Evening Star Newspaper, March 10, 1929, Page 37

Part 2—8 Pages ‘U. S.-BRITISH IS HELD WORLD MENACE Agreement by’ Washington to London Terms Until 1931 Suggested by Observer. BY FRANK H. SIMONDS. T is perhaps characteristic of all in- ternational controversies fought with ink rather than blood that they should dominate public attention for a certain time and then sud- denly disappear, not because they have been settled, but because the public has become bored with the subject. Cer- tainly this is what has happened in the Anglo-American naval debate, which, following the final flurry on both sides of the Atlantic provoked by the personal statement of Sir Esme Howard, the British Ambassador in Washington, has been forgotten in the rush of inauguration ceremonies. ‘There is, however, danger in this tem- porary ignoring of an unsettled issue, since there is the evident possibility that it may at any moment be dragged into the limelight again. It is, therefore, essential that the American people should perceive the point to which re- cent events have brought the debate and realize what has been accomplished and what remains still unsettled. It is above all important to recognize that the main issue remains quite as per- tinent now as at any time. As a consequence of the action of the United States Congress we now have. built, building or authorized, 300,000 tons of cruisers. This must be set t 400,000 for Britain and 205,000 for Japan. It is manifest, then, that on the basis of 5-5-3, the Wash- ington ratio fixed for battleships, both J: and ourselves are, vis-a-vis Great tain, still far below parity, our short- to 100,000 tons and the Japanese to 45,000 tons. Parity as we estimate it could, therefore, only be ar- rived at as we and the Japanese should undertake to build to cover our short- moranntmummummeew reduce her surplus. In any event there could be no munu olfnhmng lt: build ships which we have authorized. — what is today mum, 50,000 an equal amount. Actual Issue Defined. This is the actual issue between the British and ourselves. At Geneva we contended for mathematical parity, the British for combat equality. The dis- tinction grows-out of the fact that our naval advisers estimate our needs to be com) ded in the 10,000-ton cruiser, since we have few but widely scattered naval bases. British advisers, by con- trast, see British needs to be such that Britain must have m;nyi“ mu.l'l:r cruisers its different ments. fo; e that the max- be 350,000. This and we demanded this EDITORIAL SECTION he Sundwy ST, NAVY ISSUE 6-inch guns up to the limit of 70,000 tons and for the period lasting until the conference of 1941. There would re- main the problem of bridging the gap between the total British tonnage of 400,000 and the American of 300,000. This could be covered in one of two ways; either the British might agree to a reduction of their present tonnage or the United States might build up to it. If the British agreed to accept a maximum tonnage of 350,000, that would impose upon us the necessity of constructing five 10,000-ton cruisers in 10 years before 1941; if they insisted upon maintaining their present total of 400,000 tons, we should have to build 10 boats in the same period. But, ob- viously, neither would be an excessive | strain upon our resources. It is even| conceivable that for these years our Government might agree upon a di-! vision which would allow 100,000 ton- nage to be used in boats of 7,000 tons or less and 6-inch guns, leaving 250,000 or 300,000 tons for the 10,000-ton boats, as the case might be, dependent upon the British claim for total tonnage. But one thing is perfectly clear. The British are not going to agree to any compact which will formally condemn their fleet to decisive inferiority in the combat class. They may have to sub- mit to such a state of fact, since ob- viously we can, if we choose, outbuild them, but they will not sign a contract accepting the principle, because, de- spite present handicaps, not a few Britons are confident that the balance of wealth and power between the two countries will be readjusted in the next half century. Moreover, I confess I do not see how any American, viewing the situation with the least objectivity, could expect such a concession. If the British government should pro- pose to President Hoover that there WASHINGTON, D Oy SUNDAY MORNING, MARCH BY CEDRIC WORTH. ' iROSS most of the southern border of the United States | spread three states, rugged, immense—a land of hard as- | pect, where lean cattle search out the sparse pasturage. Strong men are born and live in this rough country, quick to war. They fight for friendship, for spoils, for personal