Evening Star Newspaper, January 25, 1931, Page 28

{THE EVENING STAR With Sunday Morning Edition. WASHINGTON, D. C. BUNDAY .......January 25, 1931 THEODORE W. NOYES....Editor The Evening Star Newspaper Company Business Of ll“' Pen) c"lm At | RSN M A, Pean Office; 14 Regent St.. Londc. Eagang ¢ Rate by Carrier Within the City. 4% per month ;60¢ per month .65¢ per month T copy @ end of each month. by mall or telephoné ot B P Rl NAtional 5000. Rate by Mail—Payable in Advance. ginia, Bl All Other States ily and Sunday..ly: E:ia only unday only Membher of the Associated Press. 0 Associated Press is exclusively entitled %o the use for republication of all di matches credited to it or not of 1n this oaper and also the local news herein. rights of publication of e also reserved. Federal Aid and the District. Federal ald to the States as a na- tional policy involves many controver- sies over the function of Government that are as old as the Nation itself. The policy is now receiving the in- creased attention of students of gov- ernment, not only because of the tre- mendous amount of money involved, but because of the tendency to apply 1t in new and hitherto untrodden fields. An enlightening discussion of the broad problem is presented in this section of today’s Star and is commended as an admirable presentation of some of its important issues. Not the least of these is the comparison between total Fed- that of 1894 its numbers will decrease #s Washington is approached. “Gen.” Coxéy brought into the Capital only & few scere men, not all of whom had started from the Ohio rendezvous. Many of the originals had dropped out and some new ones had joined the ranks, attracted by the prospect of free food. But the Philadelphia “army” may grow with the miles of progress. There Im doubtless a good many idle men between here and Philadelphia with nothing better to do than to march along in possibly congenial company and with the expectation of being fed by the communities through which they pass. If the ranks increase, by the time Baltimore is reached the two hundred may have become & thou- sand, and more perhaps when Wash- ington is gained, and the problem of the support of these marchers will have become a grave one. This business of “marching on Wash- ington” is not in any way a contribu- tion to the solution of national eco- nomic problems. The Coxey “army” re- sulted in nothing at all in the way of legislation. It gave rise to & good deal of friction, caused some acute suffering and the only net outcome was the im- position upon this ecity of the burden of caring for a lot of idle men for a protracted period. If these Philadelphia marchers per- sist in their purpose and reach Wash- ington they are likely to become & charge upon the District in some num- bers. They cannot possibly advance the cause for which they plead by ap- pearing in person at the Capitol or at the White House. It would be an act of kindness for some one with per- suasive tongue to intercept them and induce them to disperse. There are no jobs for them here, and probably none in any of the cities they will pass through on the way. They are likely to suffer severely from cold and hunger. Every humane consideration suggests eral-aid appropriations in 1912 of ap- proximately $12,000,000 and the appro- priations under the same heading of $150,607,848 for 1931. This community’s interest in the question is twofold: First, from the point of view of its citizens, who con= tribute a relatively large amount in Federal taxes toward this Federal ald, in which they do not share as bene- ficlaries and in the dispensation of which they have no voice or control; second, because of the light that study of the policy sheds upon the inconsist- ent attitude of those who are opposed to increasing the inadequate support of the American Capital by the Fed- eral Government. The District of Columbia's Federal tax payments exceed those of any one of twenty-five (more than half) of the States. Its total payment of $15,724,675 is nearly equal to the combined pay- ments of the States of Arizona, Idaho, Mississippi, Montana, Nevada, New Mexico, North Dakota, South Dakota, Vermont and Wyoming, which total $15,774,342. Its per capita Federal tax payment exceeds that of Alabama, Ar- kansas, Georgls, Idaho, Mississippl, Montana, Nebraska, New Mexico, North Dakota, South Carolina, South Dakota and Wyoming combined. And these States are represented in Congress by 24 Senators and 62 Representatives, while the District has none. The District pays in Federal taxes enough to furnish every cent of the $0,500,000 lump sum appropriated for the Federal ital out of Federal rev- enue and pay into the Federal Treasury more toward the support of the Federal Government