Evening Star Newspaper, June 30, 1929, Page 25

Part 2—8 Pages EDITORIAL SECTION he Sunday Star, WASHINGTON, D, SUNDAY Reviews of Books MORNING, JUNE 30, 1929, MASS PRODUCTION AGE HELD BEST FOR LABORERS Present Improved Conditions of Working| Class Cited in Reply to Joseph Caillaux, Who Decried Honors Paid Science. BY JAMES J. DAVIS, United States Secretary of Labor. N reading the recent brilliant article of M. Joseph Caillaux, an article that attributed the grosser evils of our time to the honor paid of science and its applica- tion to society, I am reminded of a ‘prophecy made by Lord Macaulay many years ago, in a letter written to a gentleman in New York in depreciation ©of Thomas Jefferson. “It is plain,” wrote Macaulay, “that your government will never be able to restrain a distressed and discontented majority. For with you the majority is the government, and has the rich, who are always a minority, absolutely at its mercy. The day will come when . . a multitude of people none of whom I have had more than half a breakfast, or expects to have more than half a din- mer, will choose the legislature. “Is it ible to doubt what sort of |® legisiature will be chosen? On one eide is a statesman preaching patience, ,respect for vested rights, strict observ- ance of public faith. On the other | ,hand is a demagogue ranting about the of talists and usurers, preferred by a man whose children cry +for bread? 1 Felt Apprehension. *T seriously apprehend that you will, in some suchsseason of adversity as I ihave described, do things which will Macaulay thought that the American workers would rebel against hunger; | world will rebel _against | The hunger that Macaulay prophesied has not come; the prosperity that M. Caillaux s0 much fears has begun to appear and it promises to wax greater and to embrace the mass of mankind. x{)fll humanity eventually rebel against Of course, there is no telling what humanity will do when it finds itself in a condition that it has never known in the past. Men have often rebelled against injustice. So it may be that humanity will eventually rebel against prosperity, as M. Caillaux prophesies that it will. Rebel Against Adversity. There is, however, no instance in history where men have rebelled against the gains of prosperity. All the rebellions of the past have n against the e of adversity. M. Cail- laux may , it he will, that the spiritual teachings of Asia have been uniformily directed against the kind of prosperity that has been coming slowly to the entire world since the advent of the machine. It is true enough that all the spirit- ual seers of Asia have called upon men to renounce the world. But few appear to be aware that the gospel of renun- ciation preached in India, China and elsewhere in Asia was based upon the poverty of the people. The seers called upon the people to renounce life for the simple reason that, so far as they could see, life had nothing to offer them, Almost everybody in Asia was r. No matter how hard the people worked, they remained poor. They had not only never conquered nature; they never s0 much as dreamed that nature could be conquered. They starved by the million in the periods of famine; they perished like flies whenever an the | epidemic appeared. the twentieth century as the Roman 'Empire was in_ the fifth; with this difference, that the Huns and Vandals .will have been engendered within your try by your own institutions.” Now, if you compare the point of wiew expressed by M. Caillaux in his yecent article with the point of view expressed by Lord Macaulay in his let- to the New York gentleman you will find that the cancel each other. Macaulay thought that American civi- lization was in danger of being ove! thrown because the workers would en- joy too little; M. Caillaux thinks that American civilization is in danger be- lestined to en- cause the workers are d Jjoy too much. “Renounce the world. There is nothing here for you. Desire for what you cannot have only makes you mis- erable, and is evil!” That is what the spiritual teachers of Asia taught the people. “There were no men of science, and, for lack of scientists, Asia has been poverty stricken for thousands of years. The religious teachers of Asia to a man regarded the world and the life of man as evil, and they thought that the sooner man was able to escape the world the better. But with the advent of science—the thing that distresses M. ux so much, and is the cause of his anxiety for the future of the world—the gospel began to lose its ef- fect; and here in America it has lost it altogether. It was not an unpopu- Iar gospel in America at one time. Days of Privation. B2 i | and kings—much better, mu:d_muvadm of Macaulay has not iving 553,15 Egsgg ES; a E . Caillaux speaks of the machin: