Evening Star Newspaper, March 10, 1935, Page 28

D-—2 THE EVENING STAR With Sunday Morning Editien. | i ! | WASHINGTON, D. C SUNDAY.......March 10, 1935 THEODORE W. NOYES. . . Editor TSR R The Evening Star Newspaper Company Business 11th 8t. olnd Pe omce: nnsylvania Ave, oo A0 East 4900 e e 3 ‘European 14 nt St.. London. Englan Rate by Carrier Within the City. Regular Edition. The Evening Star.... 45¢ per month The Evening and Sunday Star (when 4 sundn;:bd fl‘{lt per month T when 6 Gundazs) - .- -05¢ per month The Sundiy Star 7 5c per copy Night Final Editiol Night Final and Sunday Star.7 Night Final Star A at " the e Zollection made & | month. Orders may he sent by mall of telepnone National 5000. Rate by Mail—Payable in Advance. Maryland and Virginia. 1ly and Sundsy. .1 yr. $10.00: 1 mo. 85¢ only.......1yr. $6.00: unday only.’ 100: 1 mo.. 80c | £4.00: 1 mo. 40¢ All Other States and Canada. l,lly lna‘sundu }yr.. sx"i 00; llm., 51‘22 day only. 111 VE 3500: 1mo. 60c Member of the Associated Press. The Associated Press is exclusively en- | titled to the use for republication of al news dispatches credited to it or not other- | wise .redited in this paper and also the | local news oublished herein Al rights of Publication of <pecial dispatches herein are also reserved — Endangering the Laboratory. ‘Wisconsin, a pioneer State in so- ecial experiments, is the only State in | the Union with any experience inj unemployment insurance legislation. | That experience has been brief, the| results undetermined. The Wisconsin | law became effective only last Sum-| mer. It is interesting to compare| some of its provisions with those of | the “model bill” proposed for the Dis- trict by Representative Ellenbogen | and now pending before the House | District Committee. One great difference between the ‘Wisconsin plan and the plan proposed for the District is in the method of getting up unemployment reserves. In | ‘Wisconsin, as in the Ellenbogen bill, the employe makes no direct contri- bution. But in Wisconsin the em ployer pays a two per cent pay ol | tax until the fund thus accumulated | reaches the sum of $55 per worker: | thereafter the tax drops to one per cent until the fund reaches $75 per worker, when all contributions cease, | unless and until the reserve falls below $75 per worker. The fund as a whole is administered by a State commis- sion, although the contributions from each emplover are segregated under the employer's name. The worker: receives benefits only from the fund ! accumulated by his own employer. | When the fund is exhausted he re- ceives no benefits. Under the terms of the Ellenbogen | bill every employer will pay a three, per cent tax and the fund thus ac- cumulated goes into a pool, frem which all benefits will be drawn and administered by a Federal agency in which the contributors are not repre- sented. There is no limit set on the life of such a tax. It would pre- sumably continue indefinitely. Where- as the two per cent tax in Wisconsin encourages the employer quickly to accumulate his reserve and to slabu-' ize his own pay roll to escape addi- tional taxation, no such incentive is provided in the Ellenbogen bill. The selfish employer would find it to his advantage to cut his pay roll as one method of cutting his pay roll tax. This pay roll tax, of course, will represent no small item in the cost of doing business, with consequent re- flection in prices, if not in wages. It has been estimated that a three per cent pay roll tax on manufacturing industries in the United States during the year of greatest prosperity, 1929, would have been equivalent to an 11.7 per cent tax on net profits, as com- pared with a 13.75 per cent income tax on corporation income. The Ohio Manufacturers’ Association estimated that for the year 1932, a two per cent tax on manufacturers’ pay rolls in that State would represent a ten per cent increase in the cost of manufac- ture. As the cost of labor varies in different lines of business, the tax will also vary. It has been estimated in the Senate hearings on the social se- curity legislation that a three per cent pay roll tax in some lines of business will be equivalent to a thirty-five per cent tax on net incomes. In some bus- inesses the tax can be passed along to the consumer; in others the tax will doubtless be absorbed by employes through reductions in wages. ‘While the Ellenbogen bill has been drawn as a standard or model law for the States, there is no indication that the States intend to meet such standards. The amount of un- employment benefits will doubtless i i | charges made against Mr. Faley by | (inquiry heard from Mr. Farley, from | which would substantiate his charges, | | vestigation should go forward. They | say that it is only fair to Mr. Farley | crats alone. the high standards proposed for the District. Certainly it will be unwise to begin an experiment with unem- ployment insurance here in ‘Washing- ton that may carry with it a burden so excessive as to endanger the laboratory. Turning Down Mr. Long. The Senate Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads has declined to investigate the Postmaster General, James A. Farley, despite the fact that the investigation was demanded by Senator Huey P. Long of Louisiana. It is not often that a Scnate com- mittee turns down a prcposal for an investigation. The Senate has become { the great inquisitorial agency of the | Government. The commiitee ex- amined at considerable length the Senator Long, which range from making money out of Government contracts to corrupting Government | officials, and decided that Long had | not produced facts or evidence con- stituting & proper case for investige- tion by the Senate. In other words, it takes the position that the Leng | charges are loose, that thev are based on nothing stronger than gossip. The committee conducting this preliminary the Attorney General and frem Sec- retary Ickes of the Interior Depart- ment. While three of the Republican members of the Senate committee concurred in the finding that Long; had not produced facts of evidence | five of the six Republicans on the | committee filed mincrity reports