Evening Star Newspaper, December 9, 1934, Page 42

D2 THE SUNDAY STAR, WASHINGTON, D. C, DECEMBER 9, 1934—PART TWO. . O e - —_— » 1 Recovery in England and America I THE EVENING STA With Sunday Morning Edition. WASHINGTON,D.C. SUNDAY.....December 9, 1934 —— THEODORE W. NOYES. .Editor R The Evening Star Newspaper Company ‘Business Office: 11th 8t and Pennsylvania A New York Office: 110 East 42nd St. icago Office: Lake Michigan Building. ropean Office: 14 Regent St.. London. England. Rate by Carrier Within the City. Recular Edition, 45c ~er month ar s ... 80c per month he Evening and Sunday S'ar (when 5 Sundays)......65cper month ‘The Sundayv Star Sc per copy | Night Final Edition. ight Final and Sunday Star. 70c per month Night Final Star ..... 55¢c per month t the end of each month. lers. be sent by mail or telephone NAtione! 5000 Rate by Mail—Payable in Advance. Maryland and Virginia. g:l!’ and Sunday. 1 mo.. 85¢ ily only 1 o 1 mo;; 50c Sunday only All Other States and Canada. Dmll'l‘! ll;:ls,undl ;Yl'»' Sl(“ R Lo Sundayonis.... 1’55, $50 Member of the Associated Press. The Assoclated Press is exclusively en- titled to the use for republication of all ews dispatches credited to it or not other- wise credited in this paper and also the local news publiched herein All rights of publication of special dispatches herein ! sre also reserved The Individual Remains. Becretary Wallace of the Depart- | ment of Agriculture, speaking before the World Alliance for International | Fellowship Through the Churches, in | New York, called upon the rich people of this country to produce some plan looking to a more equal division of wealth. He said that in 1929 the 36,000 families in the United States with the greatest incomes received as | much as did the 11,000,000 families with the least incomes. He admitted that | many of these wealthy families have lost money in the depression of the past four years, but insisted that most of them still have far more than they | can possibly use. “The measure of | their service to society,” he said, “is | the skill with which they ‘use their | surplus above personal consumptive | needs.” It is his contention that the men of these wealthy families control | or influence the decisions of all the | great corporations of the land, that | employ vast numbers of persons, and his criticism is that they have never united on a question of broad-gauged social policy. They have, on the other hand, united almost unanimously to oppose proposals brought forward by agriculture or labor. Secretary Wallace would be quick to admit that not all proposals brought forward by agriculture and labor are necessarily sound. On the other hand, many of the proposals advanced by these two great groups have been| beneficial and many of them have| been adopted and put into effect, de- | spite the opposition of the class upon | which Mr. Wallace is now calling for 8 broader view. Some of the pro- posals to aid agriculture are in the experimental stage now and some of them, supported by Mr. Wallace; have been under heavy fire. The proof of the pudding is in the eating. The Secretary of Agriculture should not be too greatly aroused if there is reluctance on the part of many people in this country to abandon principles which have carried the Nation to great peaks of prosperity and happi- ness in the past. The American system has made many persons wealthy. At the same time it has provided a higher living standard for the men who work on farm and in factory than has been found in any other nation of. the world. For four years the times have been out of joint. The living stand- ards of the workers have been lowered because of loss of jobs and loss of pay. Too great concentration of wealth in the hands of the few, as Mr. Wallace contends, is not in the interests of the whole people. His argument that means must be found for a greater distribution of wealth will have many supporters, A concentration of too great power in the central government to deal with all the activities and aspirations of the people, however, would be as unfortunate for a people that loves its freedom as too great concentration of wealth. Mr. Wallace charged that the wealthy have produced nothing more profound than catch phrases which demand a return to the gold standard and a balanced budget. A balanced budget is not something at which to sneer, whether it is demanded by & man of wealth or another of less wealth. If Mr. Wallace’s point of view is to be accepted, the day of individual effort is past and must be succeeded by the day of co-operation. ‘There still, however, remains the in- dividual, To eradicate the instinct of the individual to make money for himself would require & surgeon more skiliful than Mr. Wallace. And yet there is much in what the Secretary of Agriculture has suggested, that there must be greater willingness to share this wealth with others. It has been said in the past that Amer- icans go from shirt sleeves to shirt sleeves in three generations. Certainly many American families have had their ups and downs, and will doubt- less continue to do so. Finding a dead level for them, an economic pat- tern, will be no easy task. ———————————— Traffic Lights and Pedestrians. In the consideration of ways and means for avoiding traffic accidents in the Capital streets attention might profitably be paid to the question of the security of the pedestrian, who is now beset by perils on every hand. The system of traffic lights has been designed primarily for the guidance of drivers. The pedestrian has only a small share in the security which these signals afford. He is enjoined by the rules not to step into the driving space until the flow of traffic is in the direction of his progress—that is to say, until the light which he faces is green. In ordinary circumstances he ! has ample time to cross under this protection unless he is blocked by cor- ner turners, who are so numerous in the downtown sections that his time . - for safe passage iz r>duccd by as much t¢u caught in the | middle of the street by the sudden changing of the light to red. Then he must either take a chance on reaching the objective curb by speed- ing or stand in the middle of the street while the traffic flows past him. This situation is aggravated by the manner