Evening Star Newspaper, March 10, 1929, Page 41

Why Mexicans Revolt (Continued From First Page.) by Obregon in the last years of Calles’ titular rule. Since he was Obregon's enemy he was' the enemy of the Agrarians of Sonora and the north. Obregon was elected President last year by what purported to be a casting of ballots. His opponents, Serrano and Gomez, had been safely executed. A third and less imposing candidate, Vil- lareal, had simply been exiled. The day of Obregon's inauguration neared and he was assassinated by Jose Toral while at lunch. With Obregon about to assume power there were many of the Sonora men in Mexico City at the time. Among them were two of the murdered man's closest friends, Gen. Francisco Manzo and Col. Ricardo Topete, president of the Chamber of Deputies. Some Inside History. Obregon was shot at noon in a res- taurant outside of Mexico City. That same afternoon Gen. Manzo, maddened with rage and grief, selected some So- nora soidiers, from the garrison of the capital, put them with their arms into & truck and went seeking Luis Morones. Marones had prudently taken to cover, where he remained some days. Calles was immediately importuned by the friends of Obregon to arrest Mo- Tones and have him tried. It was thus put, but the Sonorans wanted his life, nothing less. They believed, with rea- son, they said, that Obregon had been killed for Morones, chief of the Labor Party of the Confederacion Regional Obreara Mexicana—the radical union group—and a member of the cabinet. Calles was silent on Morones. If he knew the whereabouts of his labor leader, he refused to say so. When the Sonorans ceased to clamor for the blood of Morones on the intsant and agreed to be satisfied with his banishment, Calles remained as firm. He brought out again his great red herring; he cried that the Catholic Church had led Toral to kill Obregon. To this declara- tion he remained steadfast, and when Toral was convicted and sentenced to be shot, & nun, Madre Concepcione, was convicted with him as the “moral” mur- derer and sentenced to 20 years' im- prisonment. Denounced in Public. ‘The other close friend of Obregon who had been present on the occasion of his death then acted. Col. Ricardo ‘Topete is a popular man, universally liked among the military and politicians of the north. He arose in the Chamber of Deputies, of which he was president, and from the tribune impeached Morones 2s Obregon's murderer. For this he had to resign the presidency of the Chamber, although he remained & member. ‘There was bitterness in the hearts of the Northerners. In Sonora, in Coahuila, in Chihuahua they thought Calles had turned against them. Nevertheless, of the State of Nuevo Leon, which is in, but not of, the North. The other was Pascual Ortiz Rubi, a labor sympathizer like Calles and Portes Gil. ‘The new party set a day for a con- vention—last Saturday. The agarians of the North had withdrawn from their contact with the party and there was already open talk of revolution. Aaron Saenz as a candidate, however, was not :ntirely unacceptable to the Northerners. Calles did not wish to preside at the party convention and resigned as its president. With Gen. Manuel Perez Trevino in the chair, the party met last Saturday at Queretaro. toured the Northern and some other states in the interest of his can- didacy and expected the nomination. Withdrawal From Convention. He remained at the convention less than a day, then withdrew himself and his delegates. It was evident that the party was to go into the can—aign headed by Rubi, a labor sympath zer. Next day Sonora and Vera Cruz fell to the rebels without a shot. How long the rebellion had been actually planned, it is, of course, im- possible for any one but the rebels to say. At any rate, Calles and his party made a perfect occasion for its start. The governor of Sonora, Maj. Gen. Fausto Topete, is a brother of that Ricardo Topete who indicted Morones for the death of Obregon in the Cham- ber of Deputies. The leader of the military forces in Sonora on_the day of the revolt was the same Francisco Manzo who had hunted Morones through Mexico City with a truck filled with soldiers on the day of Obregon's assassination. ‘There are two other brothers in the revolutionary forces, the Aguirres, sol- | diers. Maj. Gen. Aguirre has been in command of the troops in the state of Vera Cruz for several years. Among hose troops is a battalion of Yaqui Indians, indomitable fighters, and other Northern units upon which he may rely implicitly. Calles had somewhat anticipated the revolutionary intentions of Aguirre, but the soldier ‘had by fraudulent reports of troop movements in the state and the reasons for them misled his former chief. ‘The coup in Vera Cruz as in Sonora was bloodless and a complete success on the first day. Escobar’s Part Uncertain. What part Maj. Gen. Jose Gonzale Escobar played in the preparations for the revolution have not come to light. He governor of Coahuila, THE SUNDAY STAR, WASHINGTON, D. €. MARCH 10, ]92?