de- claring that in their opinion the in- that the inquiry be held, so that he may be virdicated. Thus the adverse report on the Long resolution for the | investigation was supported by Demo- | | | This unfortunately brings up the, question of politics. The Democrats | may say that the Republicans in the committee are seeking the investiga- tion merely for partisan political pur- poses. The Republicans, on the other | hand, will counter that the Democrats re just as partisan in seeking to pre- vent the inquiry directed against a member of the President's cabinet and chairman of the Democratic Na- tional Committee. ‘The declination of the committee to go forward with the investigation, brought by Long are without real weight, may be correct enough. If it is intended to put Senators, including the Senator from Louisiana, on notice that they must produce some tangible and real eviderce of wrongdoing be- fore the Senate will investigate, it is a healthy sign. The idea that the Senate of the United States should bemean itself by prying into each nook and cranny at every breath of gossip and slander is not pleasant or edifying. Probably the committee would have found it easier to recommend the investigation than not to order it. There has been growing, however, a feeling of resentment against the tactics of the Louisiana Senator, both in the Senate and out. The commit- tee, being human, may, therefore, have in some measure considered the source of the demand for the inquiry. The Senate itself now has before it the Long resolution, with a com- mittee recommendation that it do not pass. It is up to the entire mem- bership of the Senate to take the next step in the matter or to let the resolution die on the calendar. The very fact that the charges have been made against the President’s right- hand political adviser and member of his cabinet may bring a later con- clusion that it is wise to go ahead with the investigation, if only to prove the charges groundless and to avoid the criticism that something discredit- able is being hushed up. —_——————————— Mr. Mellon's plans to make the National Capital an art center would inevitably create exacting standards of art criticism. This would pos- sibly have unexpected results in re- moving undesirable statuary and since it is convinced that the chargesl THE SUNDAY the nick of time to prevent Japan from enacting the role of China’s banker, with the irretrievable results which might have ensued from such an exclusive relationship. With capital of the leading co- signatories of the nine-power treaty placed at Nanking's disposal, includ- ing funds of Japan, practical steps will be taken to insure equality of opportunity in China for all concerned and the maintenance of the open door, If the loan project and all it con- notes meets with indicated approval in Tokio, a new deal in the Far East will be in the making, relieving China of the fear of threatened dom!- the Western nations any suspicion that Japan seeks to eliminate them from the Chinese situation. It is & development of immense and bene- ficent possibilities alike for world peace and world trade. e As a versatile man Senator Carter Glass directs his interest to the diffi- culties of small business under N. R. A. as well as the broad problems of a national banking system. Like the famous Circassian lady in the side- show, Senator Glass insists on courtesy. He is perfectly willing to converse on the topics of the day and answer each and every proper question. ——r et A certain amount of deference is still accorded the forefathers who advo- cated the United States Constitution. Conservative patriotism is confronted with the task of translating the old phraseology into sporting language and other dialects. -—or—e Munitions makers join a certain tendency toward a cynical philosophy which favors bombing planes on the theory that just at present a certain | percentage of the human race needs killing. The post office has its customs. One reason why Mr. Farley does not answer more questions may be that anxious inquirers neglected to inclose stamps for reply. ————————— Radio has been a boon to journalism in permitting an orator to talk direct to the public without a chance for the plea that some reporter has garbled his remarks. ——— Senator Borah is frank, as usual, in | protesting any illusion which might | make the Blue Eagle look like a Thanksgiving turkey. s Controller General McCarl has long been sure of the last word, but not !necessnnly the newest set of relief | initials. SHOOTING STARS. BY PHILANDER JOHNSON. Sounds Easy. Blossoms will smile In a very short while, The snowdrift will melt in the sun, The rainbow will shine With a radiance fine | To assist in the work that is done. We'll nave plenty to eat And wardrobes ccmplete, With time to be calling our own, With babies that smile As we rest for awhile If we only let Nature alone. She’ll bring us ro bombs On an airship that hums To tell how us dreams must be curbed. ‘We may trail along With a smile and a song If Nature is left' urdisturbed. Dictatorship. *“Some people say you want to be & dictator.” “I do,” answered Senator Sorghum. “But have you made a practical start?” “Yes. I have secured a stenographer who takes my dictation patiently and, incidentally, corrects my grammar.” Jud Tunkins says he’s back to child- hood days when they showed him the alphabet and left him no more to do than make the letters spell something. Class Somnolence. Professor! Professor! We welcome creating desirable additions to the city's parking spaces. A Loan for China. At first blush, China would hardly rate as a gilt-edged credit risk in the money markets of the world, yet four great powers—Great Britain, the United States, Prance and Japan— are now canvassing the feasibility of granting the Nanking government an international loan of sizable propor- tions to help it solve its financial and economic problems. If the project fructifies, it will in essence be a re- newal of the “consortium” by which vary. In Wisconsin, first to enact such a law, the insurance benefits are below those proposed in the Ellenbogen bill. It has been sug- gested that inasmuch as the national legislation sets up no real standards for unemployment insurance, forty- eight plans will be found in the forty- eight States. Nor is there definite indication that the national legisla- tion will succeed in its high purpose of persuading the States to enact their own laws. Unemployment problems vary with conditions in the States. Certainly the tendency in the States will be to set the local pay roll tax— if any is levied—at a figure that, with credit allowed on the Federel tax, will not bring the total tax above three per cent. The Ellenbogen bill would bring the total tax above the three per cent local tax, allowing for the ninety per cent credit on Federal tax. In addition, a separate contri- ‘bution from local revenues amounting to one per cent of the private pay rolls will be added. 