Evening Star Newspaper, February 1, 1931, Page 33

Editorial Page EDITORIAL SECTION he Sundiy Star. Part 2--8 Pages WASHING TON; D. C, BUNDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 1, 1931. Special Articles GERMANS INSIST CHANGE iN TREATY ONLY HOPE Adjustment of Eastern Frontiers Would Prevent Drift Back to Conditions of 1914 in View of Thinking Majority. BY FRANK H. SIMONDS. ERLIN. — What does *Germany think about the prospects of peace or war in Europe? Th question is perhaps for the out- side world the most important of all German questions, for peace or war in Europe must in the last analysis depend very largely upon Germany. Moreover, not without irritation and incredulity, the United States has re- cently been compelled to listen to re- ports of a possible conflict in Europe at the precise moment when its interests and desires are all concentrated upon seeing the industrial machine of the world set in motion again and, inci- dentally, all disturbing political issues dismissed. To start at the beginning, there is no more desire for a new war in Ger- many than in the United States. The great mass of the people still recall the miseries and losses of actual conflict and passiorately reject any thought of ® new struggle. Any government which undertook today to lead the German people into any form of offensive war against France or Britain would fare badly. Any government which under- took, deliberately and unmistakably, to Prepare a new war would come to grief. And yet over against this unmistak- able desire for peace must be set the ever-growing conviction in Germany that peace is unattainable. As a people the Germans have suffered two vast disillusionments. In 1918 Woodrow Wil- son with his 14 points convinced them that the end of the war was to be fol- lowed by a reconciliation of the bellig- erent nations, but in fact what followed was the treaty of Versailles. Severe Economic Policy. Five years later Stresemann, with his Locarno policy, again persuaded a ma- Jority of the German people that finan- clal adjustment and territorial revision would come, and today Germany is in the midst of the severest post-war eco- nomic crisis since the inflation period, and is firmly convinced that the cause is political, not economic. For, to un- derstand the German situation at all, it must be clear that while the British and American people recognize the present economic crisis to be a world- wide phenomenon due to economic causes, the Germans are satisfied that it is primarily a German crisis and results from the terms of the treaty of ‘Versailles. As a consequence, German discussion of the larger question of war or peace begins and ends with the examinatior of the question of the revision of the ace treaty. The German argues and clieves that there can be no peace in the world until Germany is freed from conditions which all Germans, without exception, believe to be intolerable. And the appeal to the outside world for this revision comes not from the National- ists, not from the Hitlerites, who in growing numbers belicve that the solu- tion must eome by force, but from the majority of the German people who still reject the notion of* force but at the same time believe that revision is the price of peace. All of which leads to the supreme question in y, the question of the Polish frogtiers. With almost no exception, Gernlans of all classes, polit- ical parties, geographical origin, will tell you that if the world does not find through some medium—financial, diplo- matic or League of Nations—a way to return to Germany the Polish Corridor, Danzig and (perhaps a shade less em- hatically) Upper Silesia, then peace in urope is impossible, reconciliation be- tween Germany and her former foes will not come about, economic co-opera- tion will be out of the question, and in the end Europe will drift back to the fatal condition of 1914. Explanation Always Same. ‘When one hears widespread talk, both inside and outside of Germany, of com- binations between Moscow, Rome and Berlin, the explanation is always the same. It represents the proposal of the growing number of Germans who believe that no peaceful method can be found to insure the return of the East- ern provinces. It represents the con- viction that the United States through | financial pressure, Britain by political | fafluence, France by the withdrawal of military support will not jointly or sev- erally exert pressure upon Poland. | Moreover, one must recognize that| the German feeling about the lost| provinces is mounting steadily, for the| very simple reason that each day and | week the German hold in these lost| provinces is diminishing. In 1919, when they were lost, there were more than 1,300,000 Germans in this area; today there are barely 800,000. In 1919, 50| the Germans believe, enough Poles would have voted with them to give them victory in a