enmity and a few for ideals. These men of the North should be an agreement upon a total cruiser figure of 350,000—or 370,000— that of this total 70,000 tons should be allotted to smaller cruisers carrying inch guns and the balance to 10,000-ton standard cruisers and that this state of facts should endure until a new confer- ence met in 1941, no vital interest of the United States, no principle advo- cated at Geneva, would be compromised. We should still have to build seven new cruisers between 1931 and 1941, but we shall have to build them in any event if we are to hold to our policy of parity. ‘Would Obtain Bargain. As for the British, they would obtain what is to my mind the best possible bargain now available. I am satisfied, as a result of following the recent de- bates in Congress, that the determina- tion to have parity is today irresistible. Moreover, as our foreign commerce 1s almost certain to grow under the Hoo- ver administration, the demand for adequate protection will keep pace. If y the British should be two should- be ,000-ton of lesser caliber. this from the fact that smaller boats. by | American bickering ships and a little less wnl: short. As for the apanese, they have, built and build- , 12 boats of 108,000 tonnage, and are thus 30,000 tons, or 3 ships, short of the 5-5-3 standard in this category. Situation Is Different. ‘When, however, one turns to smaller classes the situation is quite different. Thus, while we have but 10 cruisers, mounting 6-inch guns and tof 70,000 tons, the British have about 200,000 and the Japanese 100,000 tons. This disparity is not, however, quite great as it seems, because while our ships are of 7,000 tonnage only 2 of the British craft exceed 5,120 tons and none of the Japanese is above 5,170. Again, while all of our boats mount 6-inch guns, only 4 of the oldest Japanese boats carry guns larger than 53, inches. The problem which must be posed for the Washington conference of 1931, or any earlier meeting, is thus quite clear. We have demanded mathematical parity. ‘To obtain that, assuming that the British decline to reduce their pres- ent strength, we shall be confronted in 1931 with the necessity to construct 10 more 10,000-ton cruisers. Any such pro- gram would give us an overwhelming gfiefloflw in the battle line, unless the tish undertook both to meet our pro- gram in 10,000 boats and retain their smaller craft. But if they did this, then | they would again destroy all prospect | of parity based on_tonnage. As long as the United States insists upon having a tonnage in 10,000 boats | equal to that of the British in all crulsers, or as long as the British insist upon having as many 10,000 cruisers as we have and as many smaller boats as they need there is no escape from deadlock. Moreover, while it is con- ¢ | limitation of armaments. no other way is found to attain parity, I am convinced that failure of the Wi of 1931 to solve this straight ahead years hence the present acute temper in both countries will have materially cooled off. We shall have had at least a decade of actual equality, and on both sides of the Atlantic it will be possible to review the whole dispute objectively. But unless some such adjustment is found fairly promptly, it is difficult to escape the conviction that we shall be cursed with a long period of Anglo- and, what is per- haps even more disastrous, the whole progress of world appeasement and ad- justment will be arrested, for no one can exaggerate the evil effects for Eu- | rope of an Anglo-American dispute over At Odds With Authorities. Moreover, although in this I find my- self squarely at odds with some of our naval authorities, I cannot for the life of me see any practical advantage of g the abstract principle of parity now, parity expressed in terms of 10,- 000-ton cruisers, when we have the| smaller boats and are bound to keep them in service for at least 12 years more. - It seems to me that the British con- tention that our idea of parity based on tonnage would impose upon them inferiority in the combat class is unan- swerable. In the end, if this dispute is to be settled amicably, there will have to be some form of compromise, which gives to the British an advantage in tonnage, expressed in smaller craft, and allows us a proportionate advantage in combat craft, but naturally not of any such overwhelming character ‘as our present thesis would imply. I believed in the 15-cruiser bill be- cause on no other terms was it possible for us to have a Navy in any measure equal to the British. I still believe in equality as between the two fleets, but the time has come when fair-minded Americans must perceive that parity, as we reckon it, is