1If it were merely a matter of blazing a trail by means of legislation for the District that the States would be anxious to follow, the theory of estab- lishing the highest standards for the District would be to some extent jus- tified. But there is no indication, as Jet, that the States intend to follow a group of the same powers agreed to aid China in 1920. Significant in the present transac- tion is the prospective adhesion of Japan. Only during the past few weeks Europe and America have had disquieting and circumstantial re- ports of a Sino-Japanese “entente,” whereby Japan was to acquire eco- nomic, military and political privi- leges in China that on their face would nullify the nine-power treaty and make Japan virtually China's supreme overlord. Now the Tokio government is reported to be ready to join the western nations in coming to China’s financial rescue and cate- gorically disclaims any intention of monopolizing such assistance. This is a very different picture from that which depicted Chiang Kai-Shek as a co-conspirator with Japanese militarists and imperialists in divesting Europeans and Ameri- cans of all opportunity for collabo- rating in China’s development. Brit- ain took the lead in proposing European-American participation in a loan. Sir Ronald Lindsay, the Brit- ish Ambassador, has just been in- formed at the State Department that the United States welcomes Britain's initiative in the direction of co-oper- ative help for China. It looks as if the plan had attained momentum in L with praise The deep emotion that governs your ways. But we're wondering why, as the sea- sons go by, Your numerous reasons don't seem to apply. &or your chorus sonorous of theories deep Has resulted in putting the farm hands to sleep. Making Hay. “I'm looking forward to a good sea- son for hay,” said Parmer Corntossel. “Any especial demand?” “Yes. I understand that stuffed shirts are so much in fashion that there's going to be a great need of more alfaifa.” Sunrise. Happy the land That may expand ‘With simple toil on every hand ‘With none to say 'Mid deep dismay, “You must be shot at break of day.” “I's tryin’ to elevate de social stand- ing of de neighborhood,” said Uncle Eben, “but I'll never git far enough to substitute bridge an’ champagne foh craps and gin.” —————————— Base Ball in Russia. From the Jamestown (N. Y.) Post. ‘The Soviet government is consider- ing making base ball the national sport. When the Russians .rise up and lynch a rank umpire, we shall know they like the game. Whistlers. Prom the Salt Lake Deseret News. “Most of the men who whistle at their work are big men. Yeah; it takes a big man to get away with it. e et e Stalin’s Resource. Prom the Fort Worth Star-Telegram. Mr. Stalin also has a congress on his hands, but he has a bang-up committee firing squad. ) nation by her powerful island neigh- | bor and removing from the minds of | STAR, WASHINGTON, D. C, MARCH 10, LOST FOOTSTEPS BY THE RIGHT REV. JAMES E. FREEMAN, D. D, LL.D,D.C. L, Bishop of Washington A distinguished lawyer wrote me re- cently saying that he had reached the conclusion that what our modern world needed was less talk and more of contemplation. He even suggested that it would be & fine experiment to have a moratorium on sermons and speeches for a given period. Studdert Kennedy, the forceful English preach- | er, has a book entitled, “Food for the | Fed-up,” in which he appeals for | more of fixity of belief and less of { unnecessary discussion concerning it. {1 any one of us attempted to write | down all the things we hear over a given period it would make a volume of incalculable proportions and if we were credulous enough to believe the half of what we hear, our beliefs would be as confused as were the col- ors of Joseph’s coat. The latter years more than any | that have gone before have witnessed the greatest output of speeches, ser- mons, addresses, etc., etc., so many and $o various that they have well | nigh robbed us of the capacity to | think. Apart from what we normally i hear day by day, we have super-added ! the radio with its mighty outpouring of speeches, good, bad and indifferent, chiefly the latter, until we have al- most lost our capacity for quiet reflec- | tion. The old maxim: “Take heed what ye hear,” has become increas- ingly difficult to follow. Little time is lelt for the imagination and still less for that kind of reflection that issues in strong convictions. Along with all this, the swift currents of modern life, | the multiplied and varied forms of | social occupation and entertainment, the passion for something new and ! novel, and the pressure of bread-win- | ning cares fill our days so full that we have little time for the consideration | of life’s deeper and finer values. No more valid reason for observing the quiet, the mental and spiritual re- freshment afforded by Lent could be submitted than it gives opportunity for winnowing out much that we have read and heard, bevond our capacity to assimilate it. We need a place of retreat to which we can resort, away from the confusions and discords of the hectic world in which we live. ‘This is not a costly thing to accom- plish; as a matter of fact, it is the most economical pursuit in which we may | \found it in the Temple, where he | were closed except on Sunday; indulge. ‘There are some people who cannot survive