plebiscite had one been held. Now, in the last Polish elections the German candidates were| almos: universally defeated. | This emigration, this political decline, | the Germans ascribe to Polish tactics | of persecution and terrorism. Daily | the German press is filled with reports| of the abuse of German' minorities, | while the uninterrupted migration of | German populations makes way for ever-increasing Polish majorities. The new Polish port of Gydnia is daily ex- panding at the expense of Danzig. In sum, a whole German world, which represents a century and a half of sys- tematic and continued German colo- nization in the East, extending from Frederick the Great to William the Last, is being wiped out. Ten years more and the German minority will be & memory, and not only will Posen and West Prussia be hopelessly lost but East | Prussia will be endangered. It is, in| fact, in danger now, isolated and eco- | nomically prostrate. Polish Corridor Vital. For all Germans the Polish Corridor is not merely what Alsace-Lorraine was for France after 1871; it is in all re- spects far more vital. Actually the area involved is twice as large, the opulation correspondingly greater. hat is even more important, the Cor- ridor separates from Germany still an- other territory, also twice as large as Alsace-Lorraine. Not only national se- curity but national unity is at stake. And, as I have said, every day that the existing situation endures the obstacles to recovery multiply. There is the paradox in the German situation, which, after all, explains more than all else the universal malaise and anxiety which exist all over Europe today. Germany wants peace and the Corridor, but practically all , Germans are satisfled that if the Cor- ridor is not returned through peaceful negotiations, then in the end must come another war. If the war were to be only with Poland, the Germans would not be disturbed. 1f Europe would con- sent to let Germany conduct a local expedition against Poland, things would ‘be simple. But there is the League of Nations, ‘with its provisions against any aggres- sion. There is the Kt“ofim!, which has imposed the renunciation of war as & means of policy. And back of both is France, the ally of Poland, with its France, already alarmed by the agita- tion and menacing gestures of the Hit- lerities, is in no mood to permit its one sure ally, Poland, to be crushed and, concomitantly, the German army to re- cover all its freedom from treaty re- strictions. Hope in Soviet Army. In their hearts many Germans hope that one day the Soviet army will come crashing through Poland and permit Germany peacefully to reoccupy Brom- berg and Thorn, as well as Danzig. In the same way not a few have looked with ill-disguised satisfaction at the growing bittgrness between France and Italy, again calculating that if France were involved with Italy, Germany would be free to deal with Poland, but better informed Germans fear that the real consequence might be a French defensive-offensive into the Rhineland. Moreover, a second paradox, Ger- many not only does not want to engage in war but every economic and indus- trial interest of Germany would in- evitably be injured by any Continental struggle, which would interrupt the progress of recovery, dislocate markets, diminish the already sadly depressed purchasing power of all countries. Every German material interest, by contrast, can be served only by peace- ful development and general co-opera- tion within all the Central and Eastern European areas. As for a war of revenge on France, as for any direct hatred of France which would block peaceful combina- tion, not only does that not exist but, on the contrary, the old issue of Alsace- Lorraine has been dismissed, the tra- ditional suspicion has diminished, and the necessity for peaceful co-operation is universally acknowledged. But France must either drop Poland or exert suffi- clent pressure to compel Poland to com- ply with German purposes, which means retrocede the Corridor. If Germans are today apprehensive, fearful, at the one moment passion- ately eager for peace and patently col vinced that peace is unattainable in the long run, the explanation must be found in the single fact that no Ger- man can conceive of permanently cepting the eastern frontiers or of per- suading either Poland or the rest of the world to agree to a revision. But if peaceful persuasion fails, then in the long last the German people see in the League of Nations, the Kellogg pact, all discussion of disarmament, tonly empty and hypocritical devices. They see and feel that a part of Ger- many—for to them the eastern prov- inces, although lost, remain German— is condemned to death; they see a Ger- man land, a German culture, a German population, doomed to extinction and daily and visibly growing weaker. Bitter Consequences of War. And their own present helplessness