Evening Star Newspaper, October 12, 1930, Page 29

i - Editorial Page * EDITORIAL SEC1TION he Sunday Star., Part 2—12 Pages WASHINGTO ) 4, 6 UNDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 12, 1930. * ENGLAND RATES TRADE CHIEF EMPIRE PROBLEM Dominions Might Secede if Only They| Give Britain Orders to Aid Unemployed. BY FRANK H. SIMONDS. F. nominally, the British Imperial Conference now in session is a po- litical conclave, practically it is an economic congress, When “Jim" Thomas, speaking for the Labor cabinet, announced that this govern ment was prepared in advance to con- cede the right of secession to the sev- eral dominions, he only voiced a state of mind which is stubstantially iden- tical in all British political parties. Three times in: British history the Rational government undertook to over- come the national aspirations of colo- nies. The first was the American Rev- olution, the second the Boer War and the third the Irish struggle. The Amer- fcan conflict was lost outright. The Boer War, which was a clear effort to establish rule in South Africa at the expense of the Africander majority in and out of British colonies, brought brief military victory, followed by the eventual supremacy of the Boer, both in his old free state and in Cape Col- ony. The Irish affair was, too, & lost battle for Britain. Today, India aside, the British people have not the smallest thought of inter- ing force in the way ef any wish ? independence of outlying domin- ns. As to India, the market and the tnvestment, ®which weighs with the Labor workingman and the Tory capi- talist equally, although the material element is reinforced by the sincere eonviction that a separation which would mean economic disaster for xl;rétaln would mean utter ruin for ™ Trade Is Real Factor. ‘Thus, actually the Imperial Confer- ence is concerned with the question of trade, not empire—in fact, of empire trade, with the emphasis not on em- ire. There is, too, an odd paradox tween the British problem and that resented by Briand's project for a nited States of Europe. In the Briand project the effort is obviously to employ common economic interests and neces- sities to overbear the long tradition of political rivalries. The economic unity of Europe is a patent necessity, the po- litical chaos is the barrier to such co- operation. But in the British Empire the op- t less, for the politicaly united British dominions re economically divided. A great deal is heard these days, $hanks to the press of Lord Beaver- brook and Lord Rothermere, about em- pire free trade. In theory it would be an obviously natural unemployment might be doubled if the British - ducer were limited to the service of the dominion consumer. For once duties ‘were put upon foodstuffs, costs of British production, following increased wages to the workingman this made necessary, would put Britain at a still further disadvantage in the face of competition, European and otherwise. By contrast, the British market can- not suffice for the products of the dominions, and these would be con- fronted by the grim fact of counter- balancing discriminatory tariffs, if they vastly extended the preference now al- lowed British manufactures by adopting s comon tariff. But the real difficulty Is not here. What counts is that all of the dominions are engaged in build- ing up industrial systems of their own. one is ready to permit Britain to be e factory, while it remains the farm. wheat to protect Canadian f4an wheat Germany and agree that Pensylvania supply the steel. and Australia sent their sons to fight | for the empire alongside British troops. It is far from impossible that this phe- nomenon might be repeated in a like emergency. Nevertheless, Canada, Aus- tralia and New Zealand will not scrap their rising industrial plants, nor will they permit their own markets to be flooded by raw materials coming from another dominion. Handicaps Are Cited. ‘Thus there are three factors. The | British, who desire the dominion mar- | kets, but see that to control there by | an empire tariff system they must add |to the costs of their own production and thus add to their handicap in competing with Furope in other nec- | essary markets, therefore, hang back. | The " dominions desire to occupy the British markets, but are similarly hesi- tant to give up their own industrial plants and depend upon Great Britain for manufactured articles. And, finally, these same dominions are quite as dis- turbed over the effect upon their own home markets, were these, under a system of imperial free trade, to be opened to the exports of other do- minions competing with their own products. When the representatives of the South African Union or the Irish Free State come clamorously to London de- manding the right to secede, the Briton is undisturbed. “Let*them go or stay,” says he, “but for God's sake let every- body cut the cackle and come to the ‘osses, in the main question, which is trade.” Rising 2,100,000 unemployed in Britain, with Winter coming on and no relief in sight, serves to make any political discussion not merely aca- demic, but irritating. Yet, given the