in which many of the lights in the congested area are placed. Some of them are hidden by trees from the pedestrian’s point of view, others are on the far side of the street at such a distance that their cowls obscure the beams. At one particular corner in the most heavily traveled seciion of the city two street railway switch towers almost wholly block the vision. A supplementary system of lights for pedestrians’ guidance would, of course, cost money, but such an ex- penditure would be an investment in public safety which would amply pay for itself in a reduction of accidents. —r———————— Local Tax Proposals. Before Senator King or other advo- cates of new or substitute taxation in the District press their proposals in legislative form the purpose of the changes or increases in taxation should be made clear. No tax can be justly levied unless it is urgently demanded by existing conditions, and the fact that citizens of Utah may choose to tax their incomes as do the citizens of some nineteen other States does not represent a condition de- manding the local taxation of incomes in the District of Columbia or twenty- eight other States. Senator King has informally re- newed his proposals for a local income tax and a local estate tax. The local income tax is proposed as a substitute for the existing tax on intangibles. The estate tax, if patterned on the majority of State inheritance or estate taxes, would merely permit the Dis- trict of Columbia to collect a certain percentage of the Federal estate tax already collected here. If a local estate tax were framed by a Congress acting for the District as the State Legislatures act for the States, moti- vated by similar sentiment, the tax would not materially increase the local tax burden, but would decrease the amount now collected by the Na- tional Government from this source. The income tax is another thing, and several factors must be con- sidered in weighing its advantages. If the local income tax—in addition to the existing Federal income tax— is proposed merely as & substitute form of tax for the intangibles tax, there is no definite guarantee that it would add materially to revenue collctions. It is demonstrable that the collections from the intangibles tax in the District are far more efficiently made than in most of the States. While there are many who may escape the payment of the in- | tangibles tax (which in the current fiscal year will yield about $2.000,000), the- sbility of wealthy men to circum- vent the income tax, through invest- ment in tax-exempt securities and otherwise, has been so well demon- strated by the Senate’s own inquiries that it requires no further elabora- tion here. And if the yield from intangibles has fallen during the de- cline of market values, incomes have not only. fallen but some have been elimi- nated entirely, as shown by the Fed- eral collections. There is, in addition, the fact that a good horse can be worked to death. The Federal Gov- ernment's dependence on in-ome taxes now, and the inescapable “pay day” that will come with tax bur- dens imposed by extraordinary New | should prevent | Deal expenditures, imposition of further local burdens on an already heavily 'burdened source of taxation. If the purpose of the local \n- come tax is to increase the local tax burden, then the first consideration relates to the adequacy of the exist- ing tax burden, a factor which the President has chosen to determine for himself, The adequacy of this local tax burden is demonstrable, and has been demonstrated in the past. It can be demonstrated again. If Utah’s choice of a State income tax governs Senator King's advocacy of a similar form of taxation for the District, the District faces a dismal outlook in®axation. For the Senators from Mississippi, where the sales tax has worked successfully, might want that included in the local program and West Virginia Senators would doubtless favor imposing a strict max- imum limitation on direft property taxes, with various forms of other taxation as substitutes. A recent Associated Press survey of results in the States where the people voted on taxation showed that three States—Miehigan, Washington and ‘Texas—decisively ~defeated income taxes. And while there are twenty States that levy income taxes com- parable to the Federal levy, seventeen of the States in the past five years have adopted the sales tax and now depend on such a tax for about $200,- 000,000 annually. The question in the District is not fundamentally one of local taxation, but concerns chiefly the National Government's willingness to meet its own peculiar obligations in Capital maintenance and development. When that question is settled fairly and satisfactorily, the logical next step might become an examination of the local system of taxation to determine whether substitute forms of taxes are more equitable or more easily col- lected. The cart, though, should not be put before the horse, Germany Wooing Austria. Col. Franz von Papen, Chancellor Hitler's special ambassador of good will to Austria, has resumed his duties at Vienna. He is said to be the bearer of an olive branch designed at the earliest possible moment to re-establish the old friendship be- tween the two Germanic peoples. Well- informed Viennese quarters believe that the Reich is ready to go to ex- tremes to accomplish that purpose. Whether it is the approach of the Christmas season or a more tangible reason that ralseg the roseate hope, | confidence seems to prevail that a turn for the better in Anerq—qer- man relations is imminent. Those relations, already severely strained by the unabashed Nazi crusade to force Anschluss (union with Germany), were brought to the point of disruption last July by the Nazi putsch which resulted in the assassination of Chancellor Dollfuss. The immediate result of that outrage was a thundering demand by virtually all of Europe that Germany forthwith abandon her attempts to crush Aus- tria’s independence. Premier Musso- {1ini of Italy was a leader in the move- ment to protect the decrepit relic of the once proud Hapsburg monarchy from falling into Germany's grip. Thenceforward' Nazi propaganda for jAnschluss, at least of the blatant character that was previously an offense and an affront to Augtria, ceased. Chancellor