in the face of what they term “the dying German East” is at once the bit- terest and the most intolerable conse- quence of a lost war. It is as if by a ation of circumstances Mexico recovered California, New Mexico and Asizona and was now successfully the American population and g them with Spanish. know how remote, unreal and un- reasonable all this must sound to an American audience which believes Eu- rope should quit talking war and get down to business, reducing its armies and accommodating its quarrels. But, unhappily, this is Europe, and while most Europeans, beginning with the Germans, would agree that, allowing for a desperation foray of the Soviets this Winter or next, the prospects of any war in Europe for 10 or 15 years are slight, at the bottom of the present unrest lies in the conviction that condi- tions are now taking form which must lead a decade or two hence to a new conflict. In a word, what troubles the German who desires peace is not the prospect of immediate war, but the growing belief that a real system of peace cannot be established and that his children will have to go through the old horror again. And he believes this because the Polish Corridor, to mention which is automatically to open discussion of the next war in Europe, has in fact become the new nightmare of Europe’s thinking people. (Copyright. 1931.) o = German Wage C;s Designed Trade Aid BERLIN.—The Bruening government at present is pursuing a two-fold policy. It has a far-reaching program of finan- cial reform providing for the redemp- tion of this year's budget deficit in three installments and fixing the maximum budget for the next three years at 1,000,000,000 marks less than the cur- rent budget. The object of this reform is to enable Germany to ask for s moratorium on her Young plan pay- ments with clean hands. Second, the government has embarked on a drastic campaign for price and wage cutting within the Reich. The purpos: of this movement is to lower the costs of the production of manufactured articles so that Germany can compete more effectively than the traders of other nations in foreign mar- kets. Chancellor Heinrich Bruening has more than once publicly stated his be- lief that Germany will be the first great nation to recover from the world eco- nomic crisis if only she will seize the present opportunity to put her own house in order. The Bruening cabinet started its campaign by including in its financial reform scheme a plan for the reduction ©op the salaries of all public officlals from the Reichs president down to the lowest civil servant and including all employes of German raflways. Then it secured a promise from the Ruhr coal Lndljstrv 1“1’ rbedugt the price of this asic article by T cent inning next December, D AT As Chancellor Bruening put it in a speech before the Federal Council re- cently, “the question of coal price sink- ing is of the greatest importance for our industry because price regulation of a whole row of other industries is es- sentially dependent on the question of coal prices.” The next arbitral decision in the key Berlin metal industry decreed a wage cut of 8 per cent—a decision affecting 150,000 workers employed in 176 factories. Behind this decision stands the Bruening government which, having cut the salarles of civil servants, is desirous of having the process applied to private busi- ness. As the arbitrators explained, the effective reduction of prices is essen- tial in Germany at the present critical time and, altho wages must not provide the only contribution, they are a too vital factor in production costs to _be ignored. ‘The Bruening cabinet is preparing to wage a ruthless war against these trusts unless they reduce their prices. For this purpose it created a ‘“price- cutting directory” armed with ex - t army established on the defense- g:s-mmtlen of the Rhineland. And dinary powers to carry out the govern- ment's . (Copyrisht. 1030y Let’s Get Back to Work Old-Time Faith and Confidence Needed at Present Time, Declares Cabinet Member. BY WILLIAM N. DOAK, ’ HOUSANDS of workers have been called back to their em- ployment in the great auto- mobile factories. In many other shops and mills many ad- ditional workers are being placed. From reports received by the United States employment service a few spe- cific instances of renewed activi be_cited. Five thousand iron and steel work- ers have returned to their jobs in the Mahoning and Shenango Valley plants located in Pennsylvania and Ohio since the beginning of the year. Railroad shopmen are returning to work on several railway lines. The —Drawn for The Sunday Star by EDS A REINFUSION OF ITS OLD-TIME FAITH AMERICA TODAY Southern Pacific shops at El Paso, Tex., have recalled 850 men. The Illinois Central shops at Paducah, Ky., idle since September 9, 1930, have reopened with 400 men. More than 1,000 shop- men have been recalled in the Mis- souri Pacific shops at North Little Rock, Ark., which have been closed since December 12, 1930. E. G. at 6,000 former employes returned to work in the plant at Day- ton, Ohio, on January 2.