not equality and that adjustment must depend upon mutual compromises. And a temporary com- promise, such as I have outlined, would give a breathing spell of & dozen years not only to consider the question of naval sfrength, but also to discuss the related problem of maritime law. (Copyright, 1929.) More Spanish Women Taking Up Men’s Work Spain’s women are determined not to | /1ag behind in their conquest of rights, nor in the deeds by which they show ceivable that the British might not attempt in fact to meet our program | in 10,000-ton boats and at the same time maintain their schedule in the smaller craft, it is a moral certainty that no British government, Tory, Labor or { versities are more numerous than ever— Liberal, would ever agree to accept treaty obligation which would in effect place it in & position of patent inferiority in combat craft. In this situation it is clear that there can be no solution without compromise. There is, however, one line of possible accommodation, wiieh, while it would not solve, might adjourn the debate. We have at the present moment 10 7,000- ton boats, which will not become ob- adlote until 1943-44. Even if we even- tuslly replace these ships by 10,000-ton beats the question will not become pertinent during the next dozen years. At the Washington Conference of 1921 it was agreed that there should be a new meeting in 1931 and nothing is more likely than that the meeting of 1931 will agree upon another 10 years later. Two Ways to Bridge Gap. ‘The United States could, therefore. without sacrificing anything of its actual prospects, agree to accept the British contention and recognize the British mecessity for smaller cruisers carrying their equality with man! Under Gen. | Primo de Rivera’s rule, which favors feminism, woman students at the uni- |future lawyers, doctors, dentists, phar- | macists. In the realm of sport there are such doughty champions as Lili Alvarez, rival of Suzanne Lenglen for tennis laurels. There are girls also who play a strenuous game in 150-foot courts, keeping up five-minute rallles which entail terrific burst of energy. Primo de Rivera is often a spectator at these girl matches. But now there is also a girl locomo- tive engineer, daughter of Count Ca- dagua, who aspires to drive the giant express engines on the Norte line over | the Sierras to the French frontier. ‘Two_other aristocrats are titled en- gine drivers—the Duke of Saragossa and Count G. de Brabante. The former often drives the train when the Spanish royal family travels. But neither prob- ably ever dreamed they would find a | carried a double burden in his college have ruled Mexico for two decades. The states are Sonora, Chihuahua and Coahuila. They have given Mexico Madero, Carranza, Obregon, Calles, De la Huerta. Pancho Villa was one of them. When one of their number is wronged they sleep uneasily until ven- geance has been done. ‘The present revolt in Mexico is one of Northern military chieftains, whose great leader, Obregon, was murdered. They believe that Obregon was mur- dered at the insligation of a labor leader, his enemy, Luis Morones. Not all the court trials and government ex- planations in the world can shake their certainty of this, whether it is right or wrong. At the time of Obregon's as- sassination Sonorans charged publicly in Mexico City that Morones was re- sponsible, but Calles protected the man; ’n‘:mlelst did not prosecute or banish ‘The men who loved Obregon and fol- lowed him were angered when Calles, one of themselves, protected Morones, who was not their friend. Calles had his choice on the day of Obregon's death of choosing to stand with his old friends or his newer associates. He chose the latter, and must now take up arms. , When this revolt-started last Sunday BY WILL IRWIN. COLLEGE poet, writing an ado- *lescent epic of the world’s uni- versities in the mauve decade, referred to Stanford Univer- sity as— The newest born of the sisters At the van of the race’s march Serene in her Spanish garment— Pillar and tile and arch— Awaiting the age that hallows, Her face to the rising morn, ‘Whose prophets still walk in her clois- ters, ‘Whose martyrs are yet unborn. - It is an odd circumstance, but Stan- ford is still the newest born of the sis- ters. It opened its doors to students in 1891, and since that time, spite of all our colossal national wealth, no other first-class university has been founded in the United States. And in another respect the budding bard, shooting blindly at the future, scored a chance bull's-eye. Two of her prophets did, even as he wrote, walk in her cloisters—a lean, shy, soberly hu- morous and respected youth who an- swered to the name of