Hitler gave as- surances, which have been respected, that Germany would make no more illicit efforts to bring the Austrians within her orbit. The Franco-German agreement on the Saar question has improved Col. von Papen’s chances of eliminating misunderstanding with Austria, in that it affords evidence of the Reich's | readiness to eschew strong-arm meth- | ods. | eventual union between Germany and | Austria, in one form or another, as | both natural and inevitable. It could let be otherwise with two peoples al- i lied by the ties of a common language, territorial proximity, mutual interests, cultural and commercial, and the tra- dition of long and intimate comrade- ship in peace and war. Europe will have to be convinced that Anschluss would not be exploited by a powerful, ambitious or revengeful Germany for the purpose of launching & concerted drive to wipe out other frontiers fixed by the treaties of Ver- sailles and St. Germain. Once there were conviction that the Reich would be satisfied merely with reunion | vided Austria, too, welcomed the mar- riage—it js reasonable to presume that i objections new insurmountable might | prove to be removable. Mussolini would want cast-iron guarantees that | there would be no attempt to extend | united Germanic power over the for- mer Austrian territory that is now un- der Italian dominion. Czechoslovakia, Rumania and Yugoslavia would also require indubitable safeguards. ‘The Reich'’s Austrian aspirations con- stitute one of Europe's manifold prob- lems. If Col. von Papen’s renewed | mission in Vienna can pave the way ;w its amicable solution, he will strike a real blow for international peace ‘nnd his efforts for an Austro-German +accord will be watched with commen- surate interest. ———— Chiselers have to be accounted | with in the reorganization of business. | Even a New Deal has to take into flusher. ———————— In Maryland the great game of politics is slightly confused by the assumption that a New Deal may in- volve possibilities of a misdeal. —_— e Social gayeties serve an educational | function in correcting any impres- | sion that the famous old “Gridiron” Club has anything to do with foot bail. o | The creation of Yugoslavia made history and the League of Nations suspects that it is going to create some more. — In some cases the high cost of liv- ing does not even know a code of ethics. SHOOTING STARS. BY PHILANDER JOHNSON. Lobbyism, I would not be a lobbyist In either prose or song In argument I still persist 'Gainst what I think is wrong. A lobbyist T would not be. I strive to be polite In offering a contention free For what I think is right. To be a lobbyist I fear ‘Would put me on the spot. And yet when facing problems queer I ask you, “Who is not?” g Enlightenment, “Are you afraid of soap box ora- tors?” “No,” answered Senator Sorghum. “A soap box is not likely to disclose nearly as much significant informa- tion as a file case.” Jud Tunkins says gambling is wrong and a winner in a “numbers” game ought to be ashamed of himself, but he never is. Transmutation. ‘The alchemist still has his day If all is true that we are told. Munitions makers seek & way Of turning lead into pure gold. ‘Water. “Are you interested in water power?” “Very much,” answered Mr. Dustin Stax. “I'm in favor of bringing it out of the stock market into the open landscape.” “I doze peacefully before my shop,” said Hi Ho, the sage of Chinatown, “and admire my neighbor Hi Hat, who shows me how my pride might display itself were I not concerned in prof- itable indolence.” Fooleries. If Folly thrives to an extent That leads us all a merry pace, I'll step along on pleasure bent And seek somewhere to find a place Among the courtiers of Misrule, While I admit, despite my glee, That when I imitate a fool I am a greater fool than he, “Supply and demand,” said Uncle Eben, “is what we's always talkin’ about in an effort to plant enough 'mtqlup_u‘wnd-n!mmw' Many authorities regard an| | between the Germanic nations—pro- | | |of a “share-our-profits” plan. consideration the intrusion of & four- |divided more evenly, with the rich | E. Townsend, the California crusader, | corrals followers in droves with his “The Heart of the Community” BY THE RIGHT REV. JAMES E. FREEMAN, D. D, LL.D, D.C. L, Bishop of Washington Recently there occurred in this city a demonstration of community inter- est that is of such significance that it is worthy of the consideration of all right-thinking citizens. It was the gathering together of several thousand volunteer workers to prosecute an ef- fort known as the Community Chest. The symbol of this movement is a heart. The heart is the symbol of affection, the very core and center of life itself. The wise man of old declared: *“As a man thinketh in his heart, so is he.” All our finer impulses, all our more generous action we trace to the heart. When the heart of a community is right, all else follows in proper se- quence. Thfs annual exhibition of communal sympathy and generosity, | both on the part of solicitors and givers alike, is the finest demonstra- tion of the year of that which consti- tutes our strength and moral worth. It is the best evidence that when the right sort of appeal is made and the story of human needs told there is a ready and glad response. One of the striking features of this annual city-wide effort is the effacing of all distinctions, all party and de- nominational lines and the unity of those who respond to a common cause. The old adage that “a touch of pity makes the whole world kin” has not lost its force. Now and agaih we lose confidence in ourselves and grow crit- | ical of our neighbors. Ungenerous judgments and personal conceits seem to be stronger and more persistent then open-handed generosity and that quality of charity that “thinketh no evil.” We become disillusioned by the coldness and apathy of the com- munity in which we live. Then fol- lows some widespread misfortype, some well-conceived and organized et~ fort is put forth to mitigate human. suffering, and we rediscover the heart of our neighbors and witness their self-sacrificing service. After all, the poet was right who wrote: “There is so much good in the worst of us And so much bad in the best of us That it hardly behooves any of us To talk about the rest of us.” | We