—-PART % Will Britain Go Red? Ihry of war, had the assassination not taken place. Tall, rather stout, with Iuplurned mustache and a military bearing, Escobar resembles some Prus- sian marshal rather than the leader of Mexican troops. The discipline in his forces is much better than is usual . - Maj. Gen. Francisco Manzo, the mill tary chief of the rebels in Sonora, is a younger man 'with a record of being able to carry out difficult orders. He is the only man who ever pacified the Yaqui Indian tribe. He did so by encircling the Indians, building roads to the edge of their country to supply his own troops end cutting the tribe off from the outside world, which meant no ammunition. Manzo was under- minister of war for Calles. The second government leader is Maj. Gen. Juan Andreu Almazan, who with- Saenz had |drew from Monterey before Escobar took it this weck to lead the attack on the rebels in Vera Cruz. Almazan was one of the youngest generals in the army of Mexico. He is a soldier of tech- nical proclivities, admiring greatly the mplements of modern warfare which Be does not have at his command. ‘What the Civilians Feel. In any civil war the attitude of the population is of great importance to the warring troops. There may be some basis for the rebel claims to co-operation from many of the States which the government denies are affected. If these more southerly States are, in fact, in revolt, it is for reasons quite different from those animating the Northern group. The States of Central and South Mexico are populated by a people deeply religious. Rightly or wrongly, they have been profoundly shocked and embittered by the treat- ment of the church by Calles. Only in the sense that the Catholics, as such, have joined the military rebellion, can this war be called a popular uprising. ‘The Sonorans, by declaring the church again independent and open, have im- mensely strengthened their cause throughout Mexico. The states in which revolt is spread- ing include Sinaloa, Durango, Jalisco, Zacatecas, Nayarit and Oaxaca. All ex- cept Oaxaca are west-central. Oaxaca adjoins Vera Cruz and spreads entirely across the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, south of Mexico City. Since church laws were declared effective in 1927, there have been sporadic outbreaks of Catholics, particularly in the states of Jalisco, Quanajuato and Queretaro. An old man, an officer of the Diaz re- gime, Gen. Gorotleta, has been their leader. He is a military man purely, no figure to lead a cause. His men when they attack shout “Viva Cristo Rey!” and are called the “Cgisteros,” ‘which is to say, the “Christers.’ military Mexican states having civil as well as military governors. On Sunday when the revolt broke out the government announced that rebellion was confined to Sonora and Vera Cruz. On Monday the selection of Gen. Escobar to be chief of the revolutionary forces in the fleld was announced by the rebels. His state of Coahuila _ jol the rebellion. On ‘Tuesday Escobar, following the old, old politics demanded that they follow him ‘when he raised the banner of Obregon’s ideals as the platform for a new party, which he did. First there came the problem of ting a successor to himself in place lected by the 4 ber of Deputies. The Sonorans did not believe the election had been as as it appeared, and said so. grew cooler toward Calles. was then that Calles demonstrated as a politiclan by party to out the ideas of Obre- called it-the Partido Revolu It had no program that it was to carry out the L i i gsflfi §§ Fgg%eég 53¢ i and & 3 . with hlrod':m‘nmll‘ld tionary dictator- De | ranza minister of interior, and Obregon, when he became President, retained him. ‘Valenzuela could not follow Calles when that President embarked upon his too James. “He returned then, and was imme- diately offered the interior portfolio by Portes Gil. The ministry was as quickly declined, for Calles was still the man who ruled. At Obregon’s Grave. Seven months after the assassination of Obregon the chiefs of the North plan for attacking Mexico City, cap- Monterey, in Nuevo Leon, which north had cut off the \pitel its rail communications to the States and its seaport of Vera Cruz. ‘To consider the chiefs of the Tival forces now as military leaders rather than as politicians. Before he entered the cabinet of President Obregon, Plutarco Elias Calles was a general of division—what we call s major general—the highest rank any t | man