Bert and an ex- tremely long, thin, superenefgized lad with prominent nose, mouth and hands whom our little world called Rex. Bert, in the course of a third of a century, grew up to become the thirty-first Presi- dent of these United States and Rex will sit with him at the cabinet table as Secretary of the Interior. Dr. Jordan, the first president of Stanford, has called attention to the fact that in its early period it drew only the adventurous, for it was a brand-new hazard of fortunes “at the van of the race’s march.” This ac- counts probably for the turbulence and also for the ability of the early classes. Hoover Hears the Call. Herbert Hoover heard the call from | Oregon and entered with the pioneer class of 1895. And next year there came from Riverside a freshman who regis- tered as Ray Lyman Wilbur. Hoover years. He entered almost unprepared, making up his entrance requirements as he went along, and he worked his way through. Wilbur, on the contrary, had a diploma from Riverside High School and enough parental backing to get through without doing anything “on the side.” But he lived small, as we all did in eaMy day Stanford. It was ad- vertised from the first as & “poor man's university,” charging no tuition, and it drew from all classes except the rich. himself. He was going to be a doctor and he entered the physiology depart- ment. Already he had reached his full height of 6 feet 4 inches and he was even lankier than now. In fact, ex- cept for his hands and feet, then large and prominent, he was built like a snake. Prominent, too, were his nose and mouth. Even in those uncritical days of youth I used to mark his resem- blance to what the adolescent Lincoln must have been. In spite of his frail- looking attenuation he had even some- thing of Lincoln’s immense physical power—a matter probably of nervous force and leverage. Then the Fun Started. T was on the foot ball squad and over- fancied my own strength. One night, in a dormitory mix-up, I thoughtlessly tackled Wilbur. He put me on my back Wh Interesting Light Is Shed on Present Struggle Below Rio Grande—Personalities in the Background ‘Wilbur at the age of 17 had oriented | f¢ PRESIDENT GIL it was preceded by no thumping mani- festo of aims, no euphonious setting forth of high designs and reform pro- grams. There was hardly even denun- ciation. To President Portes Gil and Calles the Northerners wired their chal- lenges and some calumny and then they began to fight. The one term of peace they named was that Calles should leave the country. ‘The plan of the military campaign of the rebels and of the federal defense is an old one—so old that it was used by troops of the United States as long ago as 1846. Mexico City is attacked from the north through Monterey, in Nuevo Leon and Guanajuato and from the east through Vera Cruz. All of the commanders on both sides of the pres- ent action have fought the same battles over the same ground on which they are now deployed. The military men of Mexico have plenty of campaign- ing during the past 20 years. The com- ‘manders of both sides have fought with each 'r in some against each other in some ca There is no essentially new“maneuver likely, nor has one developed since Madero mls up arms against Porfirio Diaz in The issue now, since the tactics fol- low well established lines, depends upon preponderance of men and money, which means arms, and upon leader- ship, which counts for much. The fed- eral government has more men, more reserve equipment, more money and a central base. The rebels have in their favor the imponderable factor of su- perior field generalship. Cause of Alignments. As in political campaigns in this country, the alignment of men in a purely military revolt such as this one in Mexico depends upon a series of events reaching far back on promises made or broken or kept, upon friend- ship and preference shown in times of peace, as between elections. The align- ment in the current reevolution began taking form six years ago, although it has shifted greatly during that time. Al Obregon !;:M tary vl‘r’l“fler devfl& by uprisings SECRETARY WILBUR. man!” It seems to me that until a leg broken in foot ball rendered me unfair game, Wilbur and I had it out every day; and I cannot remember that I ever threw him once. I smart with it even yet. The athletic authorities marked him for ‘material—especially the track coach. In those days we still practiced that awkward, artificial event, the mile walk. They looked at those long legs of Wilbur's, heard the tales of his nervous strength, and pronounced him an em- bryo world beater. But Wilbur was al- ready going his own gait. Though a most_fanatical rooter from the