unless in the crowded streets of life, there are others who seem to have lost the capacity to think. Even such may recover some of their mental poise by well spent periods of detachment, reading and reflection. There is a beautiful building in Paris, formerly used as & church, that is now a place of resort for men and women seeking legal advice. Here they bring their troubles and un- solved problems to find, through at- torneys, if possible a way out of their difficulties; it bears the striking name, the “Court of Lost Footsteps.” We all need such a place; David said he said concerning his confusions that they were too hard for him ‘“until I went into the house of God, then understood 1.” There is something refreshing about the quiet of a church, even when we are the only one to occupy it. The great spaces, the silence, the very shadows and the hallowed associations all con-! spire to induce reflection. “Be still, and know that I am God,” the very | walls seem to say. What better place is afforded for inducing serenity of mind, self-examination and a right appraisal of life’s real values! There are times when we get more of sat- isfaction in such a period of unin- terrupted quiet thus alone than when we are a part of the great congre- gation. Time was when church uoo! this is uncommon now. In our downtown district there are several churches that afford admirable places for such a quiet time. To step from the noisy street into one of these affords an opportunity for rest, reflection and prayer and does much to give that kind of refreshment of mind and body that serves as a tonic 10 the tired, confused worker. Pind such a “court of lost footsteps™ and use it frequently and gain a better outlook upon life and rour place in the complex scheme of things. This is to imitate the unfailing pra tice of Him who repeatedly withdrew from the crowded ways of life that He might the better fit Himself for the vast work to which He was com- mitted. Long and Coughlin BY OWEN L. SCOTT. Gloves are tossed aside. bare knuckles | substituted in the battle of pa.sstons‘w now unloosed across the land. Pine points of political Marquis of Queens- | bury rules can be forgotten and po- litical jungle law observed. The outcome? Nobody, just now, knows what it will be | No quarter is to be given and none asked in the fight taking shape. Bit- terness of recent radio addresses and the high anger that flared in the United States Senate are symptoms of what is ahead. Politicians are con- vinced that the tone of the struggle for power, to be waged from now until November, 1936, i5 going to be set by | Senator Huey P. Long. Louisiana’s | “Kingfish,” and Father Coughlin, De- | troit's radio priest. | If true, that means an appeal to passions of & type not witnessed in this country since pre-Civil War days. Such an appeal, with radio as a weapon, opens possibilities of political strife never before witnessed. * K K ¥ Until recently, New Dealers con- | sidered Father Coughlin their friend. He had access to the White House. Prominent officials asked his advice. | He came to the aid of many of Mr. Rogsevelt’s policies. His radio voice was accepted as a New Deal weapon. Every encouragement was given to him. I But then he began to press farther | toward monetary inflation, through | silver, than the New Deal leaders wanted. To check that move, officials | revealed the names of big owners of silver. Father Coughlin's organiza- | tion was one of the largest. He was left in a position of standing to gain financially through a policy urged by himself over the radio. | Since that time a coolness has been | apparent between the Detroit priest | and the White House. That coolness | a week ago flared into open opposi: tion. It was accompanied by an ap- parent tie-up between Father Coughlin | and Huey Long. | Senator Long also started out as a | friend of the President. He was one | of those who went down the line for | Mr. Roosevelt in the 1932 Democratic | National Convention. His support was important in winning the nom- ination for the present White House occupant. But when Senator Long began “acting up” in Louisiana, Federal patronage was withheld from him. jobs. At first the Senator blamed “Genial Jim” Farley, Postmaster Gen- eral and dispenser of New Deal jobs. Then, when he considered the time ripe, he struck out over the radio at Mr. Roosevelt. X X x X ‘The “Kingfish” is a dangerous op- ponent. Rules of the game mean nothing to him. “Senatorial cour- tesy,” supposed to govern conduct in that exclusiVe club, goes out the win- dow when Huey comes in. He has a long memory. Also, he has had in- vestigations made that give him “background” on every member of the Senate. Let any one cross Mr. Long, and if there are skeletons in the closet of his personal or political life, they quickly are brought out for the Nation to see. When Senator Long took to the warpath, political strategists of the New Deal decided to give him the “silent treatment.” His remarks went unnoticed by his colleagues. He was shunned and ignored. When the same sort of treatment was tried on Senator Robert M. La Follette back in World War days, it grievously wounded him. But not the Louisiana “Kingfish.” The more he was snubbed, the louder he talked. Radio time was bludgeoned out of the broadcasting companies. The attack on Postmaster General Farley began to attract attention. Huey had become & real thorn in the side of the New Deal. * k x X Recently officials of high rank have been considering how best to meet the challenges made by Senator Long and by Father Coughlin. They considered another fireside chat or two by President Roosevelt. But the President could not get down to personalities or in the verbal hand-to-hand fighting of the kind that seemed to be necessary. Scanning the whole New Deal, there appeared to be no personality capable of the job. Donald Richberg is a fre- quent talker, but his finely phrases often cause dizziness in the mind of a Philadelphia lawyer, if that lawyer is entrusted with the task of discovering their true meaning. Sen- ator Joseph Robinson, Democratic floor leader and Long opponent, is & good mm.db:: not one to