best brains and an equal good will, it is difficult to see what can be done. The Beaverbrook- Rothemere cry of empire free trade, like the Fascist shibboleths of the Hit- lerites in Germany, derives its present appeal rather from the external than the intrinsic circumstance. All the old remedies have been tried, politically in Germany and economically in Britain, and visibly they have not worked. The situation is so bad that masses of peo- ple believe that any change would be an improvement. And it is on this platform that the Imperial Conference is meeting. Soviet Becomes Factor. Yet it is patent that if the Soviet can pull off its experiment in collec- tive farming and governmental market- ing, it can sell wheat in Liverpool far below the cost of production in any dominion, just as it can sell it in Ham- . It is plain, also, that if Britain puts an imperial tariff Russian or Austral- can satisfy her needs at costs so small as to enable her to undersell Britain, first in Rus- sia and then everywhere else where the two countries compete. d henceforth Russia is the “deuces wild” of any international economic poker game. Every one must be interested in the imperial conference, as they are in- on a smaller scale by the sim- lar efforts of the peoples of Central and Eastern Europe to discover a basis for economic exchange which shall be mutdally, profitable, Interested as Americans are in the commissions which the President has appointed to ceal with the identical problem in the United States. But the prospects of any really useful results emerging from the British experiment are very ht. If only it were as simple to 1 with the economic as the political is- sues, to satisfy the material needs of both the mother country and the dominjons by some simple declaration like “Jim” Thomas’ pronouncement on the right of secession all would be well. But 10 years of talk in Britain and around the circle of the dominions has left things where they started and re- sulted in. the end in giving two astute newspaper owners a chance capi- talize national economic unrest, as Mussolini and Hitler have in their countries capitalized political inco- herence, accompanied by economic Nothing suggests the reciprocal will- c)rnm’ of Kansas to be agricultural distress. (Copyright, 1930.) i’remier Andre Tardieu Offers Coueism To Heal the Polit PARIS.—“Every day in every ny”l want France to prosper and prosper.’ ‘This is the slogan now abscribed to Andre Tardieu, the Prench premier, in the development of his theory of gov-| ernment, which might be described | fittingly as Coueism applied to -wes-‘[ manship. As the little druggist from Nancy presented a panacea for hodllyl 1lls, 80 does the present prime minister offer a cure for the {lls of the body\ politic. And that cure is prosperity. Came to Power at Age of 53. Andre Tardieu came to power at the | age of 53, which is young in the polit-| ical sense in this country. Thus he typifies the “young school” of states- manship. He is even upbralded by some of his opponents for his “youth- ful temerity.” He disconcerts the rest of his opponents by his insistence on introducing novel ideas in the political fleld. As he himself remarks, these ideas are novel only to politicians who habitually linger behind the times. Here are some of his political aphorisms. They paint the character of the man “The art of action is to define what is possible. “The fear of words is the beginning of political wisdom. “It is not sufficient to be strong; one must know that one is strong. “Bitterness follows sterile agitation | and hopes without a morrow. “In politics hopes are worthless when there is no will to support them. “France has political traditions, but she has no soclal traditions. “The agricultural problem is as much one of psychology as of economics, “In the United States the individual secks a fation; in Prance he seeks isolation.’ Reflected for Thirty Years. Por 30 years Andre Tardieu reflected on political problems. Now he is striv- ing to put into application the fruit of his meditations. He began by being first in everything —first in his class at college, first in the annual competion between all the secondary s~hools of France, first in the entrance examination for the higher noimal schoo!, first in the entrance ex- am'nation for the diplomatic service. first among journalists specializing in foreign affairs. Today he is the first political personage in the land, and also the first each morning to arrive at hi+ office at the ministry of the interior. He sought experience everywhere— as prlitical secretary to a prime m'n!tlc.r. £5 looturer Fath rt £ ical Ills of Republic College, as journalist, as editor of his own daily newspaper, as captain of chasseurs during the war (he was at- tached to the general stff, but begged for active service, was wounded thrice cited), as legislator, as member of the French delegation at the Peace Conference. He will tell you that he is still gaining experience. For one lhlng, he is learning all about farming, for he has a well defined agricultural policy to which he attaches much im- portance in his efforts for the