turning the workman into an “auto- to the detriment of the com- fresh meat as often as once a week, and paid for it a much higher price than his posterity. . . . If the food of an n would now be thought coarse, his clothes would be thought abominable.” M. Caillaux complains that {hose whom he calls the Realists and Uto- pians, “chanting hymns, the one in glorification of production, the other in . | favor of a better distribution of wealth, ascribing all progress of civilization to the betterment of material we\l-bel:xfigg. f | they have bowed man down to earth instead of directing his eyes . | heavenward.” ‘The truth is that most of the great inventions are the -creaf of the last men from whom we should na- turally have expected them. It is neither humble worker nor the ¢ | come into view. Giasgow. Fortunately the jurisdiction of these men did not extend as far as the University of Glasgow, which gave Watt a workshop; and to this fact humanity owes the steam engine. Richard Arkwright, the inventor of the spinning frame, was a barber; Wil- liam Armstrong, the inventor of the hydraulic engine, was a solicitor, or, as we should say, a lawyer; Edmund Cartwright, the inventor of the power loom, was a clergyman; Robert Ful- ton, inventor of the first commercially successful steamboat, was a portrait ainter. One could give an extremely long list of similar examples. Nobody would have predicted in advance that clergymen, lawyers, barbers, portrait painters and the makers of mathe- matical and musical instruments would be the creaters of an industrial revo- lution, but they were, just as Georgge Grote and Walter Leaf, two of the greatest Greek scholars of modern times, were London bankers, and as the author of the greatest work writ- ten in behalf of the doctrine that the human will is free, Rowland Hazard, was a New England manufacturer in the small Rhode Island village Peacedale. “Part of Animals.” Mr. Caillaux says that mass produc- tion compels workers “to play the rn of animals” I should answer, that for the first time in history it has raised them above playing that part 2nd made human beings of them. Does he know of any time in the past when a worker had the dignity of an American worker u&‘u today? B 1t - means . nof , _apparently, some men that the workers of America réceive higher wages for less work than men have ever received in the past. They speak with scorn of the day when ‘ker will have lxmo'c! car of ema, etc. ‘Take the City of London a hundred A recent British Ideas of Heaven. T would rob no man of his heavenly peace. Like most other persons, I be- lieve that when we depart from this life we shall find a kindly heaven to re- ceive and shelter us. But I find noth- ing spiritually elevating in a thought of heaven that can inspire men only when their stomachs ache from. hunger and their backs from unremitting toil, while their souls yearn for a hundred things possessed by others, but to them denied "through three score and ten weary and dreary years. ‘We ought to rejoice that science was born for the conquest of nature, and that by means of its application to in- dustry the end of poverty begins to ‘There have always been a happy few so situated as to be able to enjoy the earth. We find them in ancient Greece and Rome, even in the Orient; but so far as the great masses of mankind are concerned, no star of hope ever shone for them in their earthward pilgrimage before the coming of the labor-saving machine. And it is only in America that the worker has so far realized the nature of his potential manhood as to become a vital ecnomic factor in his country. I have no doubt that there have been other ages which may inspire M. Cail- laux more than the one in which we both live. There may have been ages fairer in some respects than ours. There is today no Sophocles, or Plato or Aristotle or Dante or Shakespeare; there are perhaps no great voices sounding now, such as have sounded in days that are now far off and, ex- cept for readers, quite forgotten. Un. questionably it is true that in all gain there is some loss, as Emerson showed in his essay on “Compensation,” as he also showed that in all loss there is some gain. What we have to do, in considering gains and losses, is to estimate which is the greater. Only a few athletes in our time could have made that dashing charge of the Athenians on the Persians at Mara- f | thon, running at full speed for not less than a mile; our mode of living has robbed us of some soundness of wind; but would any one—would M. Caillaux himself—advise us to abandon that method for one of more than 2,000 years ago? If there has been some leveling down, there has also been an immense amount of I son who was in his own da are capable of res him now. M. Caillaux complal of the ma- terialistic character of our contempor- ary_civilization—has it never occurred to him that this civilization, of which he mmrll‘:lnl so_bitterly, is the first in the tory of the world in which the toiling masses have had any in- tellectual life whatsoever? The youth of Athens who listened to the dis- courses of Plato, or their elders who aristocrats; the | M. Caillaux * thinks that the whole! prosperity. | Cambon Sees Pact World Greatest Diplomatic Act BY JULES CAMBON, Plenipotentiary for France 8t Versailles Peace Conference PARIS.