profit more than we can esti- mate by these periodical demonstra- tions of communal kindness. may be and probably is much in our individual and corporate life that makes for division and narrowness and pride of judgment. Now and again we witness, even in this enlightened age, a spirit of intolerance and bigotry that is repellent and and reprehensible. Perhaps one of the reasons why we have misfortune and suffering to deal | with is that we may not lose that ten- derness and responsiveness that com- pel us to get together and federate our forces to meet emergent and critical needs. There is a great lesson to be learned in these community efforts, a lesson we would do well to heed as we realize how close are the ties that bind us together. It is true that “none of us liveth to himself.” When we get down to the root of the matter we recognize the fact that fortune or misfortune is a common experience in which we all share. There is no respect of persons when a dark shadow falls upon the community. The Master’s second great commandment, “Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself,” may sound like a counsel of perfection, but it has a practical value and one that has been made more evident to us in these re- cent years. Paralysis of industry, re- stricted and depleted incomes, with their attendant hardships, are misfof- tunes, but if they evoke a finer spirit of communal fellowship, a nobler ex- pression of kindness, a more wide- spread outpouring of self-sacrificing generosity, they must ultimately issue in the strengthening of those qualities of character that guarantee and pro- mote better days. Hence this recent demonstration in which thousands of workers and nearly 150,000 people re- sponded is certain evidence that the heart of our people is sound, and with sound hearts, generous impulses and the determination to weather all storms, we shall come at length to the haven where we would be, and hear the commendation of the great Lover of Mankind: “Inasmuch as ye did it unto the least of these, ye did it unto me.” Roosevelt Viewed as Bulwark sAgainst New Radical Political Movements BY OWEN L. SCOTT. Gen. Smedley Butler and his story of a Fascist march on Washington were laughed from front pages, but the idea lingers on to influence New Deal policy. Not that the President or his aides are concerned at the thought of an invasion led by New York brokers. Far from it. Yet neither are they blind to evidences that political movements of the type that feed on despair are taking root in the Nation. A quick glance around the political horizon shows what is happening. At one point Father Coughlin, the radio priest, rises with the popular appeal At an- | other point Senator Huey Long. the | Louisiana Kingfish, suprem~ at home, is preparing to sell the Nation on his | “share-our-wealth” program. Both Father Coughlin and Huey Long ad- | vance the politically powerful idea | that the national income should be getting poorer and the poor getting richer. The economics of the situa- tion does not bother them. “Then, at still another point. Dr. F. fancy offer to show the Federal Gov- ernment how it can give each person over 60 years of age an income of $200 | a month for life, provided only that he spend his money within the month in which it is received. This idea has taken such root that President | Roosevelt recently felt impelled to douse it with cold water. Yet, even now members of Congress are awed by the clamor for the Townsend plan In addition there loom the ** Utopian plan” and the “E. P. L C. plan”| both California-inspired, and boti | state socialism in a new and attrac- tive outward dress. Of course, there | also are the Communists, who always | hang around centers of unrest. * X K X All of these movements in fact have spread and are spreading with a speed that amazes their organizers and causes wrinkled brows among poli- ticians. But what has all this to do with American Fascism? Only this: They all are mass move- ments, appealing to those in trouble by promises that seem to offer hope for the future. ‘There are 18,000,000 persons now on relief rolls. As many more are out of work, but living on savings or dependent on relatives for sup- port. All offer fertile fields for dema- gogues or agitators or panacea ped- dlers. It is in ground of that kind | that Fascism feeds. Stressed is the theme that the] Government not only must provide | temporary work for every one ca- pable of working, but that it must make broad decisions for industry in | an effort to start the industrial ma- chine functioning more effectively. Officials point out that in the South, where prosperity has come back to a large element in the population, relief rolls actually are larger than ever and growing. Also, in Wash- ington, where the Government pay roll is at a new peak and where a boom condition impends, one out of seven in the population is on the dole. These straws suggest to New Dealers that something more than a return to 1929 conditions is needed to take up the employment slack. And until more of that slack is removed, agitation is expected to thrive. But if it is to be Fascist agi- tation, the question is raised: What is Fascism? * x % X Everybody around Washington seems to have a different answer to that one. All seem agreed, however, that essentially it involves control of the Government by industrial and business interests, regardless of the wishes of the people. Also it is agreed that there cannot be Fascism without the loss of political rights by the mass of the citizens. One New Dealer, close to the “brain trust” throne, made the following observations: “The great Fascist era in the United States was during the years 1921 to 1932, inclusive. Then busi- ness ruled under a benevolent dic- tatorship. Now it has lost that rule and may want to gain it back by riding to power on the skirts of some radical movement. That is some- thing to think about.” Another said that a Fascist sign in this country would occur if the President should feel impelled to es- tablish an advisory council of busi- ness men, or if Congress or a labor board should outlaw the right of labor to strike. Others have, publicly expressed the opinion that the C. C. C. camps, with their concentration of unemployed youths, could readily