careful survey of the sentiment of all the factions in Congress. To that during 1931 there will be no spe- cial session of the new Congress is a negative statement, but it is an afirma- tive fact having important meanings, Two Important Steps. In the existing Congress, between now and its expiration, March 4, two important steps will probably be taken. ‘This Congress will ly vote—and the vote, If taken, is likely to be con- clusive—on Muscle Shoals. Thli - gress will vote either (a) that Shoals is to be operated for the produc- tion of electricity directly by the Fed- eral Government, or (b) that Muscle Shoals is to be operated by a private corporation under lease from the Gov- ernment, or (c) that there shall be some intricate compromise between the principles of Government operation and private operation. This action on Muscle Shoals—espe- cially if it is a decisive action and not & compromise—will have high and per- manent importance. Muscle Shoals has come to be more than a local water- power development on the Tennessee ‘Government happens to own and to have brought to the present stage of development as an incident which began with our war- time activities more than 12 years ago. Muscle Shoals has come to be the symbol of the issue of public versus Government operation of public utili- . All over the count The assumption at this b ent Congress adopts the amendment, that fact will not constitute very imme- diate news nor a very exciting departure, This substantially completes the list of important steps likely to be taken by the existing Congress and the list of moats Hkely 1o appear during ‘he po- men y to appear duri e po- litical year 1931. 'That the list is mea- ger shows upon its face. For the really important political de- velopments of 1931 we must turn to the progress that will be made toward choos- ing the presidential nominees of the two parties for 1932—the maneuvers that will be made, quietly or omumu oth changes in the trend of public , o e o ivance the availal of one or check that of another. Roosevelt in Front. I have said Gov. Roosevelt is the man most frequently mentioned “in news- papers and other public circles” as the Democratic can te. But the men- tion of & man in newspapers and other Ppublic circles, at a time 18 months ahead of the event (or indeed at any time up to 24 hours before the event), is by no means an accurate barometer of the chance of his being nominated. Case :t(‘t:r case in recent memory illustrates t. The true rule, well understood by pol- iticians, is the exact epposite. To’qble “too far out in front,” as it is expressed by the politicians and President makers, is actually a handicap, an omen less of success than of failure. To, cite recent exunglm fresh in the reader’s memory: In 1924 there were two men “out in front” for the Democratic nomination, They were Willlam G. McAdoo and Al- fred E. Smith—but the nomination went the nomination went to a man who, far from being “out in front,” was in fact very much to the rear, Senator Warren G,W!'lhl.l’d.lng of Ohio. that | just because Gov. an opportu. of other men lay traps and set up obstacles in path of the apparently favored one. Making of Nomination. the net resultant of works and actions, To & certaln extes ltgu‘emwmconlerwflm each other friendly way as to who nominate, who will some | the largest chance of a , the outcome as a rule has been favorable to Government ownership. May Be 1932 Issue. Nation-wide issue Muscle probable, ‘Wilk, come to a present ‘Ggngres the the ng two months. Progress through the progress tion by 36 out of the » even if the p o : g i E §§ i gev B H HE 8.5 g8 i 1 RE 2o E . ude 8 R S g Does any one either, that all the leaders in all the States will pay a_certain amount of def