—Though 10 years have gone by since that moment, I cannot think without being deeply moved of that luminous day, June 28, 1919, when I was called to sign, with M. Georges Clemenceau, in the name of France the treaty of Ver- sajlles, which was to put an end to the most devastat- ing war humanity Minister tory of the world because of the many nations it invoived as signa- tories and because of the extremely varied and com- plex problems with Whll'::h it dealt. my capacity of president of the Conference of Ambassadors I had the difficult mission for the last 10 years to see to the fulfillment of the treaty. De- spite the inevitable obstacles that stood in our way, I can attest that on the whole it has been executed. Great progress has been achieved in Europe as regards moral and material disarmament. Victorious and defeated nations finally have understood the ne- cessity for political rapprochement be- tween them, and they have been helped greatly in this way by the solidarity of their economic interests. ‘Thus, both Prance and Germany have been able to sign, in 1926, the Locarno agreements and, in 1928, the Kellogg pact for the outlawry of war. And quite lately, thanks to the work of the committee of experts so skillfully directed by Owen D. Young, the problem of reparations, which for so long has been irritating for interna- tional relations, has been given a prac- tical solution. ‘Ten years after the conclusion of the Versailles treaty peace seems thus to have been truly stabilized in a new Eu- Tope. " M. Cambon, American Failures At Helpfulness Are Scored by J. W. Davis BY JOHN W. DAVIS, American Ambassador _at Court James, 1918-1921. We may look back, I think, on this tenth anniversary of the signing of the Treaty of Versailles with no little satis- faction. Our failures, however, to avail of opportunitles for of 8t been too numer- ous make this com- living considerably raised. ‘Transportation and communication, be- cause of the de- velopment in the automobile fields, have ' made tre- mendous strides. Notable Changes in Political Field. In the political field the changes bave been notable. In Italy and Spain we witness the experiment of personal dictatorships and in Russia class dic- tatorship is still on trial. Time alone can tell whether their establishment is to be permanent, or whether they will ,lve way or without violence to some orm of more popular government. Financially, the march toward gen- eral stability has been steady and sure, and mmproved conditions in this respect exist not only in the countries of our war allies but in those of our foes as well. The reduction of the burden on Germany as fixed by the Dawes plan has o substantial effect in this direction, and the happy termination of the recent Paris conference by the tion of the Young plan will not a little tend to regulate the financial pulse. Little Progress With League. ‘ Important steps have been made the line i along of peaceful settlement of international disputes. ‘The Pan. helpfulness have | aviation, radio and | THE PEACE ence, the Naval Conference and the Kellogg pact—all evidence the co-op- | erative spirit, which is the “sine qua | non™ of any real advance. In all these the United States was represented. But after 10 years we appear to be just where we started with respect to the League of Nations, the one per- manent body created for this par- ticular purpose. And little more can be sald of our relation to the World Court, on which, by the invitation of the other powers a representative sits from, of but not for the United States. Permanent Peace No Longer Dream, Premier Declares BY RIGHT HON. JOSEPH WARD, Premier of New Zealand. ‘WELLINGTON.—New Zealan the common hope that an era of per- manent peace is no longer-a visionary dream. The asso- ciation of most of the - countries. of the world in the League of Nations has created a wider and more sym- pathetic attitude. and the recent signing of the Kel- logg pact - consti- tutes a material mark of real achievement. We look upon the pres- ent collaboration of the great Eng- lish-speaking races as a hopeful indi- = cation of further Premler Ward. rogress and the Kn,ure is full of promise. Locarno Accord With Versailles Seen by Belgian BY EMILE VANDERVELDE, Belgium's Plenipotentiary at Versailles. BRUSSELS.