bleach- ers, he had no interest in competitive athletics for himself. He took his ex- ercise in the gymnasium, or in lonf. eénergetic walks over the golden Call- forni hills. Also he was already science-mad; and training conflicted with his laboratory hours. And in his leisure he was drinking down the social side of the university—our stiff, formal, Victorian junior hops and sophomore cotillions, our stag rallies in the dormi- tory and our college politics. Drawn Close by Polities. with consummate ease. For a whole semester I tried to retrieve that dis- grace. It came to be that whenever we rival on the footboard among their dance partners. Spain Is coming to the forel met in suitable circumstances we flew at each other. T can still hear his bat- tle cry: “You low-down dog of a fresh- t was politics, probably, which first dr:w mmp&on to Herbeért Hoover, and founded & friendship that endures to this day. In Wilbur's sophomore year there broke out the “Frat-Barb War,” a teapot-tempest famous in the early an- nals of Stanford. That was the oc- casion when the young Hoover first showed practical abilities out of the ordinary. He, Lester Hinsdale, who died much lamented only last month, and Herbert Hicks, now a pillar of the Illinois Legislature, led the Barb ele- ment. Wilbur swung in behind them, and revealed for the first time his own abilities in judging and handling men. And by the time his senior year rolled around Wilbur held, in the dormitory where he lived out his four years, a unique position. He was adviser, friend, counselor to us all; hence—unconscious- 1y, I suppose—that nickname “Rex.” have mentioned the Lincolnian quality. which marked his physical ap- pearance. The resemblance, however, went deeper than bone and muscle. He had common sense to a supreme de- gree, but common sense infused with idealism. He had a liking and an un- derstans of men, and an immense tolerance even for those whose moral standards differed from his own strait- ness of outlook. He was tremendously articulate when he cared to be, and he had a way of driving home his points with a humorous story or a flash of wit. He was and is one of the wittiest men I know. I find those impermanent flashes, growing out of a situation, curiously slippery in the memory: and I remem- ber only one of the Wilbur quips which 10, 1929. y Mexicans Revolt | which followed Madero’s overthrow of the old regime of Don Porfirio Diaz.| He fought for Carranza when Madero was, in turn, deposed. He was active in the establishment as President of Adolfo de la Huerta, a strange old man, one of the few who voluntarily stepped from the presidential palace in peace- able acceptance of a successor. Obre: gon was that successor. When it became obvious to De la Huerta that what he had expected of Obregon as President was not to be achieved he revolted against the man he had placed in the chair. Obregon, alded by most of the present rebel gen- erals, suppressed De la Huerta's revolt, which began in 1923 and was put down the following year. In the year that De la Huerta's forces were defeated and he was exiled, Calles took the presi- dential succession from Obregon with the latter's approval. Both were Agrarians, both were men of Sonora, and if Calles was a man of much more liberal ideas than Obregon, he was at least a known quantity. The Case of Morones. Obregon remained in Sonora, the leader of the Agrarian party, although Calles ruled. Calles did not turn en- tirely frim the plans of the Agrarians, but he included in his government plat- form much that they had never included in theirs. Aside from the anticipated domestic programs he included a recog- nition - of labor beyond ex- pectations, In doing so he took into his cabinet the Mexican labor leader, Luis Morones. was_implacal on Page) [{ Seéretary of the Interior Dr. Ray Lyman Wilbur, Fellow Student With Hoover at Stanford, Assumes Great Governmental Post used to set the dormitory into a roar. Marooned at the university over Christ- ‘mas holidays, he received in his Christ- mas box & big frosted cake. This he traded for a tennis racket. When some one criticized the transaction, he said: “A cake belongs to the things temporal, but a tennis racket to the t eternal.”. Made His Own Slang. We were great creators of slang in| ™ early-day Stanford; some of our bizarre phrases, like “rough-neck,” have passed into the language. And Wilbur made his own quaint slang. I remember that any unclassified object was in his vocabulary either a “wasset” or & “dingbat.” He was graduated with his class of 96 and stayed on for a year’s post-graduate work, which he financed by instruct- ing in physiology. Then he passed to c;;ger hmd‘r?