form the nucleus of a Fascist movement in the country, taking the place of the Storm Troops in Germany and the Black Shirts in Italy. Then N. R. A. has been men- | Washingt Fascist control of business in case of a dictatorship. PR ‘Why has no radical mass movement up to now swept the American people as it has swept other peoples who have suffered from a long depression? The answer heard here is that the reason lies both in the democratically inclined political instinct of the people and in President Roosevelt’s person- ality and in the New Deal. The Pres- ident has been seeking to do some- thing about the depression with his various plans. Then, too, he has political “it” to a high degree, causing people to place confidence in him. And, as for Mr. Roosevelt, he is determined to work the Su f the country’s democracy. that the President would abide by that decision no matter how much it might upset his plans. Or if the Congress should cross him, Mr. Roosevelt would be expected as a matter of course to accept the verdict. The result is that while the new political movements taking root in the country may grow rapidly, they will be unable to attain any very real power so long as Mr. Roosevelt is in the White House. They may in- fluence the President in determining national policies during the next year or two, owing to his need for avoiding a third party development in 1936. But as for any sort of radical drive tor power, it now seems doomed before it starts. The thought here f{s that Huey Long’s miniature Fascist dictatorship in Louisiana will go far to dispel agita- tion for any such contrivance in * ok % % However, the chief antidote to radi- calism would be jobs, and it is on jobs that thought continues to be concen- trated at the White House. What every one wants is for industry to step forward and absorb the unem- ployed. Industry contends it cannot do this until it is able to find new markets for its products. Those new markets are dependent upon reviving foreign trade or upon getting more spending power into the hands of the people. Plans under study in the fields of housing, public works, rural electrifi- cation and subsistence homesteads are designed to place every person, able to work and jobless, at some occupation. Then the aged and incapacitated would be turned back to the States and localities for cure. Stories outlining eight or nine bil- lions of dollars to be spent on this program are described as fantastic. At present nearly 2,000,000 out of 4,000,000 on relief are working for the money they receive. The cost is about $12,000,000 a month more in providing _this relief than in providing direct doles. The various programs now under consideration would put 4,000,000 to work instead of the present 2,000,000. The type of work would be altered so that it would involve production of socially use- ful structures which could be ex- pected over the years to yleld some substantial return to the Government. Self-Government for * India Seems to Be Near BY A. G. GARDINER. LONDON, December 8—If the government can hold out for another 12 months it is tolerably certain that by the end of 1935 an all-India constitution will be an accomplished fact. The reception of the joint com- mittee’s scheme, which will be the basis of the measure that the govern- ment will bring before Parliament, justifies that confidence. The scheme has, of course, been bitterly attacked both in India and at home, but that was inevitable in the case of a proposal of such mag- nitude and complexity. From the point of view of India, it falls far short of what was demanded and the first impulse reflected itself in a jour- nalistic chorus of “Reject! Reject!” From the point of view of the die- hards at home it means complete sur- render to the Indian extremists and the beginning of the end of the Brit- ish raj. But as the first storm of criticism clears away, & more sober and judicial temper is apparent in both centers of controversy, and the immensity and difficulty of the task to which the government has committed itself are becoming recognized. No experiment in constitution building on so vast a scale has been attempted in history. But India is a country nearly as big as Europe, with a population as great as that of Europe and with dif- ferences of speech, race, culture and religion as marked as, and often more merked than, those of Europe. The and com~ | tials. find the solution of | economic problems under the imme~<i I ipreme Court should decide that | some vital part of the New Deal was | unconstitutional, the opinion here 15: Capital Sidelights BY WILL P. KENNEDY. Unless some meml of Congress and their State authorities get a hustle on they will not be able to participate in the election of Speaker and other organization activities and may be There | 1ate in getting on the pay roll. You see, this is the first Congress to meet promptly after election. Heretofore a man elected to Congress has had something like 13 months between electiod and the date he took office to get his credentials in and properly vised. This time there has been only 60 days to elapse between election date on November 6 and the opening day of Congress on January 4. So, both Col. Edwin A. Halsey, secretary of the Senate, and South Trimble, clerk of the House, have sent out let- ters to those reported to be elected and to the Governors or other State authorities warning them of the urgency for prompt filing of creden- The Senate has always had the cre- BY FREDERIC J. HASKIN. For many a long year economists will be writing books about the great depression of the '30s and students will be poring over them. Previous depressions in the United States and elsewhere have evoked volumes dis- cussing causes and canvassing cures, but it is a safe prediction that scarcely the World War itself will have re- sulted in the production of so many ‘works as the depression. One of the more interesting chap- ters will relate to the contrast in ex- periences and methods in the great English-speaking countries. Although so closely akin in blood, language, manners and customs, there have been notable differences in methods pur- sued in the effort to shake off the hard times. Briefly stated, the most nota- ble difference between Great Britain dentials of those elected