restora- tion of prosperity. Good Humor a Watchword. Prosperity and good humor are his watchwords. He will confess, however, that his good humor is of the aggressive kind, smiling or laughing as he thrusts and parries in debate, and joking him- | self about “that good humor for which I have a great reputation.” But pros- | perity is his great concern. He came |to power with prosperity as his pro- gram, and he intends to pursue a policy | of prosperity so long as he holds office. He has a comprehensive scheme of pa- tional equipment, he knows all about| |roads and railways (he gained experi- ence by being minister of public works for a time), and he emphasizes at every opportunity that France is an agricul- tural nation. | " “See,” he says in his speeches, “the price of wine has gone up, both of which facts make for the prosperity of | the farmer.” His opponents retort, “The farmer is getting more for his produce because the storms have destroyed a great part lof the crops, and not because of any governmental measure.” | . “Never mind." comes the rejoinder. “The first thing about prosperity is to want it, to will it. If you do not want it, if you do not will it, if you pass your time croaking and prophesying | disaster, you will never get prosperity.” ‘Therefore he iterates and reiterates, | “Every da: in every way I want France | to prosper and prosper.” | (Copyright, 1930.) | | They Had a Good Year. Prom the Albany Evening News. | The last flles of Summer are still buzzing around, but the mosquitoes evidently have gained a competence In the last war Canada, New Zealand | This Family Squabbling A Little Less Idle,Uninformed Chatter Might Aid Relations of America and Great Britain. price of wheat has gone up and the| and retired from active business. - Hold That Line. Fiom the Oakland Tribune. ¥oal kall fans migh .be happler it B Eel 0. ' TochE. i BY FANNIE HURST. SPECIALLY since the war, an enormous amount of woodpulp has been consumed between those alleged coucins, England and America, for the purpose of estimating, in printer’s ink, the quality of the superficial relationship between the Empire and the United States. If true it be that this cousinship is genealogically accurate, then it may be said that the controversy wages in the true family spirit. P"tom ‘members of my family deliver me! Why need relatives be so consistently isonous? If only I could get along with those closest to me as well as I do with out- siders! Not that the printer's ink on woodpulp has quite come out with this family indictment in so ma: words; but out of the 3 cation has come the reiterated plea, from both sides of the Atlantie, for amity between the cousins. More pa- tient understanding. More toleration. Coolidge Horoscope Less mutual snobbery. Less, oh, my la- | dies and gentlemen, of State and Em- pire, making of moues across the ocean. | More of the unskimmed milk of | human kindness flowing from cousinly | tea tables will permeate its way to those | lossy-topped tables of diplomatic con- | erence where our international prob- | lems are solemnly masticated. Around | | the tea tables of this troubled planet. | | which is divided by imaginary lines | and watery boundaries into states and empires, are set into motion national | and international states of mind which ultimately motivate the chess moves of | | the diplomatic servants around the | conference tables in the halls of gov- ernment, Tea-Table Chats Add to Problems. The tea-table chat of Indianapolis, Ind, regarding England, and the tea- | table chatter of Bristol, regarding America, are simall vibrations of patter setting in motion complications with | Which naval conferences, treaties at | Versailles, pacts, leagues and diets have | later to tussle. —Drawn for The Sunday Star by F. Strothmann. ‘That is what elevates tosh to the digrity of being important. And the tosh that is spoken in England about America, and the tosh that is spoken in America about Eng- land, if lengthened out as you would | taffy, is in the actgof girdling the two | countries in the sticky stranglehold of mutual misapprehension. 1t is curious and paradoxical, as the physical distance between the two so- called cousin countries shrinks, and since, ‘as if In thundering forecast, of what,is soon to be upon us, the watery interval between has already been spanned in‘ less than 34 hours, that the rather angry and superficial back- biting between tea tables gains im- petus. Every Summer's end the boatloads of tourists with exhausted pocket- merves and- forelgn stickers all over eir luggage come pouring home to the United States, gasping with sight- seers’ exhaustion. “England hasn't any use for us!” they say. “We are hated abroad. The Former President Declares That the Next Fifty Years Will Eclipse Note—Former President Calvin Coolidge has written for the fiftieth anniversary edition of the Bufalo (N. Y.) Evening News a copyrighted article on America’s future, from which the following are excerpts, COOLIDGE. BY CALVIN HILE we shall always look upon this pericd (the last 50 years) as one of the most interesting and important, and marked with events #hich