“ncnli‘::‘efiyj:hsm Fran- cisco, where he taught p logy on the side Indr :‘hfltn. in 1899, he took his of M. D. hed married the stately and beautiful Marguerite Blake, whom he had first met—just as Herbert Hoover met Lou Henry—in a Stanford laboratory. He hung out his shingle in San Fran- cisco. Practice came fast. The Stanford element stood primarily responsible for that. Young as he was, he inspired the confidence which made men willing to put their lives into his hands. Also, he was already a superb physician. His own profession was later to put the seal on that by making him successively presi- dent of the American Medical Associa- tion and of the Association of American Medical Colleges. He lingered on in San Francisco until 1903 practicing medi- cine and teaching physiology at Cooper. 1In 1903 he took a year in Germany by way of finishing off. Shortly afterward he made what seemed to some of his friends a short-sighted decision. In- stead of settling in a great city, where he stood to earn the swollen income of an eminent practitioner, he opened practice at Stanford and the growing adjacent town of Palo Alto. The scholarly bent of him accounted for that, I suppose, and also the pull which Stanford always had on the imagination of its early graduates. And, further, he may have foreseen something of his own future. Made Medical Dean. In 1909 he took another year abroad, polishing off in Munich and Vienna. Then Stanford, which had lacked a medical department, absorbed old Cooper and put him in charge as dean, he being then only 36 years old. He had a big job of building and reorganiza- tion, which he did so well that within two years his profession recognized it by electing him, as aforesaid, president of the American Medical Association. More pertinently to this story, his ac- complishment attracted the attention of an old friend and fellow alumnus, him- self destined to become a world figure in organization—Herbert Hoover, of course. Hoover, too, had felt the pull of Stan- ford and established a home on the golden hills above the campus as the plexus for his rapid darts about the world; and the university had made him a trustee. In 1913 Dr. David Starr Jordan re- tired to the ease and esteem of presidens emeritus and John Caspar inner, who had so much to do with the intel- lectual development of Hoover, took his place. Branner lived less than three years, and the trustees, basing their de- cision on his work with the medical de- partment, created Wilbur president. He was then exactly 40—at the time the youngest university president in the United States. He had scarcely gathered up the In the meantime he! task. BY MARK SULLIVAN. HE Government program just ahead of us is clear and easy to follow. There will be a spe- cial session of Congress in April. It will be of the new, not the old Congress. The distinction is not very material. The personnel of the two houses has changed very little. In the new Congress both houses will be Republican, as they were in the old. In the Senate the Republicans will have a markedly more comfortable majority and in the Lower House a slightly larger majority. In the new set-up, the conditions that are new are, first, the President. To the extent that Mr. Hoover differs from Mr. Coolidge there is a new condition. To the extent that Mr. Hoover may show initiative, compared with Mr. Coolidge’s trait of refraining from ini- tiative, there is a new condition that may turn out to be important. There is one other new condition that is historically important. In a sense the larger leverage of power in Congress seems to have passed from the Senate to the House. One would guess that for the first time in many years it is the House that will have the larger power and the greater initiative. Achieve Greater Solidarity. It is not so much that the personnel of the Senate has deteriorated, though that is often asserted. It is not so much that the personnel of the Lower House has improved. What has come about is that the Republicans of the Lower House have achieved greater solidarity and show & more general and willing disposition to follow their official lead- e TS, Most potent of all, the Republicans Lof the Lower House look upon Mr. Hoover as their President, rather than the Senate’s President. It has been usual-talmost universal—that the Sen- ate has had the larger hand in nomi- nating Presidents. The nomination of Harding, for example, was almost solely the work of the Senate. Last year, however, the Senators did not want Mr. Hoover. The Lower House did. Of the 235 Republicans in the Lower House, about 167 were Hoover men. Most of them worked for Hoover in their re- spective districts. They