—I am, with Edouard Benes, the only statesman who signed in 1919 the Versailles treaty and in 1926 the Locarno treaty—two diplo- matic acts whose texts do not oon?ra- dict each other but were inspired by an entirely differ- ent spirit. One was freely accepted by the signatories, the other dictated by the victorious na- tions to a defeated country. 1 signed the Ver- sailles treaty as representative um, 1 had to do it over again I would do it. This treaty gave back to my country —the victim of an . unjustified aggres- 2 slon—its independ- ence and recognized our right to repa- rations, admitted by Chancellor Beth- mann Hollweg himself. Revenge of Justice Over Force. ‘This treaty has been bitterly criti- cized, but in its main lines it meant the revenge of justice over force. Its two essential dispositions — the dis- annexation of Alsace-Lorraine and the resurrection of Poland—were in accord- ance with the universal conscience. This must be said out loud in this month of June, 1929, which will mark the tenth anniversary of the treaty. I would, however, consider it a lack of moral courage not to add the fol- lowing words: Among the signatories of the lex satura which the Versailles treaty meant, very few, if any at all, realized in 1919 that some of its points were bound to outlive themselves in the very near future. For many of the decisions taken at Versailles have ben rspon- sible for the strained international rela- tions that existed in Europe after the war, Treaty Inspired by People. From the territorial point of view, the Versailles treaty was inspired, on the whole, by the right of free determina- tion of peoples. But this renders more irritating some of its articles which had, as & result, to cut into two parts a great country, to create frontiers which it is almost impossible to defend, and to take away from millions of le the right to be governed accor. to their wishes, From the point of view of indemni- ties to be paid by Germany, it must the experts in the would not have had negotiators Vandervelde. CONFERENCE. who was inspired by Mr. Lloyd George, “military pensions.” This would certainly have been a good transaction for the allies if Ger- many had paid integrally. But it proved to be a deplorable one for France and Belgium and the other countries devastated by the war, since the sums paid by Germany were great- ly reduced by the claims of Great Britain, who had no devastated re- glons, but who wanted to have her pensions paid. Calls Demands on Germany Rightful. Finally, from the point of view of limitation of armaments, it was not excessive to demand that Germany be disarmed first, so long .as the other powers undertook in the treaty, in virtue of Paul Boncour's note, to be disarmed in -their turn. But by im- posing on Germany a system -of vol- untary service of 12 years with a lim- ited .army, while the other powers kept the right to have the whole nation disposing of traiuned reserves, a great infjustice was done, and this injustice is' the principal cause of the almost inextricable situation in which is entangled the Preparation Commis- sinntof the Conference for Disarma- ment. ‘The Socialists of Great Britain, France, Germany, Italy and Belgium had said all this in 1922 in Frank- fort, when they asked for cancella- tion of the interallied debts, limi- tation of - reparations to the direct s and reduction to a reason- able sum, commercialization of Ger- many’s debt and an end as soon as possible to the military occupation. At that moment their clai seemed scandalous. They now terialize one after the other. They should all be accepted in order that peace may be consolidated and that, under the sign of international jus- tice, Europe may cease to be divided by definitely effacing the difference between the victorious and the de- feated nations. True Perspective Of Treaty Is Seen After Ten Years BY EDWARD N. HURLEY, Shipping Adviser at Am: Peace Com- mission at Versailles. ‘With the advantages of a decade of hindsight, the treaty of Versailles now begins to appear in its true historical perspective—not so much as a settle- ment of the issues of the past, but as the beginning of & new orientation of the world. The su- perficial critics of the treaty who have made so much noise in the world have had an easy task in pointing out its technical de- fects as a seitle- ment, but they have overlooked the vast and more signifi- cant developments which have been unfolding ever since. Mr. If the treaty of Versailles did nothing else, it focused Harley. {the thought of the world upon the question of maintaining peace by a general uplift of living standards throughout the world which would min- imize those economic discrepancies