will ever be of merited acclaim mn world history, it will probably be eclipsed in many ‘ways in the next half century, * * ¥ % What changes are to take place can- not be foretcld with anything like de- tall. Rut there appear to be certain “end-neles of an irresistible nature along which the race is working that we may confidently expect will become more and more pronounced. The foremost of thes: s the movement toward unifica- tion. This is based on better organized effort. It is not always popular, for it ‘and | often scems at first to limit individual freedom of action. * ok ok % We are entering a period of mergers in nearly all kinds of business which will dwarf anything with which we have before had experience. Such combinations will have power to per- form services for the Nation greater than any we have yet seen. * % o % The aecessaries and luxuries of life will be more abundant and the resources with which to secure them better dis- tributed. This development will bring large wealth to some, perhaps a dispro- portionate weelth, but under our system of 7overnment that will take care of it- self. *iwin Our difficulty in this country has not been with wealth itself, but with the | newly rich who lacked the character to use it wisely. But, on the whole, we shall have a more even distribution of wealth and give th» ordinary man new powers ind new resources which he has not before enjoyed. * kX Life will not be easy for those who try to live by the old methods. . . . With the increased use of machinery, with the growing complexity of existence, more and more training, ekill and ecucation will become necessary. . . . General edu- cation will be greatly increased. * koK * We can expect much progress in air navigation and in distribution of ¢lectric current. . . . Improveinent of roads has probably only begun. . . . Grade cross- ings will be eliminated and the main thoroughfares well lighted at night. The country will be dotted with great air- ports and we shall have a combination of motor vehicle, railroad and air trans- portation that will reach to every im- portant point. * k% % We shall see electric power used in the home and in all kinds of business and even more widely distributed than the telephone is at the vresent time. xE 8 Distant sights and sounds will be brought within the range of our eye and ear so that a conference between per- sons in Northampton and Buffalo will 'b‘" l:.lmou like a conference around & * K k% ==t~t= of the fnture will require . speedy trials, a procedure stripped of technicalities, and all possible certainty that those known to be guilty of crime shall be punished. Security is so im- CALVIN COOLIDGE AT HIS DESK. portant and justice is so necessary to the public, the danger of government oppression is so remote in a republic, that the old methods will be discarded From Pillar to MEXICO CITY.—A people who are nomadic because of an exaggerated fear of death and whose religion is a quaint mixture of remnants of teach- ings by sixteenth century Spanish mis- slonaries and age-old paganism have been studied in the mountainous re- glons of Nayarit, smallest and youngest of Mexican states. These people differ | radically from other North American | Indians. They bear a faint physical | resemblance to Arabs, and an Arabic | influence is found in their customs. They are of two tribes. The larger is called Hulcholes, and the smaller Coras. The latter was conquered by and con- solidated with the former. Interesting detalls ot these Indians and their mode of living have been gathered by Prof. Porfirio Aguirre, a scientist of the National Museum of Mexico, who has just returned fre an expedition into their stronghold. This is belleved to be the first time 8 white man has ever penetrated the territory of these people and lved to tell about them, Death Fear Drives Mexican Tribe Post Seeking Peace The tribe has no permanent abode, for horror of death keeps them con- tinuously “on the road,” says Prof. Aguirre. When a member of the tribe dies the body is buried as quickly as possible and the people, wailing and shouting., abandon crops and houses and flee headlong until nightfall. When darkness descends they estab- lish a new community. They believe that the sun disappeais as a sign for them to remain where they are. But when another death occurs they desert the little town without the least com- punction, as it is their firm conviction that by movihg they will outrun death. Dread of death is the predominating trait of these psople. The ritual of their priests is largely concerned with driving away the demon of death. These Indians are sun worshipers, yet they venerate s number of t.hol(’; saints, The women very d of these names. Prou Coprient. 