may hold in the Mexican army. He had never been supreme leader. In untry where most campaigns pend for success upon tactics based on rapid action, Calles was known for his tenacity, which means that he had not 0 other Calles’ Famous Operation. In view of these things, therefore, it it Calles’ most™ famous g{penfidn was the gallant defense of aco m Francisco Villa. The lines which Calles person- ally holds face those of Maj. Gen. Jose Ganzalo Escol rewrote e | constitution in 1917, embodying the Church and State. From the beginning the church fight- Ing has lacked something necessary in every successful revolt, a “Caudillo,” which means in Mexican revolution the personification of a cause in a man, who becomes a symbol. Calles has been condemned in this country for attacking the church. As & matter of fact, Calles only tried to enforce laws written into the constitu- tion and on the statute books 10 years before he took office. ‘When the Spaniards settled Mexico the church was in the van and was in- ditsinguishable from the government. It remained so after Augustin Iturbide became the first chief of the new in- dependent state in 1821. Priests col- lected tithes, they also collected taxes and conducted the only schools. Santa Ana followed the same way when he became president in 1833. To the people the church was the state, It owned much land and riches, and it worked the people upon its land. The priest- hood was largely recruited from Spain, rather than Mexico. In 1864 Benito Jaurez led a success- ful revolution and made himself Presi- dent. For his time, Jaurez was liberal. He declared the church and state sep- arate; the great holdings of the church were nationalized. The law, however, was not enforsed to the letter. It never was. Venustiano Carranza the ‘program for which he had led a revolt against Huerta. This constitution is still the basic law of the lafid. The sec- tions relating to the chureh provide for nationalization of all ¢hurch property, the registration of all the clergy, and later statutes call for a certain propor- tion of Mexicans in the clergy. There are other stringent provisions. In 1927 Calles declared that the laws of the land should be carried out. The clergy refused to accede to his demands. He is fighting now to decide whether or not Mexico can enforce its consti- bar, the first strategist, the most opportune tactician in Mexico, now that Obregon is dead and Enrique [Estrada an exile in the United States. ‘wealthy mhhnd 2 “lnx coagmfi ?‘ e ol l-own! uila fam- ily, he took to the army early. He first dist! himself in 1913 at the battles of Santa Rosa and Santa Maria, when, s a major, he led a battalion under Obregon in the revolt of Car- t Huerta. In 1919 Escobar received five wounds when he led the attack on Ciudad Juarez, which Villa held. The first time he was given & free hand he won with a handful of troops the battle of the De la Huerta revolution in 1924—the great battle of Octolan. At that time Estrada was at- tacking, Escobar defending the govern- ment and the capital. Escobar’s head- quarters were at Irapuata, where Calles had established the headquarters for the seat of the government's present northern campaign. Irapuata is about 100 miles from .| Mexico City. Octolan, on the Ocotal River, is a few miles to the west. Es- trada held a line along the west bank of the Ocotal on both sides of a rail- assembled to do honor to his memory. "They. met at his grave at Huatabampo, Sonora. Valenzuela left Mexico City and appeared at the grave of Obregon, Tis first visit since his return from Eng- Jand to his native Sonora. Topete was at the grave, and a civillan, who, if any one may claim the place, is the civil chief of this revolt. This man is Joss Vasconcelos, & strange figure to be a leader in Mexi- can politics, for he has won no military glory. Vasconcelos is to Mexican pol- itics what Woodrow Wilson was to those of this country, a scholar, a his- torfan, an educator, a writer and an educator. Once he was minister of education. There, then, the friends of Obregon stood above his grave at little Husta- bampo. There were many old soldiers, and the two outstanding civilians, Val- enzuela, the lawyer and diplomat, and Vasconcelos, the thinker. The men of the wide states have powerful loyal- tles and powerful hates. Their feelings are little shaded, unless they feel that & man is not worthy of loyalty or hatred. They had loved Obregon, and as they talked of his deeds there were tears In their eyes. Valenzuela, the traveler returned, who was at the grave of his friend for the first time, was moved to speak. He was heard respectfully. Inflammatory Words. “Men of Sonora,” he said in effect, “our Obregon has been killed and the road