~ Six thousand employes of the Sing- er Manufacturing Company, at Eliza- beth, N. J., have returned to work on a four-day week basis. The Chicago & Northwestern Railroad recalled approx- F. Strothmann. imately 7,000 shopmen during the first ten days of January. Six thousand men returned to work on January 5 at the plant of the Cadillac Motor Car Company, Lansing, Mich. These men are now working on a seven-hour-day, five-day-week basis. The RCA-Victor plant at Camden, N. J., reopened early in January after a month’s suspension of operations, Approximately 4,000 employes returned to_work during the first three days. Dredging operations and harbor im- provement work on the Delaware and Schuylkill Rivers in and surrounding Philadelphia started during the last month will provide steady employment for approximately 1,000 men for the next four months, ‘These are some of the optimistic re- ports that have come to us in Wash- ington since the birth of the new year. Many other instances of the trend toward ultimate business recovery are noted from activities both within and | 1i without the confines of our country. Great railroad systems are now giving orders for equipment that should soon lead to the replacement of many work- ers wha temporarily une: ployed. y e, means the ad- dition of multitudes of workmen in other related industries. As one illustration of the effect of world industrial movements upon our own situation I recall a recent activity in nearby Canada by reason of which (Continued on Fifth Page.) Royal Trade Ambassadors South American Trip of the Prince of Wales May Help Regain Some of England’s Lost Business. BY C. PATRICK THOMPSON. N the old days of avaunt and God- wot it was acceptzd that about the most promising thing a prince could do to promote the prosperity and ‘well-being of his people was to col- lect the feudal levies and wage a suc- cessful foreign war. But times change and ideas change with them. The last exponent of the trade-follows-our-victorious-armies the- ory now saws wood and tends a beard behind barbed wire in a guarded house at Doorn. Modernity falls for courtesy visits and the glad hand. They show results. Which explains why the Prince of Wales, who might be hunting in Eng- land or big game shooting in Africa, and who likes a month on a 14,000-ton boat no more than most other active young men, is taking his exercise around the promenade of the Oropesa— six rounds to the mile—as she cuts the long Atlantic rollers on her way to South America. It does not altogether explain, how- ever, the presence on the same boat of Prince George, King George's fourth son; for although the South American job is a big one, it doesn’t necessarily take two princes to do it, and if Prince George needed some training and prac- tice at the trade ambassador game the home statesmen could have arranged for him to make a good-will trip on his own account to one of the British dominions.* But Prince George—“P. G.” to the navy and “Babe” most of the time to his intimates —is more than Wales’ younger brother. He is his friend, and latterly he has becn a good deal his companion. Wales, perhaps with rec- ollections of his own early career, has taken him under his wing and sees that he has a good time. Prince Henry, Duke of Gloucester— tall, serious, the best horseman of the four princes—has his own set, his own friends and his own pursuits and is seldom around with Wales or at the same parties. The Duke of York has a charming wife and two children, and when he is not on the job at public functions he lives the life of a family man. Prince George and Wales are two bachelor brothers with much the same likes and dislikes, tastes, friends and pursuits in common. Both learned discipline at the same naval college, both prefer the air to the sea and now fly whenever and wherever they can. Both like driving themselves in a car, fast. Both like music and strumming a tune on the piano (it used to be the uke and the trap-drum with Wales, but he has progressed, and sur- prised Richard Strauss, visiting him at York House the other day by playing | him one of his own waltzes on the piano). Prince George Better Dancer. Both are amused by much the same things, liké the same sort of shows and get fun out of dancing. Prince George, having longer legs, a mor rest- ful temperament and a more highly developed sense of rhythm, is the better dancer of th: two. Indeed, at Cannes once he dropped in with a companion a place where he was not known, and finding a competition on, joined in, and won a pot. The story.broke only because he subsequently told his elder brother about it with a chuckle of joy, and it became a family joke for quite a