arouse the New Dealers was considered and found wanting. Gen. Hugh Samuel Johnson then In High Administrative Circles | few short months ago. | rallying around the Priends of the “Kingfish” were denied | Cause Anxiety came crashing into the picture almost &5 an answer to a prayer. The father of the country’s Blue Eagle is a master of invective. As a| phrase maker he has few equals. The general is & rough-and-tumble fighter who rushes in where others fear to| tread and who makes an art of dress- ing down his opponents. But the former N. R. A. adminis- | trator had left Washington and the | New Deal under trying circumstances. He had been edged from the picturel by Donald Richberg and Frances Per- kins, Secretary of Labor. His going | was hailed by nearly all New Dealers with great relief. * % Today, when those he left behind are beginning to shiver and wonder what the future has in store for; them as a result of the attacks launched by Senator Long and Father Coughlin, Gen. Johnson rides up to save them. He has become a hero in the quarters that scorned him a| | The question now is: Will the| general from now on bear the burder of counter-attack against the forces wealth distri- butors? Many New Dealers hope he will. Some of them believe he has precip: itated the personal fight against| Father Coughlin and Huey Long t00; early in the maneuvering. His at- tack will serve to draw the lines and bring out the latent conflict between the employer and the employed and | unemployed groups in the Nation. Senator Long and the Detroit priest now take on added importance be- | cause of the attention they have re- ceived. ‘Where is this battling to lead? What does it mean to the country? Answers vary with the viewpoint of the political experts who are ques- tioned. They are agreed, however, that the President today finds himself in a rather tough spot politically. He is losing ground among the lib- eral and radical elements of the country. The voters on this wing are turning to the Coughlins and the Longs, and, according to present plans, are to be offered a third party candidate in 1936. It may be Senator some other personality around whom the left wingers can consolidate. T At the same time, it is quesunnable] whether Mr. Roosevelt is gaining ground among the conservatives of | the country. A solid bloc of 13,500,- 000 voters stayed with the Republican | party in last November's election. | That number now is regarded by G. O. P. leaders as the irreducible minimum. They are getting ready to jump into the fray and reorganize | their ranks for the 1936 battle. | Under those circumstances, the President and his Democratic follow- ing find themselves in the middle. Much comment is heard about moves made by the White House to convince the conservative vote of the country that its salvation lies in sup- port for Mr. Roosevelt. But enough other moves are made to keep those same conservatives in fear of what the President may plan to do. Many of them seem more inclined to trust the Republican party. In that case, 1936 could be an- other 1912, with the Democratic party losing through a radical Long- Coughlin third party combination, just as the Republicans lost as a re- sult of Theodore Roosevelt’s Bull Moose campaign. The possibilities in that situation no longer are talked down in high Democratic councils. Rather they are believed to be causing worry as far up the line as the White House itself. Those worries would be dis- spelled by the sudden appearance of & business revival. But that revival is not being taken for granted. If it does not develop, Mr. Roosevelt will be called upon to do some fast footwork to dodge the impact of a drive to the left that readily could open the way for a return of the Re- publicans to power in November, 1936. (Copyright. 1935.) China and India Are Of Concern to Britain BY A. G. GARDINER. LONDON, March 9.—Two great events are focussing thought here on Asia even more than on . future of China and the future of India together constitute a problem more vast even than that of the ad- justment of the domestic cross-cur- rents of Europe, and once more Gen- Smuts, from his watch tower in South Africa, warns us that the East- dangerous than the His outspoken comments on the menace of Japan and the urgency of L] i the States, and in 1787 passed a 1es0- 1935—PART TWO. Capital Sidelights BY WILL P. KENNEDY. How industry and commerce have been prevented from ambling along in their own sweet way, but adjusted to this Nation's relationships with other countries along economic and social lines since Colonial days thorugh imposition of customs duties, is interestingly pointed out by Repre- sentative Allen T. Treadway of Massa- chusetts, ranking Republican member of the House Ways and Means Com- mittee, which handles tariff legisla- tion. He emphasizes that this has been a major consideration rather than the more obvious intent of setting up tariffs as a fruitful source of revenue, The Colonial tariffs, Mr. Trcadway says, were chiefly for revenue, but at the same time a number of piotective laws were enacted. While there were no manufacturing industries to protect, each colony encouraged its own agri- culture, either by prohibiting the im- portation of commodities from other colonies or by imposing tariff duties. With the outbreak of the Revolu- tion each independent State prohibited | all commercial intercourse with Great Britain and that with all other coun- tries was virtually cut off by the hos- tilities. Foreign trade being at a' standstill the people were compelled to provide for their own wants from the resources at hand. Thus the Revolution had a profound effect upon the early economic development of the country. Manufactures which | by British mandate had been pro- hibited in the colonies were stimul- lated behind an absolute wall of pro- tection and the foundations were thus laid for many of the industries which | subsequently were fostered under | protective tariffs. When the United States began to do business as a distinct nation under | the Articles of Confederation, although | the States bound themselves to per- | petual union, they did not yield their | independence, but reserved to them- | selves so many important functions that the general Government was weak and ineffectual. Among the powers reserved was that of levying customs duties. As a result each State could frame a tariff to suit itself and make the duties applicable not only to foreign merchandise, but to that of other States in the Con- federation. The Northern States gradually ad- vanced and extended their tariff schedules, embracing protective as well as revenue duties. A Massachusetts statute of 1786 prohibiting the im- portation of some 58 articles of com- mon use apparently had protecticn as its sole object, because no revenue could be derived thereunder. It began with this preamble: “Whereas it is the duty of every people blessed with a fruitful soil and a redundancy of raw materials to give all due encour- agement to the agriculture and man- ufactures of their own country.” Congress was then led to consider the question of vesting the general government with greater power over lution which resuited in the Federal | Government being given the exclusive | power to impase duties cn imports, | thus assuring it an independent source of revenue. As a consequence of man- datory free exchange of goods between States, the establishment of a great home market was made possible. an understanding between the British Empire and the United States are echoed once more with significant em- phasis in the columns of the London Times, and are the subject of a grow- | ing volume of weighty appeal to the | British government to take measures against the Eastern avalanche. No student of world affairs carries | more authority than Lord Lothian, land in a remarkable letter to the Times he calls for the immediate mobilization of the signatories to the nine-power treaty in order to consider i Joint action. * k¥ % “It is quite clear,” Lord Lothian | says, “that Japan has set to work to | nullify the political basis of the Wash- | ington treaties—namely, the integrity of China, equality of opoprtunity Xorr the trade of all nations in China and the principle that these questions were the collective concern of the signa- tories of the nine-power treaty. I do not think it is open to doubt that Japan hopes to face the world with a “fait accompli’ in China analogous to that which she accomplished in Man- choukuo by the expiry of the two years’ [ notice during which the Washington treaties still remain in force.” What is to be done? “There is, of course, no question of war,” says Lord Lothian. “That is the strength of the Japanese position, as they well know. But there is all the difference between a policy of drift before the apparently | Burton K. Wheeler of Montana, or | inevitable and a vigorous use of such power and influence as are possessed by the other signatories of the nine- power treaty, which is now being torn up without their consent.” ‘The sole question is whether Japan is going to “get away” with a repe- tition on the gigantic field of China as a whole of the policy of veiled an- | nexation she has already carried out | in Manchoukuo, and Lord Lothian re- gards the immediate summoning of the signatories to the nine-power treaty as the obvious and urgent necessity of the moment. * X k% From another point of view, the London Spectator is no less emphatic on the need of action in regard to the Asian crisis. Writing on the India bill now before Parliament and on Gen. Smuts’ Cape Town speech, it points out the importance of a stabilized and contented India in the incalculable situation created by Japanese ambitions. The direct con- | sequence of Japanese policy, it says, is the resolute expansion of Russian armaments on the one hand and American armaments on the other, and it anticipates that the break will come over “the open door” in China. The open dbor is e cardinal feature| of American policy, and the Spectator regards it as inconceivable that America will ever accept unhindered Japanese expansion over Chinese territory or open Japanese infringe- ment of Chinese sovereignty. This fact should be made clear to Japan, at once, and while the Spectator does not ask for an Anglo-American alli- ance, it insists on the need of such close co-operation by the two nations as will convince Japan of their de- termination to maintain the Far Eastern policy they concerted at ‘Washington in 1922. * K k% In this matter, the settlement of the Indian question is of vital con- cern in preserving the status quo in Asia. Japan is driving at a pan- Asiatic movement, with China under her influence and outside the League of Nations. In the face of this vast challenge, the Spectator says, “the whole future of Asia, and perhaps of anufacturing at the National Capital BY FREDERIC J. HASKIN, Washington is often considered unique in that its manufacturing ac- tivities are popularly conceived to be limited to the production of a multi- plicity of laws and millions of words of political speeches and bureau re- ports. Broadly speaking that is true. For a city of 500,000, the National Capital does have little mechanical manufacturing. But, in recent years, there have developed industries which ow reveal the production as fairly substantial. The Bureau of Census has just de- termined that the value of manufac- tures in the District of Columbia was $61,284125 in 1933, The District originally was only 10 miles square and that area has been reduced by the cession back of the Virginia por- tion. Compare this manufacturing produc- | tion with, for instance, the entire State of Vermont. For the same year, Vermont had only $56,623538 in manufactured products. An interesting comparison reveals that the District has not suffered so sharply from the depressed years as Vermont and, indeed, comparisons with other States would show about the same situation. In 1931 the Dis- trict's manufactures were $76,928,513, while Vermont's were $80,594.268. Thus, while Vermont lost $25,000,000 in two years, the District lost only $15,000,000. The District’s loss in value of manufactures is largely ex- plained by price decline rather than decline in volume. In Vermont and elsewhere, the losses include not only price decline but