running from Irapuata. Escobar in Irapuata had only about 1,000 men and faced a superior general and a greatly superior force. Assistance From Obregon. Obregon, then President, and his min- ister of war, Gen. Amaro, came to Es- cobar’s assistance with 9,000 of the best troops in the Republic and with much material and artillery. News of this was disseminated by Escobar and Es- trada. ‘There was hard fighting at that time on the Vera Cruz front, 200 miles away, and troops were needed. In darkness Obregon and Amaro withdrew with the troops and elaborate equipment they had ostentatiously brought with them, leaving Escobar to hold Irapuata if he could with his original handful. tution. IR R Approximately $375,000 was placed on collection plates by members of the new _$1,000,000 yterian Church, service. T _ WARDEN d St. Mother Praises Friend There isn’t a mother living who won't agree that no half-sick child should be the subject for an experiment with medicines of un- certain merit. When your child is bilious, headachy, half-sick, fever- ish, restless, with coated tongue, bad breath, no appetite or energy, Escobar is a grolullcml soldier who has never sought to be anything else. He is a soldier in the Mexican tradi- tion, which bases its tactics on the military maxim that the best defense is an offensive. There were 1,000 mounted men in Escobar’s command. He decided upon the bold gll:n of divid- ing his forces, attacking enemy at two points so widely apart that his enemy must divide his forces and then, withdrawing from one action, unite his forces and with his whole strength at- tack and defeat his enemy in detail, one part at a time. He sent his 1,000 cavalrymen on a hard, long ride around Estrada’s flank and attacked with a great deal of noise man who did it is free and rich. He ‘was protected by Calles, whom we all know well and who was one of us. Calles is our government, for Portes Gil is but his dummy. Thus we live in dishonor and disgrace, which Obre- gon would not have done.” The men there beside the grave drowned his words with & shout of de- flance, and some wept. The flame had been lighted. The men who had been at that grave carried the words of Valenzuela away. ‘They were heard in Mexico City and repeated aloud even in the Chaml of Deputies. Valenzuela and Vasconcelos did not return to Mexico City, but went to the capital of Sonora, Hermosillo. To return to Calles. When Valen- zuela had last seen him, Calles was out of office, but president of the new party he had formed as the govern- ment party, the Partido Revolucionario Mexicana. Two men came forward for the nomination of that party as candi- date at the Noveember elections. The first was Aaron Saenz, & former member . of the Calles cabinet and now_governor: and dust in the rear. Estrada, believ- ing Obregon's strong force was still in the vicinity and had flanked him, with- drew his right several miles to meet the cavalry attack. Escobar's cavalry, according to plan, withdrew to their base and joined the Maya Indian in- fantry in crossing the swollen river and successfully attacked the part of the Ocotal River line Estrada still held. Report Amages Obregon. Obregon was amazed to recéive a re- port of the action g.wlxe He rushed troops to Escobar t he ht hold what he had taken. Plumnrqn f'm' Escobar prevented the reuni of Es- trada’s troops and De la Huerta's cause was lost. Now Calles stands exactly where Escobar stood, but there is no Obregon to juggle troops for him as there was for Escobar, and Calles, whatever he may be as an administrator, is no Escobar in the field. As a man, Escobar resembles some- what his friend Obregon. He was con- sidered Obregon's choice for you know that nine times out of ten it's a sign his little stomach and bowels need purging. And when f'ou know that for over fifty years leading physicians have en- dorsed one preparation for this condition, there doesn't seem to be any reason for “trying” things. Rich, fruity California Fig Syrup clears the little stomach and bowels gently, harmlessly and in a hurry. It regulates the bowels, gives tone and strength to them and to the stomach; and helps to |give your child new strength, energy and vitality. Thousands of Washington mothers praise it. Mrs. G. H. Warden, 829 Third St. N.E, says: “I'll never forget the druggist friend who got me to give my baby boy, Ralph, California Fig Syrup. Nothing else helped his bowels, which seemed to be weak. He suffered for many months before I gave him Fig Syrup, but it stopped his trouble quick. I have used it with him for colds and little upset spells ever since. I consider him a Fig Syrup baby.” Insist on the genuine article. See that the carton bears-the word “California.” Over four mil- lion