have a feeling that they had a large hand in bringing about Mr. Hoover's elevation to the presidency, This it is, together with some other conditions, that causes the Lower House to have & self-conscious feeling of power. Program Simple and Short. The legislative program for the - cial session of the new Conxrel:m is simple and short. The state of mind of the leaders of the Lower House }.! one of determination to “sit on the Any ation that the House - ers decide to take up will be dealt with bylmenm of what is called a “special rule.” The Senate does not share the House's intention to limit legislation. The Sen- ate is disposed to take up any legisla- tion that appeals to it. But as between the two branches, the House has the whip hand. It is more compact and more ably led, as explained above. Moreover, this extra session is to be in part a tariff session. In all tariff legislation, the House, under the Con- stitution, has the initiative. Whether the House leaders will be reins when the European war drew us into the mouths of hell. President Wilson promptly summoned Hoover back from Europe, asked him to take charge of conserving and co-ordinating the ~supremely important American food supply. Wilbur met him at the dock. He had felt the call to war service, had calculated, coolly and sci- entifically, that “food would win the war,” and was not unmoved by admira- tion for that friend and associate who was going to assume the impossible There followed two of three months of uncertain status, during which Hoover started the job in a hotel suite, with Wilbur acting virtually as his secretary. When Congress gave the Food Administration a name and a working force Wilbur became head of the conservation department, which means that he was, under Hoover, brig- adler general of the American house- wife in her war on starvation. Proves Superb Speaker. In that capacity he uncovered an- other of those fluid talents with which he is always surprising his friends. He proved a superb speaker. He shows in that power also a Lincolnian touch. It isn't oratory in the accepted meaning of the word. It is , logical com- mon sense shot with.idealism. The expression is the condensed speech of the English Bible, and then out of that background springs a homely anecdote or simile, a flash of wit, which illuminates the whole situation. His speeches through the country rousing the American woman to & sence of her place and duty in the war had as much to do as his qulet wisdom in “council with the enormous and furious success of the Food Administration. All that time, with his left hand, as it were, he was running his university, transform- ing it virtually into a training camp and working on a half a dozen Cali- fornia organizations concerned with the war. Only when .Germany col- lapsed could he strike his regular gait as university president. He faced a peculiar problem with which he and Stanford have struggled ever since. Senator Leland Stanford and Mrs. Stanford gave the university their whole great fortune; so far as man could see then, sufficient to main- tain it as a major university unto all time. Indeed, at the turn of the cen- tury it was second only to Harvard in endowment. Then the cost of living began to soar, and as wealth accumu- lated there came an unanticipated de- mand for higher education. Problems of Stanford. Our great Eastern universities et the first of these contingenies by in- creasing—nay, by multiplying—their endowments. That for them was com- paratively easy. Always they had their ?mponlon of alumni with inherited ortunes, which generally increased greatly during this period. But Stanford began life as a “poor man's university” less than 40 years ago, and in a region just emerging from the pioneer era. Scarcely a man SHORT PROGRAM IS SEEN AS EXTRA SESSION NEARS |Leaders of New House, Holding Wh_ip, Favor Limitation to Four Subjects. able to “hold the lid down” is, of course, always a question. At the mo- ment, it looks as if they would be. The main item of legislation in the new Congress will be farm relief. Farm relief is the reason the special session is called. But for Mr. Hoover's cam- paign promise about farm relief there would be no special session. The com- mittee on agriculture is now at work in preparation for the farm relief bill Current opinion assumes that the farm relief measure to be treated in the coming session will take a form sum- marized, roughly, as follows: 1. Great co-operative associations will be set up to market the various farm crops. 