lowered volume. Small manufacturing and manu- facturing of consumption rather than capital goods mark industry at the National Capital. As might be ex- pected, the largest number of manu- facturing establishments are con- cerned with the city's chief product— words. There are 67 newspaper and periodical printing establishments and | 63 book and job printing places. The value of the former's products in 1933 was $17329274 and of the latter’s $3649919. No other industry pro- duces more than a third of this value. Books and Bread Lead. Taken together these two branches | of the printing and publishing indus- try have the highest number of wage | earners. For 1933 there were 2,132 and | the wages amounted to $3,341,000. In the census figures, only wage earners are included as opposed to salary- earners, Were salaries included. the figures would be much higher because | 50 many of the employes in the pub- lishing industry are classed as sal- aried. The second largest industry at the National Capital is the baking indus- try. There are 63 establishments with 1,547 employes earning wages and the value of the output in 1933 was $7.695,888. Workers' wages amounted to $2,205421. Books and bread lead everything else in Wash- ingotn in the manufacturing line. There are only five other indusiries which show products valued at more than $1,000,000 in 1933. The largest is the ice cream industry. The 14 establishments engaged in the manu- facture of ice cream employed 223 wage workers and their output was valued at $2,237,931. Then there were seven factories engaged in making sausages, meat puddings and allied products. These employed 153 wage workers and their 1933 production was valued at $2,061,850. An industry, somewhat out of pro- portion in importance, is the concrete- mixing industry. It is the leading capital goods industry of the National Capital. There are six establishments with 106 workers and their product was valued, in 1933, at $2,015,114. This | substantial business is largely an outgrowth of the Government build- ing program. Modern construction Tequires a large tonnage of concrete, Since 1930 the Federal Government has been carrying on at Washington a huge public works program. In what is called the Triangle, an area between the Treasury and the Capitol and between Pennsylvania avenue and the Mall, there has sprung up a group of moaumental edifices to house Gov- | ernment depzrtments at a cost of ap- | proximately $100,000,000. There has | been other Federal work in the Dis- trict as well as private building. Al- though selling to the Government, through contractors, the concrete | plants are private enterprises. | This has resulted in a huge, con= centrated demand for concrete. ‘!Barges bring sand and gravel from | a short distance down the Potomac River to the miixng plants, located 1ch|efly in Georgetown. There, at some seasons, the great mixers have | operated on 24-hour shifts. All day long the huge concrete trucks rum- ble through the streets carrying tons upon tons of concrete. Presumably, this industry will fall off at the com- | pletion of the Government project | unless there is a revival of private construction. : Many Small Manufacturers. | TIce manufacturing is carried on by | five establishments employing 71 wage-earners and turning out an an- nual product valued at $1.182352. This is in spite of the fact that Wash- ington is reported to be more fully equipped with electric refrigeration than any other city of its size in the country. About three-quarters of the homes of the city have electric refrigeration. It has not been many years since Washington got a good deal of its ice from Maine. Every Spring and early Summer, huge schooners from the Maine cbast used to come to Washington and unload thousands of tons of natural ice which was stored in warehouses. Then came the manufactured ice era and now that appears to be passing in the face of the invasion of electric re- frigeration. Non-alcoholic beverages are the product of the remaining industry of more than $1,000000. In 1933 there were 12 plants with 112 wage workers and their output was $1,- 027.914. There is quite a list of small manu- factures. There are bookbinders and confectionery makers, electrical ma- chinery builders and engraving plants, machine shops and lithographers, awning and tent makers and mattress makers, steel-working plants and a flour mill, but not one has an output worth $1,000,000 a year. Altogether there were 7.967 wage workers engaged in private manu- facturing at the National Capital in 1933. This can be compared with the 15083 employed in Vermont. That the pay is better in Washing- ton is indicated in that the 7,967 in Washington received $11,185,000, while the 15,083 in Vermont received only $12,456,000. Strict zoning laws and other regu- lations keep the manufacturing at Washington pretty much segregated, so the visitor has little realization that 50 much manufacturing is carried on, except, of course, the manufacture of laws and of political propaganda. Increased Consumption Of Fish Food in U. S. BY HARDEN COLFAX. Americans are apparently develop- ing a greater liking for sea food. Re- tail food merchants throughout the country are increasing the number of “fish days” while, according to the Bureau of Pisheries in the Depart- ment of Commerce, a campaign has been begun in various parts of the country to promote the greater con- sumption of fish. ‘The bureau, working in co-opera- ! tion with the newly formed Pish and Seafood Institute of the United States, will supply to the public, through the press and otherwise, helpful information regarding food values and the uses of fish. Formerly, in the small towns throughout the country, fish was on sale only on Priday. Today the Amer- ican housewife provides her family | with fish any day of the week. This means that the nutritive and eco- nomical values of seafood are being more and more realized by the house- wife. ‘The Bureau of Fisheries, devoted to the promotion of fish culture and use, is constantly giving the public infor- mation as to how fish may be pre- served over moderate periods and how it may be prepared for the