10305 world is against us because we are financially on the top of the heap. England, our own blood relation, is turning up still further what has long been her turned-up nose toward us.” England tells the visiting Americans: “Your country is amusing and fan- | tastic. I spent three weeks there once. | Saw New York, Chicago and stopped off | at Nisgara Falls. How quaintly you All sleeping so_elaborately in Really, T feel I know your charming and fantastic country. Isn't | Chicago too bizarre? So few of you | delightful people show the strain” of | living right in the midst of your ma- chine guns.” Chorus Greets Celebrities, And then the visiting celebrity patter. | Sir Gerard Simpson, golf champion, be- ring met at Quarantine by 16 New York | shi) reporters. | _ Chorus (Greek. Italian, New Yorkese, Bronx, Associated Press, Hearst): “Sir Gerard, what do you think of our Amer- (Continued on Fourth Page.) for U. S. the Present Era for a procedure that will be more effec- tive in the protection of the rights of honest and law-abiding citizens. * o % % Very little change is to be expected in the fundamentals of our goveiument. » . It is to be hoped that election meth- ods will be improved. While they are good on the whole, there are localities that are greatly in need of purification. Rk N While great progress has been made, our municipal governments in many in- stances are not a credit to us. ... The growing burden of taxation and the in- creasing complexity of municipal affairs will force an enlightened citizenship to greater activity in securing better ad- ministration of our city governments. i A Primarily the crime question is a question of the attitude of the mayors of our cities. Merely in self-defense, the citizens of the future will require the best type of public administrator to control our municipal governments. e While some of the most skilled prac- tioners think surgery has about reached its limits, medicine will make great strides in the future, especially on the preventive and mental side, eliminating disease and prolonging life. * oK X X What sclence and invention have in store for us we cannot even estimate, but we know it will be stupendous. * x % x Ignorance, superstition and prejudice are going to play less and less part in our national life and intelligence; faith and toleration will be more and more prevalent. * ok ok X Our material values must not be per- mitted to displace our spiritual values. . Their citadel is in the home. Their source is in religion. Our progress will finally depend on the faith of the people. * X ok % I believe that the indications point to A deepening of our national faith, an increasing reverence for holy things, and a more thorough, loyal devotion to God. Therein lie all our hopes. Without such a manifestation of the public conscience, all else would be in vain, (CopyAght, 1930, Buffalo’ Evening News.) King of England H'as Mong Than 600 Clocks ‘The King has 360 clocks at Windsor. The most interesting is a clock only 10 inches high which Henry VIII gave to Anne Boleyn on their wedding morn. True lovers' knots are engraved on the weights. Horace Walpole, the statesman, used to own this clock and after his death it was purchased by Qleen Victoria. Buckingham Pelace has about -160 clocks. George III paid $10,000 for the beautiful Cumming clock in ham Palace. A the Sandring] WET DECLARATION STUDY SHOWS MIXTURE OF MINDS Eight Views Against Amendment Leave Optional State Manufacture and Sale as Only Alternative of Present Status. BY MARK SULLIVAN, IN the past month there have been at least three im- portant declarations from highly placed sources look- ing to a change in the pres- ent status of prohibition—looking to the substitution of something else for what now is. Going back as far as the acceptance speech of ex-Gov. Alfred E. Smith of New York, when he was a candidate for the presidency, on Au- gust 23, 1928, there have been at least eight such proposed programs from persons or organizations having high places in national life. ‘The purpose of the present article is to assemble the gists of these propos- als, with the purpase of determining, roughly, just what, specifically, the ad- vocates of change are trending toward —Jjust what is to be the proposed al- ternative to the existing situation, as- suming there should be a “showdown" between what now is and something else. finding what common thread runs through them we may be able to bring clarification to one small facet of a question that is complex at best and at_present-is extremely mixed. For the purpose of the present analy- sis the wet spokesman ohoee proposals are examined are: The recent platform declaration of the New York State Re- publican Convention, the present Re- publican candidate for Governor of New York, Charles H. Tuttle; the pres- ent Republican candidate for Senator | from New Jersey, Dwight Morrow; the Democratic candidate for President in 1928, ex-Gov. Alfred E. Smith of New York: the long-time antagonist of pro- hibition, Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, president of Columbia University; the present Democratic candidate for a sec- ond term as Governor of New York, Franklin Roosevelt; the recent New York State Democratic platform, and, finally, one of the earliest and most persistent of the opponents of prohi- ?lflg'n, Gov. Albert Ritchie of Mary- an Tdentities of Views. In the utterances of these eight wet leaders and organizations we can find some significant identities of view about what should be substituted for the