formally pre- sented and by a resolution adopted by the Senate on January 4 last pre- scribes the form in which they are to be sent in, signed by the Governor, witnessed by the secretary of State and bearing the official seal of the State. ‘The House, on the other hand, never hears of the credentials of a member unless the question is raised in some particular instance. In the House the submission of the certificate of elec- tion to the clerk of the House, signed by the secretary of each State, is prima facie evidence of election because the secretary of the State is the official holder of the election records, and in some cases also is chairman of the Cznvassing Board. The signature of the Governor is also added, frequently, but is not essential, although the affixing of the State seal is required. These credentials are now coming in for both the Senate and the House. One Senate credential already had to be sent back for correction. Even with 13 months in which to file the cre- dentials heretofore it sometimes hap- pened that a few would not come in until the last day. This time there has been a real rush because while in some States the Canvassing Board meets immediately to certify election of successful candidates, in other States the board does not meet for 10 days and in others not for 30 days after the election. In the Senate there are men who have the very unusual distinction of having as Governor signed their own credentials as Senator. The late Sen- ator John B. Kendrick of Wyoming was in this group. Others are Sena- tors Arthur Capper of Kansas, Hiram W. Johnson of California, Henry W. Keyes, New Hampshire; Huey P. Long, Louisiana; Richard B. Russell, jr Georgia. Senator Keyes holds a dis tinct position in this regard—he orig- inally signed his own certificate, and in a subsequent election it was signed by the then Gov. Fred H. Brown, who is now junior Senator from New Hampshire. Senator William J. Bu- low of South Dakota could have signed his own, but either a sense of mod- esty or fear it might invalidate the document caused him to leave the space blank. The certificate for A. Harry Moore of New Jersey has just come in bearing his own signa- ture as Governor. If the Congress was not meeting 5o soon after election | Senator La Follette's certificate would | be signed by his brother. | For the House certificates each State has its own form—some quite elabo- | rate, some very neat and formal, and | some decidedly meager as coming {from a great State for a high Govern- ment office. Massachusetts, New Jer- sey and Georgia are among the States | that send in attractive certificates, fitting the dignity of the office. New York and Alabama certificates are cheaply printed forms on cheap paper, Georgia not even affixing the State seal. Sometimes a House member sends in a certificate from a county Judge or prothonotary, which, of course, cannot be accepted. Some certificates have had to be sent back for correc- tion—for example, Indiana sent in some with the date wrong and Ar- kansas sent in one for the Seventy- fifth Congress, whereas the incoming Congress is the Seventy-fourth, posite community from a system of Paternal government to a system of | self-government is an adventure with- out precedent. X ® x % ‘The acid test of the scheme, which after seven years of commissions, round-table conferences and joint committees, is now about to be sub- mitted to Parliament, is not whether it achieves self-government in one dramatic and impossible stroke, but whether it is designed to make the g0al of self-government attainable, and that with all the expedition con- sistent with the interests of india. The central feature of the scheme, and that which creates the greatest dismay among the British die-hards, is the establishment of 4 central gov- ernment. If the proposal had been limited to autonomous government in the provinces, the resistance would have been negligible, but the shadow of an all-India federation, crowned with a central legislature, spells to Winston Churchill and his fellow critics of the scheme the doom of Britain in India. In a sense they are right. But if the British extremists are panic stricken at the prospect of an India consolidated on a self-governing basis, Indian opinion is no less dissat- isfled with the safeguards and reser- vations with which the new constitu- tion is to be hedged round. The Labor members who sat on the joint committee share that dissatisfaction, and for that reason did not sign the report. They will not, of course, op- pose the scheme in Parliament, but they will endeavor to make the self- governing powers of the central leg- islature more generous and effective. Many of the reservations, especially those dealing with defense and foreign affairs, are, of course, inevitable, and others—e. g, those relating to the maintenance of law and order and the suppression of terrorism—are con- ceived primarily in the interests of India. In regard to the rest, it is pointed out that the scheme is not final, but contains provisions for re- vision and the extension of powers as experience of its working dictates. * .k x ¥ Two questions remain to be an- swered. WIll the scheme go through? If it goes through, will India accept it and work 1t? On the first point, I think the -omens are eminently fa- vorable. The issue depends on whether Stanley Baldwin can carry the main current of Conservative opin- fon with him. If he does not, he will resign; but all the evidences are to the effect that he will. He has be- hind him all the most instructed and weighty- opinion of the country, ex- viceroys of India and ex-secretaries of state for India. His own devotion to this great cause is indisputable, and if he carries it through he will deserve as high a place in the national memory as that which Campbell- Bannerman won for his concession of self-government to South Africa. As to the second question, I think events will show that the answer is in the affirmative. India will ask for more, of course, and continue to work for more. But the passage of this t measure will mark such a revo- ution in Indian affairs and, inci- dentally, offer so many attractive pos- sibilities to the educated Indian that there will be no disposition to reject it and po failure to work it. e I and the