2. Government funds will be pro- vided, as a loan, to facilitate the work of these co-operative associations in marketing crops. That is the direct form of farm relief that is proposed. If there were space here it might be added that many per- sons doubt whether this farm relief wilt amount to much. There have been large co-operative associations before, as re- spects several farm crops, and they have had ample funds. They have had some success. But they have not en- dured. The arguments now made for farm co-operatives are the same that have been made before. It is fair to doubt whether anything the Govern- ment can now do to establish farm co- operatives will go farther than has been It'wmpted in the past. All this, how~ ever, is too large a subject to be dis- cussed in the present article, which aims merely to be a summary of what is anticipated for the special session. In Role of Indirect Relief. The other principal work of the spe- cial session will have to do with fie tariff. Revision of the tariff gets its foothold primarily in the role of in- direct farm relief. The original purpose tariff revision at this Which shouls o Teemens o Soncitions al [arme: - m\‘xAm polnmble e‘xun!. e e Te n of the tariff that farmer primarily in mind benml:!.mux posing to ‘nut & protective tariff on all ordinary farm crops that do not mow have one. It proposes, in the same (s’;'z‘lr:z mlincrem the protective tariff me farm crops that n e niequltet &nwfim‘? e From point the pr - ing the tariff to the url:fl;fl:;nfig: m- €T goes on into extreme and intricate ground. It is proposed to put a tariff on some food products which are not raised in America, for example, })mlnu. The theory is that if these 0od products are made more expensive and less accessible American con- sumers may turn from them and take up as substitutes food products whicl are "lllfl; in amu;u, such as lleu} project is, of course, both in theory and In practices > 0 & view to . | further tention is to keep the tariff revision limited to a small number of specific items, nevertheless these items react upon other items in such a way as to affect large areas of manufactured i possil yet er way the ble ex- tent of tariff nvlsyion is enlarged. Some American manufacturing indus- tries ch'?}, mgm:!nnz in just as bad a way as the industry. The; clumthnilchemlsmbennm; revision to cure the sick farmer, there should equally be tariff revision to cure their sick industries. Among the in- dustries that make this claim are tex- tiles, cement, and shingles. As to these four industries, at least, the com- mon belief is that they will be added to farm crops as subjects to be dealt with in the tariff revision. Limit Is Questioned. At this moment the most controverted question in Washington is whether tariff revision shall be limited to the five subjects already named — farm crops, textiles, cement, brick and shin- gles—or whether the revision shall go further. Almost every industry in the country, seeing the tariff revision door opened, is clamoring to be let in. The lines of the controversy can be stated roughly: The Lower House is for limited revision and the common judg- ment is that Mr. Hoover stands by the Lower House. The Senate, or at least many of the oldtime Republican Sen- n:o‘ls, believe in a broad, wholesale re- vision. The real demand for broad revision (and revision upward) rises and rages, not so much in either house of Con- gress as outside in the lobbies and throughout Washington generally. It comes from manufacturers. Many cf these manufacturers are, in their re- spective communities, leading Republi- cans. They have a ?““ deal of polit« ical power. Some of them make large contributions to Republican campaigr funds. Many of them are able to bring pressure (o bear on their Senators and local members of Congress. Argument Enormous. From this source the flow or argu~ ment and propaganda is enormous. In the hearings on the tariff, completed by the ways and means committée on the last day of February, more than 1,100 witnesses appeared, the great mass of ther‘rjx demanding general revision up- ward. Among the Republican leaders, in the official and responsible sense, the bulk are opposed to general revision of the tariff. They are afraid of it. They are fearful of the log-rolling that would take place. They apprehend that if the situation should get out of hand, the log-rolling and trading might produce ;cum so high as was never known Sore, . And while, it i believed, there 15 Tess ublic sentiment in opposition to a h protective t&'Z than been in the past, nevertheless, the more prudent Republican to remember the disaster that o the Republican party in 1910, because of a tariff situal hat or woman of the early classes came |the from a family much above the bare margin of comfort. There are now (Continued on Third Page.), "