bottles used a vear. CALIFORNI (Continued From Third Page.) masses would ecross. the strike border into a class war involving bloodshed has blown away now like & cloud of poison f" in a stiff breeze. Today, despite the industrial peace movement which has just resulted in a joint agreement be- tween a group of employers representing $6,000,000,0¢ of capital and the Trade Union Congress group represent- ing all organized labor, there is a clash between labor and capital in thos: de- pressed industries unable to pay good ‘wages or guarantee safe jobs, and if the financial stringency, due to the scarcity of gold and the jump in the bank rate, is not relieved soon there may be de- mands for wage cuts and a renewal of industrial strife. But the general temper of the masses of workers in the worst areas—where it is not a question of so many dollars a week added to or taken from the pay, but a bitter question of how the family's body and soul can be kept together on dole—may be gauged by incidents of the Prince of Wales' four-day tour, one of the strangest things that ever happened in the kingdom and one pregnant with the most curious possibilities. Not Peliticat Tour. ‘The tour had no political angle. No arty was-consulted. The tale properly gins back in April, 1928, when public feeling against the miners for stam- peding organized labor into a general strike had died down sufficiently for a fund to alleviate distress n the worst areas to be inaugurated, with the Prince of Wales as patron. The fund rolled up $500,000 and gummed up. Winter set in with a sharp chill. The Miners’ Federation issued an appeal for aid—aid which that fund ought to have supplied. The press backed the appeal generously and some big papers con- ducted a special campaign to provide the miners with Christmas hampers. Also, the prime minister was reminded of that moribund fund and looked around for & man to bring it to life. He found the man in Noel Curtis Bennett. Curtis Bennett is a brother of one of the most famous criminal lawyers in England, He is head of what cor- responds to the trade union in civil service. He was one of the chief organ- izers at central headquarters in the gov- igx;xsnm; anti-strike organization in What Curtis Bennett, a big man with a direct way about him and a rough tongue on , did at fund head- q&:run is another story, but by the time he got through there wasn't much left of the committee. Then he went across to St. James' Palace and knocked on the dark, pol- ished door under the low arches. Be- hind the door are the quarters of Sir Godfrey Thomas, professional diplomat and private secretary to the Prince of ‘Wales. Curtis Bennett and Godfrey Thomas had a talk. The result of that talk was that the prince decided to go North to see conditions for himself. He would go informally with Godfrey Thomas and Curtis Bennett. No re- ceptions, No dinners with county nuT nates. No mayors’ addresses of wel- come. No organized plan. No equerry and no police escorts. Spurns All Protection. ‘This latter provision upset the chief constable of selected districts. They couldn’t see how the prince could get along without police tection, and one or two rather thought there ought to be troops around. Otherwise they would have to wash their hands of all respon- sibility. As a matter of cold fact, the quickest way to get the prince killed in the mine flelds would have been to send him thither behind a galloping escort of police and soldiers. Off went the trio. They put up at a commercial hotel in a Northern city. Curtis Bennett had the name of an elderly miner in the first village to be visited, and was relying on him to show the prince around the first day. But when he arrived at the cottage his plan of cam| collapsed. The miner shook his . He had a death in the house. His wife had died that momlnz. Curtis Bennett went back despondent to tell the prince what had happened and to explain that he scarce- ly knew what to suggest next. “I'd like to go in,” said the quietly. He went in. The miner’s daugh- ter was' inside, a nice girl, employed as a domestic servant in a good umll¥ ‘The prince caught her arm and gave it a comforting little shake. ‘That broke the ice. It also emboldened the girl to ask with the simplicity of a child of the up to see mother, 5 The nodded. They went up- stairs, and the prince, stan there, looked down upon that worn, still, dead face, caught the girl's hand and cried like a child. Sees Start of New Life. It chanced that in the early afternoon in another village they came to a row of terrible little houses in a grimy vil- lage. They picked out one by chance and knocked. Could he come in, the prince asked the miner who opened the door. The man recognized him, but stood