while. Again, both have to respect their digestions and eat the plainest of food. Wales prefers simple food, but his younger brother would be more indul- gent if he could; only he has to be careful about his diet. They mever have arguments. Wales is the elder and stronger in character, and George goes along with him. It has been so since their childhood when- ever it came to a showdown. What was probably their first clash is on record. They were driving with their other brothers and Princess Mary in the procession the coronation of their father and nfipther. Young Prin- —Etching by R. H. Mathews. THE PRINCE OF WALES. cess Mary, dressed up and wearing her coronet, was very much impressed by the grand occasion and preserved a dignified demeanor. ‘The infant George, sitting opposite his sister, eyed her for a while and then conceived the bright idea of dis- rupting her dignified poise by tickling her. But the coach bumped just then and he slipped off onto the floor and got mixed up among the jumble of his brothers’ and sister's feet. Princess Mary leaned forward to pick him up, and in doing so forgot her coronet. 1t ;ell ;JLH and there were wild grabbings or_it. Then the Prince of Wales intervencd and restored order and discipline with a sharp “Stop it!” He secured the coronet and planted it back on his sister's head. . And, fixing George with | & daunting eye and emphasizing his remarks with one stiff finger jutting out of a clenched hand, he assured him that if there were any more nonsense he, George, would know all about it. He, Wales, would see to that personal- ly. In short, he would dot him one. Peace reigned throughout the remain- der of the ceremony. War Separated Brothers. ‘The war broke them apart. Wales, 20, went off to France, while George, a boy of 12, was still in the schoolroom. From his tutors George went down to Osborne, the school for naval cadets, and after his novitiate in home waters was over he was sent off to the naval station in China, as much to keep him from knocking around town at a loose end over leaves, perhaps, as to com- plete his naval training. He was to have been the “Sailor Prince” of the royal family. But the family seems destined to be witnout element upon which the island race has risen to world empire. Neither Prince Henry nor the Duke of York likes the sea even in its most smiling mood, and as for the heir wild horses will not drag him to Cowes for the yacht races which the King regularly attends, or_ induce him to associata himself, as Princes of Wales have done over the Jast century, with the Ilife and activities of the Royal Yacht Squadron, Prince George’s retirement from the role for which he was cast was due less to temperamental than to physical reasons. He has a constitutional di- gestive weakness (the Prince of Wales also has not exactly the digestion of an ostrich). This weakness has the effect of making George a poor sailor. He was never able to conquer what came to be a regular habit of being seasick in bad weather; and every time that happened his digestive sys- tem took some time to get back to normal. So he came back. Things were pret- ty new to him at home—so new that he had to ask Edward of Wales, as they stayed together at Windsor with their parents over Christmas, what this Charleston business was that everybody was talking about and doing; and there and then Edward took him in hand and showed him the step that had come from the American dance jungle season. A deb who spotted George at a dance without knowing who he was would put him down as a shy navy boy with charm; very nice, very attractive, amused and amusing, but maybe needing some encouragement to be at his best. And she wouldn’ casily smiling he ot loak anything like his twenty-eight years. Lacks Wales’ Speaking Ability. ucquk«L hcmbm and lel!-eoung; Wales' cultivated ‘ability as & 3 His face is rounder, softer; he a son peculiarly associated with the | 1932 PROMISES AT LEAST ONE STRONG THIRD PARTY Prohibition and Power the Issues and Prosperity the Condition Dominating. Previous Movements Significant. BY MARK SULLIVAN. HE aim of this article is to discuss prohibition. (Will the reader please withhold his brick for a moment!) Prohibition, that is, in a single aspect— prohibition in its relation to the presi- dential campaign next year. As it happens, however, prohibition is not going to be the only issue. Prohi- bition is going to figure powerfully in every phase of the presidential year, in the choice of the presidential candi- dates of both parties, in the ensuing campaign and election between them— and in the possibility of a third party. But there will be another issue, almost as potent to determine the outcome as | ™ prohibition itself. Consequently we shall be obliged to consider the coming presidential campaign, now already simmering, on a broader basis. Two of the less appealing traits