present status of prohibition, though it cannot be said they all agree upon any one program /(excepting, of course, the repeal of the present prohibition mendment or the modification of that amendment by another one having in substance the effect of repeal). Surprisingly — surprisingly to the writer and, I suspect, surprisingly to many readers also—is the repetition by | wet leaders of an affirmation that they have no intention of bringing back the saloon. On the contrary, they agree with the drys that the saloon must be, | 3§ one wet T puts it, “forever out- lawed.” The passages that show this inten- tion on the part of wet leaders are fre- quent and strongly stated. The New | York State Republican platform, after affirming that “we urge the repeal of the eighteenth amendment,” turns to the saloon and proposes, in strong and specific words, to ban it— “Finally, and especially, we pledge our party to the immediate amendment of the constitution of the State of New York in such fashion as will effectually and forever forbid and prevent the re- turn of the saloon.” in the same spirit the Republican candidate for Governor of New York, Charles H. Tuttle, in passage after pas- sage in his formal statement on prohi- bition, says that the saloon must be out- lowed. Mr. Tuttle repeats this convic- tion about banning the saloon so often and so strongly that there can be no possible doubt about what is in his mind. Mr. Tuttle is as “anti-saloon” as the very head of the Anti-Saloon League, Some of the passages in Mr. Tuttle’s proposal read as follows: Emphasis Agatnst Saloon. lies in its outlawing of the saloon and the saloon system. . Mr. Tuttle’s proposal) would be to insure shall continue to be outlawed and for- in the United States....I favor ... a constitutional guarantee completely outlawing and forbidding everywhere in the United States the saloon system and its equivalent, the private traffic in intoxicating beverages for private profit. . . . I oppose any direct or indirect return to a system of saloon or private traffic in intoxicating beverages for pri- vate profit. Here are the New York Republican State convention and its candidate for Governor, Charles H. Tuttle, clearly stating that while they favor repeal of the prohibition amendment, they favor —in words even more strong—the per- manent banishment of the saloon. They do not propose to bring back the saloon; | they propose to keep it forever outlawed. The third to emphasize the same note is Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, long- By examining these wet proposals and | “The good in natlonal prohibition | that the saloon or private traffic system | bidden by the Constitution everywhere | time and energetic fighter against prohibition amendment. Dr. Butler pro= poses that, “Following repeal of the eighteenth amendment the Republican party of the State of New York (shall adopt) such measures as will . ., effectively abolish the saloon whether open or concealed.” Next, in the same spirit and with equal strength, Gov. Pranklin Roosevelt, explaining his wet proposal, declares: “I anl positive in saying that there must be some definite assurance that by no possibllity at any time or in any place can the old saloon come hack.” To the same effect, the New York State Democrotic platform pledges the party, after repealing the prohibitidn amendment. to a new system which shall “definitely and effectively banish the saloon.” Smith Views Similar. Finally, ex-Gov. Alfred E. Smith of New York, in stating concretely his po- sition, said: “There is no question here of the return of the saloon.” He added that the system he visualizes is “without the old evil of the saloon.” To this summary may be added a re- cent official declaration of the outstand= ing wet organization, the Association ODPOSEd to Prohibition, which specif- ically declared that nothing in their program looks to the return of the sa- :'uo,r‘;s a 0,dh thn{. lnu!hr assoclation's , e saloon as dea dodo bird.” st Now what does this mean? Here are six out of the eight most outstanding exponents of the wet position declaring that their several programs to not con- template the return of the saloon—in- deed, condemning the saloon in words as harsh as_the Anti-Saloon League itself could find in any dictionary of invective, (The other two of the eight, Dwight Morrow of New Jersey and Gov. Ritchie of Maryland, do not mention the saloon; they state their opposition to the eighteenth omendment in broad terms, merely calling for a return of control to the States, without defining what they would substitute.) These six outstanding wet leaders, in making it clear they do not want the return of the saloon, in denouncing that institution, must be accepted as being completely in good faith. suming this good faith, just what i meant by this attitude they all take? The saloon was an institution for the retail sale of liquor by private interests for private profit. When these leaders propose outlawry of the saloon do they mean outlawry for all retail sale of liquor by private venders? One infers they muct mean this. We cannot a sume that they contemplate the retal ‘1:1; of liquor by private interests nder some new name, or some naj other than the saloon. “Saloen” m long been a word of odium. There was an old-time school of statesmanshij ), personified by Talleyrand, who said: ‘The chief business of statesmen is to find new names for institutions which under their old names.have become odious to the g:hflc." But there is no such word-shuffling here. These wet leaders mean that in the new stptus they propose there shall be, nowhere in the United States, any p:&le. retail sale of intoxicating bev- e . Meaning Is Reiterated. ‘That this is the meaning is reiterated over and over by one of the wet leaders, Mr. Tuttle. He shows clearly that in his mind, and presumably in the minds of the other leaders, the term “saloon” and the term “private traffic” mean the same thing. Repeatedly he couples the two terms as meaning the same. He would, he says, “insure that the saloon or private traffic system shall continug to be outlawed and forbidden.” “: would not have “any direct or indirect return to a system of saloon or private traffic.” His plan includes “completely outlawing and forbidding everywhere in the United States the saloon system and its equivalent, the private traffic in in- toxicating beverages for private use.” If, under these proposed changes, the saloon and the private traffic in liquor shall continue to be outlawed, then we have two important observations. One . . The result (of | is that the old-time commercial foes of prohibition, the old “Liquor Dealers’ Association,” powerful in politics na- tionally and through its branches lo- cally, can have no possible interest in the present campaign for getting rid of the prohibition amendment. Appar- ently these six outstanding wet lead- ers, able to speak for the great mass of the wets, are just as much opposed to the private sale of liquor as the Anti-Saloon League itself. Apparently the commercial interests associated with liquor have no more to hope from these wet leaders than from the drys. ‘The other observation, even more important, is that if there is to be no “private” liquor traffic, then these leaders who phrased their declarations in these words must contemplate that such future manufacture and distribu- tion of liquor as they propose to have in the United States, shall be solely & Government function. (That is, a State government _function.) Not all the six (Continued on Third Page.) PEIPING.—The cavalry versus air- planes, and the big swords versus machine guns. This conflict of medi- eval weapons against modern means of destruction summarizes the llogical but actual conditions of warfare on the Chinese fronts today, as told the Con- solidated Press Association’s correspond- ent by eyewitnesses back from the in- terior of China. Twice two of Nanking's airfields fell prey to the cavalry of Marshal Feng Yu-hslang. erstwhile “Christian Gen- eral,” and the airplanes destroyed. Once was at Kweiteh, when six large Ameri- can bombers and three British Moth planes were slashed and wrecked. Both Marshal Feng and Gen. Yen Hsi-shan, “Model Governor of Shan-si,” virtually have given up aerial efforts due to the lack of trained flyers. Only two !nr three airplanes remain for each of these generals, as the result of con- tinuous accidental crashes. “Big Swords” Strike Terror. picturesque aspect of China's present war, the “big sword” battalions of Marshal Fen, wi 80 many mamhz{ Feng’s men the, Mce bowl, not ab- stract famine-stricken Old and Modern Weapons Conflicting As Chinese Warriors Contend Daily “big swords” among the foe prevented them from taking the offensive too seriously, g0 a standstill resulted. Gen. Han Fu-chu has “big sword bat- talions,” for he formerly served under Fer In Shantung province a troop of his “big sworders” crawled up to a camp operated by Gen. Yen and before serious opposition could be given 1,000 heads had rolled from as many bodies. This took place not far from Tsinan, accord- ing to Japanese informants. Arsenals Lack Raw Materials. The arsenal at Taiyuan 1s well equip- ped, but working only nine to ten hours a da This is due to the serious lack of raw materials, Nanking's arsenals at Hanyang, Shanghai and Nanking are working twelve to fourteen hours a day. Feng has one small arseal at Kunghsien, along the Loyang sector of the Lunghai front, but is not producing much. Most of the supplies for the Northern come from Taiyuan and from abroad way of Tientsin. A visitor from Feng's forces says it is well understood among his men that ‘‘every bullet must mean a man.” They have nothing to waste. They ijpelred, however, to have good food and a fair equipment. But the foreigner found no concentrations of troops about Kaifeng or a short distance from the front. They all were in ac- tion. For them there was no alterna- tive to victory, he said because to re- treat from where they came meant starvation. Nanking has no war tanks in the gen- eral sense of the word, but a corps of machine gun carriers, which are automo= top. They are two- ithin | seaters, with a shelter and eye-slips and terpillar 18 a ca able to maneuver 10 20 miles. (Copyright, 1030.)