United States has been that the British have followed conserva- tive and old-fashioned ideas, while the Americans have resorted to many novel and aggressive steps. This is regarded as the more remarkable, in that Great Britain was so far in ad- vance of the United States in polit- ical radicalism. At a time when Amer- ican labor had no political influence, in a party sense, when labor leaned conspicuously neither to the Repub- lican nor the Democratic side, labor, |in Great Britain, had advanced so far that a Labor party actually put a prime minister in office. The depression struck Great Brit- ain earlier than it struck the United States. Indeed, it might be said that England had been in depression 10 years before the United States felt the dulling effects. While the great- est boom in its history was being ex- perienced here, England was support- ing a huge population on the dole. One of the sharpest contrasts re- vealed is in the matter of gold. Due to pressure from the United States for increments-on the debt, which were paid, and due to failure of Euro- pean debtors to pay England what they owed her, the Bank of England was forced off the gold standard. This was regarded as something akin to disgrace and, at the least, was looked upon as a calamity. But the sequel surprised many Englishmen |in that not only did the business of | the nation fail to collapse—it actually improved. Foreign trade, which had been in the doldrums, briskened con- siderably, and internal business gained. Fundamental Difference. On the other hand, the United States, while holding the largest stock of gold which any nation ever had held in the history of the world, de- liberately went off the gold standard. The effects were varied. Little dif- ference was made in domestic trade, and whatever advantage might have been obtained from a cheaper dollar in the attraction of foreign orders seems to have been offset by the er- ratic fluctuation of the unit in for- eign markets. While suspension of the gold standard in England seems to have turned out something of & blessing, it has been difficult to find any advantage accruing from the de- liberate American suspension. At base, the fundamental difference between the Erglish and American systems of recovery has been adoption by the British of an old-fashioned belt-tightening economy. The dole was cut almost in the face of famine, economies were pressed down on the people until the budget was balanced. Taxes on the rich were kept high and every possible saving was made. In the United States there was some- thing more in the nature of a frontal attack on depression. The English shrank into a sort of defensive ball; Fifty Years Ago In The Star Fifty vears ago during the period of street railway expansion in Wash- ington proposals were madz from time to time to run car on Massachusetts Ave.! i n e s through Massachusetts avenue. They were always resisted on behalf of the resi- dents in that thoroughfare. The sub- ject was under discussion when The Star, in its issue of December 9, 1884, said: “There will probably always be dif- ferences of opinion as to the relative value of steam or horfes as the mo- tive power for street railways, but there can hardly be any question outside of those directly interested in the job as to the impropriety of sur- rendering another portion of Massa- chusetts avenue for a street railroad, as is proposed by a bill introduced in Congress yesterday. From Mount Vernon square westward to Boundary street, this avenue is unsurpassed if equaled by any street in the city for pleasant, quiet homes as well as for driving, cycling and walking, and these admirable features should not be destroyed at the demand of any corporation or speculative scheme. Before giving the matter any con- sideration whatever, Congress ought therefore to require the projectors of the scheme to bring in @ petition siguned by the owners of the major part of the property fronting on that thoroughfare between the two partic- ular points named asking for its spoliation in the manner proposed, and even then it would be quite safe to go slow and finally refuse to grant the desired franchise. There does not seem to be a public necessity at the present time for a street car lingany- where in the neighborhood of the route indicated by this bill; but if one existed, beyond any reasonable doubt, Massachusetts avenue should still not be sacrificed for the purpose. If Con- greu wants to legislate on the subject f street railway lines at all, it had far better pass a law requiring the tracks to be taken out of Pennsylvania ave- nue from the Treasury to the Capitol than to surrender one of the finest residence avenues in the city for the purpose indicated.” * ' No Car Line Wanted * X Half a century ago the scientific work of the Government was growing at a rate to suggest the combination Department of s i voted to tech- Science Proposed. Yo'ed ¥ The Star of December 13, 1884, says: “Unless there are practical objec- tions of a radical nature, it would seem wise to combine the sclentific bureaus of the Government in one general body, so that their work could be carried on with economy and har- mony. As it is now these bureaus often overlap one another and con- tact the same field, and, again, much is lost through a lack of concert. Under a commission, such as that recommended by the committee of the National Academy of Sciences, appointed to examine this subject, the bureaus could act together and the interests of science be advanced. The new department, as now proposed, would include the coast survey, the Geological Survey, the Meteorological Bureau of the Signal Office, a physical the Americans sallled forth to meet the enemy. The British, for one thing, abane doned their age-long policy of free trade and erected & protective tariff. This had the effect of increasing the activity of domestic suppliers of goods which formerly had been freely im- ported. Then there was the Ottawa Conference, which created a sort of customs union among the British fam- ily of nations. The various parts of the empire agreed to favor each other, rather than the outside world, in trade relations. There was some aid to domestic agriculture in the way of stimulating supply, thus reducing the import requirements and