of journalism are to -use superlatives, and to indulge in prophecy. Less of both practices would work to the improve- ment of newspapers. Both these in- junctions would be violated by saying that the presidential election next year gives greater promise of very - mixed conditions than any other in recent times., There is hint of not only “a third party,” but,. so to speak, two or three or more third parties. Parties Were Formidable. To anticipate third parties is likewise | TheY a trait of both newspapers and the public. Third pai .ies are predicted more often than they actually turn up. Yet the fact is that fairly parties do turn up, speaking roughly, in about one election out of every four. The last one, La Follette's third party in 1924, was formidable; it cast lrp:r cent of the total vote. The one pre- ceding, Roosevelt’s third party in 1912, was even more formidable. pelx; ccndt ’:‘l u;:p u:’tfi.l“ vote and actually eclipsed. the Republican party, carrying six States to the ublican party’s two cm;lpl‘;l“t;vely S:mll States, Vermont an 3 veral years preceding that, in 1896, the gold Democratic par- ty, offshoot of the regular Democrats who had gone free-silver, had historic importance. Here are three really formidable third parties within 35 years, to say nothing of the smaller third parties that we have always with us, the Socialists, the Communists, or their kin. To consider the intimations now plainly simmering of third parties in 1932, we may begin by surveying bri the whole situation. The 1932 presi- dential election, as it appears at this time, will be dominated by a trinity of abstractions—by two issues and one condition. The condition is perity. The issues are prohibition and power. The condition we can readily dispose of. If prosperity is back or pi on its way back, that will help the Repub- cans. If we are still uneasily con- scious ‘of depression, if the depression or its aftermath is' still vivid enough to cause a mood of discomfort help the Democrats. conditie Frosperlty. however, has comparatively ittle relation to the probability of third parties—except that economic discom- fort in the Nation gives rise to a mood :'hlch tends to welcome political adven- ure. Six Factors in Combination. ‘The issues, prohibition and power, are two. But the number of potential third parties for which two issues may provide incentive is a considerable mathematical combination. In the combination are six factors, six sectors of political thought demand- ing to express themselves in the elec- tion. There are, first of all, the two parties, Republican and Democrat. Then there are the two sides of prohi- bition and the two sides of the power question. In attempting- to classify the groups arising out of these factors, one must first define the two sides of the power issue. We shall have to speak of one side as those who believe in govern- ment ownership and—or (as the legal documents put it) Government opera- tion. The other side we shall have to speak of as those who believe in private ownership and private operation. These definitions are neither wholly exact nor wholly just, but they are the best we can achieve in the brevity here im-| oD posed. ‘The possible groups of voters—indeed the actual groups, already existing day—are: % Dry private-ownership Republicans. ‘Wet private-ownership Republicans. N Dry public-ownership Republicans. Wet public-ownership Republicans. In addition there are: Dry private-ownership Democrats. Wet private-ownership Democrats. Dry Government-ownership Demo- crats. Wet Government-ownership Demo- crats. Presidential Favorites. Each of these eight groups has its wn type of favorite for the presiden- tial nomination. We can list them: Dry, private-ownership Republicans would be wholly satisfied with President Hoover. ‘Wet, private-ownership Republicans would be wholly satisfied with Senator Dwight Morrow of New Jersey. Dry, public - ownership Republicans would be wholly satisfied with Gov. Gifford Pinchot of Pennsylvania (watch Pinchot particularly). ‘Wet, public - ownership Republicans would be satisfied with Senator La Fol- lette of Wisconsin. tainly drier than the Democrats; the Republicans will be for private owner- ship, and the Republicans will renomi« nate Pra'g‘u.enl Hoover. With program some withe in the Republican party 'flm“-dlfllfll- fled. Their dissatisfaction, however, will not be sufficient to prevent the re- nomination of Mr. Hoover. Wet Repub- licans will think about Senator Dwight Morrow of New Jersey and will long to nominate him, but Senator Morrow will have no traffic with them. The Repub- lican National Convention will end with a dry platform, with a private-owner- ship platform (“no government in busi- ness”) and with Mr. Hoover as the ominee. ‘Thereafter there will arise the ques- tion whether one of the dissenting Re- publican groups will nominate a third