dubiously in the doorway. Then he said, “Aye, ye can, sir. But my wife's sick—if ye understand.” ‘The prince didn’t understand until he got inside. And then be did. In that dreadful, little, bare room the miner's wife lay in the pangs of childbirth. For a moment the prince stood looking at that twitching figure under the rough bedding. “If ye wouldn't mind, sir,” said the miner at his elbow, “if ye wouldn’t mind holding her hand just for a minute she’d never forget it.” The prince stepped up, put down his hand and the mother’s sought it and clutched it. So in the space of one day, going about at hazard among the humblest of his people, the heir to the throne came up against raw existence as the masses know it. He saw death and he saw the birth of new life. ‘Welcome in Little Moscow. ‘This sort of thing went on for four le, “Would you come sir?” days. They even went to Little Moscow. |- Little Moscow is a notorious village, probably the reddest spot in England. Every miner there is a Communist. Little Moscow welcomed the prince clamorously. Women in clogs and shawls crowded around and pulled at his nand. “How are you, prince?” Rough men reached out to pat him on the shoul- der. “Good old prince!” He trudged through the slush. “Blimey!” said Little Moscow, following him, but avoid- ing the mud that he splashed through. “Catch me walking if I ’'ad a car!” “Here's old Mother Murphy, prince.” “Bill Smith would like to see yer, prince. He's 70 and he's worked down in the mine since he was a kid, prince!” So it went. Nine until 7 and no break for lunch. Not a flask or a nx_}g‘wlc‘l:,between mtg:e tl;iree. e tour over, prince gripped Curtis Bennett by the hand. “It has been the most wonderful ex- perience of my life.” The gloom of the station swallowed the slim figure in the big overcoat. The tour was over. But it has lighted a torch which will not go out in England for many a year. As for the fund which stood at $500,000 from April to December, it shot up to close on te $5,000,000 in six weeks, and in every town and village the prince's exhorta- tion, “Sympathy is not enough—there must be continuous national effort,” ‘was placarded. Lance Solid Unrest. Such men and such methods lance the abscess of social unrest which any- way cannot put down deep roots while the institution of monarchy is so as- toundingly popular. The statesman who put through the first reform m ure nearly a century ago thought the throne could hardly survive the social unrest of the times for more than another. generation. Thirty years later Queen Victoria was complaining about dangerous radicals who looked to her suspiclously like anti-royalists. King Edward, on the appearance of the first labor men in Parliament, in 1906, said his grandson would never be king. King Edward, for all his shrewd tact and diplomacy, never entered the work- shop, never toured the industrial area, never 'd himself with people as his son and grandson have done. Nor did he ever understand the masses ** T mihense, cconomic brobier and iense economic problem that of population remain. The latter may largely be solved by the of birth control, already practiced ex- tensively among the professional and upper cl s, bor women are unani- mously in favor of a bolder poliey of anmhlm information zhh:o;x.gh b::h! . r men onl 'k through the fear of -allenating the Catholic vote, which favors them more than it favors either of the other P il as statesman has privately am.mfi that it will take 10 years to get birth control propaganda accepted, and then it will be the women who will cut through the deadweight of prejudice and opposition. As for the economic problem, it is slowly being solved. A transition process goes ahead. New and vigorous indus- trial life is creeping through the veins of the; sleepy old agricultural South. London has thousands of factories to- day and the number is increasing. A complete industrial area is growing up over the countryside around the port of Southampton. It is worth noting that Britain’s oversea trade in 1928 re- sulted in a credit balance of $750,- 000,000, $480,000,000 for 1927 and $270,- 000,000- for 1925; the general strike of 1926 resulted in a debit balance of $35,000,000. The big question that casts a shadow of interrogation over the island scene isn't whether there will be a great so- cial upheaval in the near future, but whether the anti-Socialist forces r-n tide over the phase of distress enough to prevent the unripe So party from swinging into powrr i the extremists at the head instead c” the tail, and bent upon heaving a monkey wrench into the whole delicate, economie, financial A mechanism of Britain in transiiion. (Copyright, 1929.) —————y. 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