keeping money at home. On the whole, a short list of measures. In contrast the American expedi- ents include so many remedies that the merest list would require a vol- ume. First, there was the arbitrary closing of every bank in the country, asmajor operation undertaken in the belief that it was necessary to allow a breathing spell. Then there was the deliberate departure from the gold standard and the practical declaration that gold ownership was a public mo- nopoly. There followed the gold bonus and revaluation and then action add- ing silver to the metal monetary re- serve. Some of the American Methods. The agricultural problem, of course, was far different here as compared with England, although not different from the Canadian and Australian problems. Agriculture was put under a regime of curtailed production and market management, including & large-scale subsidization of producers, supported by the special processing tax. Then the National Recovery Administration was set up to re- make American industry and trade, putting almost all business under codes of some kind. The housing industry was stimulat- ed by special legislation, and Govern« ment organizations were set up to lend financial aid to failing enterprises. The pathway of inflation was opened wide and conscious efforts made to raise both wages and prices, especially prices. Direct relief was extended to millions and public works were under= taken on a vast scale with the pri- | mary purposes of creating jobs for the idle. In the foreign field, barter ex- changes were arranged with foreign | countries to insure supplies of certain eeded products from outside and fur- nish an outlet for surpluses here. The flexible tariff was used, together with certain codes, to keep competitive goods out of the domestic market. A move was made to enter into recipro- cal tariff agreements with foreign nations. In view of the aggressive attack being made, necessitating unprece- dented pouring out of money, any ef- fort to balance the budget, save on paper and at long range, was known to be useless. Taxes were increased all along the line, new taxes imposed, and borrowing on the most colossal of peace-time scales was resorted to | while, meantime, the printing presses stood ready to turn at a nod from the | President. The legislation was pro=- | vided authorizing such use. These are the principal contrasting | measures. No one can say with cer- tainty which, in the long run, will | prove to have been the better method. | While Great Britain appears to be re- covering more rapidly, it must be re- membered that she has been de- pressed longer. The most gratifying part of the picture is that, whatever the method pursued, both nations uow seem well on the road to a recaptured prosperity. |Zinc Cartel to Cease At the Close of 1934 BY HARDEN COLFAX. One of the most moderate and ear- | nest efforts on the part of govern- ments to control prices and production of cne of the world's important com- | modities, the zinc cartel, will soon break down as a result of economic nationalism. Its fate was sealed last week at a meeting in Paris. Just what interest has American | business in zinc? When we remember | that our country is the largest pro- ducer and consumer of zinc in the world, that Americans own or con- trol financially almost 50 per cent of the world's zinc-producing enterprises, and when we note the ever-lengthen- ing list of uses for this metal, we can realize what is involved in the tacit agreement, announced last week, that the international zinc cartel will go out of existence on January 1, 1935. ‘Three years ago, when zinc prices dropped sharply, the cartel set quotas for producing countries at some 55 per cent of capacity. Later on this was decreased to 50 per cent and then to 45 per cent. In August of this year an increase to 60 per cent was per- mitted, but prices fell. There seems to be disagreement among the mem- bers as to the basis upon which pro- duction is to be calculated, and so, unless something very unusual hap- pens, the gartel will lapse on the last day of the present year. The galvanizing industry is the largest user of zinc in the United States, accounting, according to the Bureau of Mines, for 47 per cent of the total zinc used in the United States during the past five years. Zinc is an essential constituent of die- casting alloys, and during recént years the uses of these alloys have in- creased rapidly. All sorts of articles are now being die-cast from them, such as dials and loud-speaker cases for radios, automobile parts and soda water dispensers. One of the largest markets for galvanized zinc products, the Bureau of Mines reports, is con= nected with the agricultural industry. Moreover, galvanized sheets used for roofing and housing are becoming more and more important, particus larly in rural districts, where out buildings are exposed to the weather. Zine, of course, is largely utilized also in the manufacture of brass and in paints. For the past six years the inter- national cartel has been in existence, largely concerning itself with the pro- duction of zinc, although dealing also with problems of prices. (Cop: t. 1934.) servatory, the Lighthouse Board and perhaps the Department of Agricul- ture. It would also have intimate re- lations with the Smithsonian. “Until some such separate depart- ment shall be organized it is recom- mended that a commission, 8o consti- tuted as to enjoy the confidence of the scientific world, be appointed to have general supervision of the sci- entific bureaus. This body would in- clude the heads of the various bureaus concerned and in addition the presi- dent of the National Academy of Sciences, the Secretary of the Smith- sonian, two civilians of high scientific reputation and an officer for each branch of the military service of dis- tinguished scientific attainments, with some cabinet officer as president. Such a commission would have only an ad- visory power, but they would be quali- observatory, a bureau of electrical |fled to survey the fleld of work with standards and one of weights and The t might include Bureau_of measures. also proper] Census, the Naval Ob- 1y Education, the intelligence and fairness and their recommendations would no doubt have m‘l:;h weight with the bureaus ané = "