candidate. One of them almost cer- tainly will is not the wet Republicans who be most likely to start a third party. The reason is that the wet Re- publicans will have another place to go. They can go to the Democratic g for the Democratic nominee in all prob- ability will be wet. Will Meet and Quarrel. Let us consider the probable course of the Democrats. The Democrats will meet and they will quarrel. They will quarrel as violently as they did in 1924. may quarrel as violently as they did in 1896, when there were two Demo- ormidable third | ™ the necessary two-thirds. (That fatal two-thirds rule that makes battle and slaughter so likely and so 29 frequent in Democratic national con- van':nna.) ‘The dry Democratic dele- ’b—eemm!y they will hesitate about accepting any wet, They will demand the nomination of Senator Robinson of Arkansas or of ex-Gov. Byrd of Vir- ginia plorer. most as much a_pol to brother, ex-Gov. Byrd, as Aviator Lind- bergh is of his father-in-law, Senator Dwight Morrow). After the dry Democrats have resist- ed the nomination of wet Democrat Roosevelt gruelling number a n 1efly | of ballots, attempts at compromise will be made—com] promise _on Owen D. Young or on Newton D. Baker, or on some other possibility at present little mentioned. ‘What will be the Democratic convention no man can tell. The outcome may be Gov. Roosevelt. It be ex-Gov. Smith., It may be some! else, something very eccen- tric and unanticipated. any survey made 17 months in advance, we are limited merely to saying that the Dem- ocratic nominee is likely to be a wet, out that way, of Gov. Roosevelt of New York or ex-Gov. Smith of New York. these two outcomes in the Then, among the Democrats: ‘Wet, Government-ownership Demo- crats would be satisfled with Gov. Franklin Roosevelt of New York. (And they now seem likely to get him, though this situation is very much subject to change. ‘Wet, Government-ownership Democrats would be equally satisfled ;lt}ll‘ ex-Gov. Alfred E. Smith of New ork. ‘Wet, private - ownership Democrats would be satisfled with Owen D. Young of New York. Dry, Government-ownership Demo- crats would be satisfied with such a man as Senator Thomas F. Walsh of Montana. K Dry, private - ownership Democrats would be satisfied with Senator Joseph T. Robinson of Arkansas. Out_of the eight groups of voters, ;m:r. Republican and four Democratic, to conquer Mayfair through an entire | %0 be 't be far | S0t power He has none of his elder brother’s | io." ¢ in : (Oonnnfi on Fourth Page) two major parties, a very considerable number of voters is going to be either less than half satisfied or totally dis- satisfied. These are the voters in both parties who at one and the same time are dry on prohibition and government o If you wish to visualize this group, to see it personified, consider, for ex- ample, Senator George el ing he has. Not that Senator Norris will be the candidate of the third party —he is too old and is otherwise handi- capped. The candidate of the third party will be another. But Senator forris is the perfect personification of the v there are will want a third candidate. As re- spects party, Senator Norris is of both parties and of neither—both Republican and Democratic, and neither Republican nor Democratic. As respects prohibition makings of a third party—and the predestined candidate of it is Gov. Gif- ford Pinchot of Pennsylvania. Gov. Pinchot is the outstanding, forthright, ‘uncomprot exponent of extreme dryness on prohibition, and of bitter antipathy to the private power interests. Gov. Pinchot. will attract and solicit Republicans who are dry, but differ from Mr. Hoover on power. Similarly, Gov. Pinchot will attract and solicit Democrats who are for public owner- ship, but at the same time want to be tic g one issue, he will denounce the Republican candi- date for being wrong on power; pur- suing another, he will denounce the Democratic candidate for be! on prohibition. tract, and it will be ublican canditate to whom he will most. harm.) It should be said again that the phrases “Government ownership” and “private ownership” are merely rough designations, both for the groups of voters and candidates to whom the phrases are applied in this article. They used here merely as the best brief phrases available. There is a ground about power. It consists of pri- vate ownership modified by very strong Government regulation. This position is the attitude of many Re- blicans about power. It is fore the presidential election comes the Republicans may have enaeted ar may have embarked umn, or may adopt _lll_!h“'.’helr platform, o mmly ml“lbfl’ woul effect what is said in this article on the subject. Retrenchment. Prom the Florence (Ala.) Herald. asserts that the uni- Checking An Old Game. From the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette. An inventor has lected an identi- hnmmu. by way &."T.a‘