table. Last month cold storage “holdings” of fish, the bureau reports, were 44 per cent more than a year ago and 11 per cent above the preceding five- year average, and there were more than 64,000,000 pounds of edible fish in cold storage in various parts of the United States. R ‘The fish industry, says the bureau, at present is more than a billion-dol- lar business. In 1932 fishermen re- alized $55,000,000 by their efforts, even though prices were low that year and provided employment to only 116,000 fishermen. Figures for 1933 are available for the States of Mary- land and Virginia and for the three principal New England ports, Boston, Gloucester and Portland. These cities have reported vessel landings of fish worth close to $7,000,000. Reports for 10 months of 193¢ show a further in- crease. ‘The commercial catch of fishery prod- ucts in Maryland and Virginia in 1933 amounted to 272,000 pounds, valued at $5,100,000. This is a decrease of 24 per cent in volume, but only 14 per cent in value as compared with the catch in 1932, Maryland and Virginia fisheries gave employment to 20,000 fishermen and 12,000 per- sons in wholesale and manuf: establishments. Based on the value to the fishermen, market oysters were the most important product, amounting to 25,000,000 pounds, valued at $1,725,000. Following in order were crabs, shad and men- haden. Fish prices, compared with the cost of other foods, have not risen so rapidly since 1928. In fact, the it of fish in our markets has risen ohly to 50 per cent of what consumers had to pay seven years ago. ‘The Bureau of Fisheries recently has given out information concern- ing the mineral and vitamin content of fish. Oysters are particularly commended, since they contain size- able quantities of iron and copper. the world, might depend on whether India was contented or discontented with her lot, chafing, sullen and ex- plosive under alien trammels, or building up her nationhood in co- operative partnership with a British commonwealth.” It is from this point of view that the Spectator re- gards the India bill as “a factor of stability, perhaps the decisive factor, after another of the| ern situation is fundamentally more |in an Asia over which, as Gen. Smuts rightly warns us, the storms are gathering and may sometime break.” (Copyright. 1935.) 4 Oysters rank second to liver as an important source of iron, making them a valuable food for the treat- ment of nutritional anemia. The bu- reau directs attention to the already known vitamin content of fish oils, such as cod, halibut-liver, sadine and salmon. Experts on fish culture have been speculating for some time on a pos- sible diminution in supply. On this point, the Bureau of Fisheries says it has no evidence to indicate that mod- ern methods are “taking excessive Fifty Years Ago In The Star on the 4th of March, 1885, Grover Cleveland was . Inaugurated as Presi- | Democrats in gent of the United the Saddle. States, the first Demo- crat to hold that office in a period of 2¢ years. The Star of | March 1885, thus envisages the | change: “The country is now entering on a transition period in its history, which will cause Washington for some months to fill a large place in the { Nation's regard. Instead of the news ending with the expiration of the | Forty-eighth Congress, it rather be- gins: for Congress did nothing, while the Cleveland administration must do |a great deal The changes in men and in principles of government will be very great. Nothing dramatic may | occur, but the whole aspects of politics | will be altered. We must not con- feund the civil service law with the | policy of government. That law ap- plies only to a smail fraction of the executive officers and only to & purely | clerical force. Its scope covers merely the routine of desk work. It is designed simply to increase the efficiency. and hence the success, of | whichever party may happen to be in | power. | “It is still inauguration week. but we have already seen great changes in administration. and from this time on scarcely a day will pass without one or more notable transfers of authority. Our diplomatic service, as such, will be revolutionized: most. if not all, our consular representatives will be changed; the responsible de- partment officers will be Democrats, and all the Federal offices of any note through the country will be monopo- lized by the party in power. “Hence there will be a new political atmosphere, and we may expect many changes and some novelties in habits and principles of administration. But the changes will not be as radical as some belicve and as a much larger number affect to fear. The laws have not been changed, and the adminis- tration’s only office is to execute the laws. There may be differences tn interpretation, but we have no reason to suspect that Mr. Cleveland or his chosen advisers entertain extreme theories or wish to warp the statutes from their obvious and ordinary in- tent. The President in his inaugural address pledged himself to ‘a just and unrestrained construction of the Con- smul_lon‘ and a ‘cautious appreciation’ of his executive functions as defined by law. There is every reason to believe that his administration will be marked by the wise, modest and con- servative policy outlined by these utterances.” In the news columns of the same issue appeared the following brief item, which undoubtedly gave some pause to the horde of office-seekers who flocked to Washington for the inauguration: > “The President has notified his private secretary that he will not receive persons who call to secure appointments to office.” Fifty years ago, toll” of our food-fish supply, adding: “However, unless the public gives heed to the oft-repeated warning of conservationists and public officials, the Nation will soon face the alterna- tive of purchasing its chief supply of fresh-water fish from foreign coun- tries or of consuming the coarse and less desirable fresh-water species that have thus far remained unexploited. Uniform laws for fishing on the Great Lakes are an absolute neces- sity to prevent a story parallel to that of the deforestation of our Northern States.” (Copyright. 10353 »