which have been among the most potent provocations to war. President Wilson saw this very clearly. Here is & bit of unpublished history which shows this. Reveals Interview with Wilson. A few days before the armistice a dist] ished group of industrial lead- ers called upon me at Was] and suggested that I ask President Wilson to retain the price-fixing methods which the Government had adopted for -var purposes for a sufficient period of time to allow business conditions to beccme stabilized without too violent interven- ing shocks. When I presented their plea and reasoning to the President ne remarked that the history of all great wars showed that profound social changes invariably followed and that conditions never were the same after a war as before. ‘Therefore, he was of the opinion that any .mmga to_perpetuate war condi- tions would be to combat the forces of social and economic evolution. “For the government to take steps to main- tain war conditions along the lines sug- would keep prices up,” said the b r - would, therefore, make demands that wages be kept high and the readjustments of industry to the natural post-war conditions would be postponed beyond reason. The soon- er the people of America and of the world reach a natural economic post- tus of prices and wages, the u Wl had {unloosened and eccelerated by the Wages will continue to be high and the | points. living standards of the masses Wi What of Versailles? Men Who Helped Frame Treaty Discuss Its Effect On World Ten Years After l (From a painting by Karl Anderson.) continue to be higher. In fact, a new | cconomic era will develop and prevail.” | Beyond all question, a candid view of | what happened in the world since the signing of the treaty shows that Wood- row Wilson was the valid prophet of a new social era for all the world. In spite of all the frightful losses of the war, the living standards of the masses of America and Western Europe have ::en definitely established on a higher ane. Japanese Baron Believes Treaty Deserves Honor BY BARON GIICHI TANAKA, Premier of Japan., s TOKIO—If for no other reason than . the. most :devastating and desoliting war of which we Have record |, in history, the treaty of Versailles would deserve grateful commemo- ration. Harsh criticisms have been passed upon its provisions, but when we con- sider the complex- ity of the questions :ehlch it had to Baron Tanaka. which, on the whole, it has worked. It is natural, of course to compare it to the treaty of Vienna. That treaty was criticized in much the same way, but it did furnish a framework for the affairs of Europe, which subsisted for at least 50 years and obtained the long peace which enabled that astonish- mf P! to be made in applied sclence and general diffusion of com- fort which characterized the nineteenth century. No treaty settlement can hope to be everlasting, nor would it be well that it should, but the treaty of Versailles seems in every way likely to rival the record of the treaty of Vienna in this respect, if not to improve upon it. Points of detail can always be amended, and alre: provisions of the treaty have been re: to bring them into greater harmony with the necessi- ties of the time. If this is always done, whenever the occasion arises, with wis- dom, caution and understanding, our descendants will have every cause to 1 on the treaty of Versailles with feelings of approval and satisfac- tion as the instrument that exorcised the demon of war and restored Europe and the world to the paths of peace. Regrets German Concessions to Former Enemies BY OTTO LANDSBERG, German Minister for Justice in 1919. BERLIN.—-Ten years ago today Ger- many signed the treaty of Versailles. Hard domestic battles took place in which some of those who declined acceptance of the conditions of the allied and assoclat- ed powers when the German Na- tional Assembly decided against me left the cabinet to which I belonged as minister of jus- ice. Among the re: sons which .deter- mined my attitude, not the least was that I feared a permanent. menace to worll peace ;&:l{l r:sultl»t!rom reaty. It WaS Herr Landsbers. . bad that Germany should asknowledge herself solely to be guilty 'of the war, when every objective thinker must admit that every great na- tion on the European continent had pursued a policy which sooner or later must lead to the taking up of arms. Regrets German Concessions. It was bad that Germnni should give up to her neighbors on each of her bor- ders valuable districts inhabited entirely or preponderantly by German citisens: that she should deliver up her merchant inarine, that all German property in the territory of victor nations should be confiscad Ge! hose | s chimeral bl BY FRANK H. SIMONDS. HE aftermaths of the reparations settlement and the British elec~ tion have served to obscure the discussions of the League of Na- tions Council meeting at Mad- rid. Yet the subject of this conference remains the supreme problem of co- temporary Europe. Peace or war for & future as long as can now b2 calculated must turn on the minority issue. And beyond all question, Germany has cho- sen to assume the role of champion of the so-called “oppressed minorities.” that, in the Paris treaties and the gen- eral’ relocation of European frontiers, at least 20,000,000 of people were placed under the rule of other races against their will, and that for a considerable portion of these millions this transfer has been followed by hardship and even actual persecution. 1t is true that there is nothing very new about this condition. Before the war at least twice as many people suf- fered far more acutely from similar con- | ditions. Then Poles, Czechs, Ruman- ians, Italians, French, Danes and the various tribes of the castern shore of the Germans, Hungarians, Bulgarians, Southern Slavs and Lithuanians who protest. For the last named three the change is only from one oppressor to another. Yet, in the case of the Germans and of the Hungarians, the settlement has placed races enjoying a high degree of civilization and accustomed over long centuries to dominate under the ‘con- trol of races as yet less advanced, at least in economic civilization, and in- | spired alike by the memory of long cen- turles of oppression and the present fear of a return to their old conditions. Many Races Mixed. When the first effects of the peace treaties were seen there was in many quarters a widespread denunciation and a loud demand for an immediate re- vision of the process which was pic- :_uresq;xecly ges{:rél‘:led as the Ball - ion of Central rope. Particularl; the United States and Great Brl{lil: there was the conviction that the new treaties had been made with a deliberate purpose to subject minorities to alien rule, primarily in order to weaken Ger- {g:;xy. bu'ih also t'.o l{omly the states were the natural allies of - torious coalition. e Slowly it has become clear that despite any number of minor injustices, the real difficulty arises from the fact that there are large areas in Europe within mixed that np solution of frontiers could fail to create minorities. Thus' any rgtmatlon‘ of frontiers ' would amount to no more than the liberation l:sn germl:x mlnd for ex- ple, an 2 . new enslave Poles, Ruma: o Bl It has to me to be the grave of noble pacificis- tic convictions. I could not but believe that a nation of more than 60,000,000 persons constantly would have their eyes fastened on the political heavens so long as the treaty remained in force, look- ing for signs of an approaching storm which would offer them the prospect of liberation. tion democracy, but also for the peace of the world, and with it for modern civili- tzaion, which would not survive new general conflicts. I must confess my pessimism happily has not been justi- fled. Indeed, the treaty of Versailles rendered more difficult for the demo- cratic parties the struggle for the soul of the German people. Oppression by Foreign Pressure. Among the electors of the national- istic parties were millions who would have nothing to do with the return of autocracy and whose vote only can be explained through foreign pressure that oppressed our country. The great majority of Germans, how- ever, firmly are determined that the war of 1914-1918 should be the last. The recollection that every family in Germany (naturally the princely ones excepted) lost dear and valued mem- bers on the battlefield; that the block- ade had destroyed the lives of count- less Germans, especially children; the conviction that war is a false and to- tally inappropriate means for the set-. tlement of differences among nations has struck such strong roots that the overwhelming majority of Germans loy- ally and irrevocably are devoted to the idea of international understanding. In that period of the decade after the conclusion of peace, which was ex- ceeded in severity only by the treaty ending the third Punic war, we have seen the entrance of Germany into the League of Nations and German accept- ance of the optional clause of the In- ternational Court of Justice, the Lo- carno treaty and the Kellogg pact. Ger- man statesmen, with the joyful consent of the great majority of the nation (guided as much by common sense as by their hearts) have put their signa- tures to agreements for the extermina- tion of war, Regards Kellogg Pact Highly. ‘We Germans will always hold the name of the nobleman to whose initia- tive the outlawry-of-war treaty is to be ;l‘:::ltked to honor next to those of his counirymen, Washingto: nroe and Llncoln.ym iy And even in the most powerful of these German parties, Whopoln princi ple are opposed to pacifism, the opin- fon is strongly represented that a foreign ‘poucy other than that which strives for understanding among n tions is not ible. Otherwise when the German Nationallst pariy when it entered the government in January, 1927, and thereby had to substitute practical work for wild agitation, would not be able to have praised the contin- uation of a policy of peace and to have expressly approved the entrance of Germany into the League of Natlons and the Locarno agreement, Far more dangerous enemies of German democracy and pacifism than the conservative dealings with vanqui mistrust and by a wish to' impose on itions in order to'keep m‘mwmtmmw»med The problem arises from the fact gy the Baltic were the victims. Today it is by EUROPE’S SUBJECT RACES PROVE THREAT TO PEACE Twenty Million Minority Under Yoke Is Factor in Talk of World Harmony. races, the Germans and the Magyars, are determined not to accept as per- manent the new conditions. In the case of the Germans, while - Lorraine has ceased to be a vital issue, the questions of the Polish T, of Upper Silesia, of Austria, and, to a lesser degree, of the German minority in Czechoslovakia, remain vital natio: issues. Today no German serious] thinks of precipitating a war to change the status quo, but practically every asserts that what exists can- not endure. And exactly the same state of mind is discoverable among the agyars. But since war is out of the question today, the Germans, the Hungarians, and, to a degree, other races, with in- creasing insistence demand of the League of Nations that it protect the minorities created by the peace settle- ment and many cases guaranteed racial and cultural rights by these doc- uments. And Germany has very plainly marked out for herself the role of champion of the oppressed minorities. Yet the League is actually powerless to do anything of real importance, be- cause not only must it invade the sov- ereignty of the nations called to court the Germans and Hungarians, but it is confronted by the fact that France, the most powerful single state in the League, stands = squarely behind the inst the old, while Italy, with equal firmness, resists any effort to make more tolerable the lot of her German, Slav and Greek minorities. Menace to Unity. Moreover, all the states having mi- norities are faced with the problem “than any concessions to the minorities must constitute a permanent menace to national unity. If the Ger- mans in Poland or the Magyars in Czechoslovakia and Rumania, while continuing to demand the right to use their own language, accepted the new nationality as final, and if there were no Germany or Hungary challenging this settlement, morally, if not yet for- cibly, the Poles, the Czechs, the Ru- manians could afford to let their mi- norities live peacefully and without being subjected to the discipline inci- dent to forcible assimilation. B which the populations are racially o | the L i i | i i i | B £y e ] £ many border regiol rridor -hn:&m Polish_population, fore war was hardly more than 3-2, is today 10-1. ‘Waiting for Strength. Germany, then, must seek, under cover of pro the unquestioned rights of German minority, to pre- vent their gradual elimination, to the end that one ‘when sh g8 T perceived in this one-sided orienta- | wo danger not only for German |than the tural and in- evitable evolution of German policy does not hold out any p: of re- moving the evil. Minorities cham- ploned are doomed to still greater per- secution. The effect of the German operation is not to protect the minor- ities, but to fill Europe with new appre- hension and promote strife within many frontiers., (Copyright, 1929.) e Giant French Liner Soon to Be Constructed A new era of competition in trans- atlantic shipping has started between the principal countries of Europe. Fol- * lowing Germany, Italy and Greay Brit- ain, Prance has decided to build'a new liner of huge proportions. It will be the ‘The state is\ giving financial aid to the enterprise, thanks to a new law providing for a maritime credit fund, granting big loans to s com- panies. The fund has alre ad- vanced $2,000,000 to the French line for the construction of the Super Ile de France. Hawaii Rejoices As Volcano Erupts Kilauea's sudden spurt of life does not satisfy scientists nun".“gg hng that the volcanoes of Hawail are en Hn{h;_ period of activity. Unlike some of parts of the world, Hawail rejoices at volcanic and there e va By | For the Talang . lauea—were of n:;mn—dh of Ki- wail's tame u‘:ndowninmhwtormunlmud e. The continuation of the occupation of & part of German territo: lon‘yeuu (Continued on Fifth Page.) g™ feared, even i do not a “blowoft” such as ocours at Vesuvius, . S