than any one, of the States of Arizona, Arkansas, Idaho, Mississippi, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Mexico, North Dakota, Oregon, South Carolina, South Dakota, Utah, Vermont or Wyo- ming. Yet the “magic” lump sum rep- resents less than 25 per cent of the cost of maintaining the Capital City, the balance of which is paid in District taxes and other revenue contributions by citizens of the District. Yet pro- posals to increase the inadequate lump- sum contribution of the Federal Gov- ernment toward its own Capital City are resisted on the grounds such in- creases are “raids” on the Federal ‘Treasury and must be fought to pro- tect the taxpayers of the Natlon at large, taxpayers who received in direct Federal subsidies $134,406435 in the fiscal year 1930. 1In its investigation of comparative tax burdens the Bureau of Efficiency sought to make some tangible estimate of the Federal Government's responsibilities toward support of its Capital on the basis of loss of revenue to the com- munity resulting from large tax-exempt Government holdings. The theory was ridiculed and condemned in the House as an unheatd-of proposition—and in- terpreted as a scheme to tax the Fed- eral Government. Yet the article in today's Star points out that beginning in 1900 the Congress has compensated the public domain States of the West for “the curtailment in their sources of revenue caused by the large areas of untaxed Federal lands within their borders by giving them a portion of the recetpts from such areas 25 per cent of the national forest reve- nue, 50 per cent of the royalties from potassium deposits and 372 per cent of the receipts from leases to oil lands and water power sites.” The charge is frequently heard that Washingtonians are beggars and mendi- cants becaus: they seek increased Fed- eral appropriations toward the increas- ing expenses of the Federal City. They are condemned because they ask any aid. Yet the table in The Star today shows that six of the States drew from the Federal Treasury more than they contributed, and two of them more than three times as much as they put in. The ten States whose total contribu- tions approximately equal those of the District of Columbia, received in Fed- eral subsidies $17,284,500.44, or one and & half millions more than they con- tributed in Federal taxes, while the District contributes in Federal taxes $6,224,675.72 more than it Teceives ghrough the lump sum. Marching on Washington. Memories of the march of “Coxey's army” in 1894 from Ohio to Washing- ton are revived by the announcement that some two hundred men started yesterday from Philadelphia to hike to the Capital to present an appeal to the President to hasten the passage of legislation for the relief of unemnloyed former soldiers. Most of the men who are marching, it was stated, are World War veterans. Others are jobless work- ing men without war records. that they turn back at once. Industry’s Problem. Governors of seven of the great in- dustrial States or their representatives are meeting in Albany in an effort to work out a plan for meeting the hazard of unemployment. The conference, called by Gov. Roosevelt of New York, embraces the chief executives, or their representatives, of New Jersey, Con- necticut, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania and Ohio. Experts on economics have been called in to ad- vise the State executives. ‘The first day of the conference indi- cated that a preponderance of opinion favors the establishment of unemploy- ment reserve funds by industry itself. If industry can afford to lay aside surplus funds for the payment of divi- dends in slack times, it is argued, then it can well afford to lay aside surplus funds to care for labor in such times. ‘The purpose of the conference is to devise, if possible, some plan which would make impossible of recurrence the conditions which are now con- fronted in the industrial States, with millions of workers out of jobs. The initiative in calling the conference was taken by Gov. Roosevelt. At the out- set of the conference the New York Governor directed attention to the fact that while the States represented com- prise only & little more than five per cent of the total area of the United States, 32 per cent of the population of the country live within the borders of those States and, 49 per cent of the wage earners, who receive 52 per cent of all the wages paid. The in- ference is thaf the duty must rest par- ticularly on these States, the industries located within them and the State gov- ernments to work out measures which will deal adequately with the employ- ment of labor. It is refreshing to find an opinion that the Federal Government is not primarily called upon to deal with the problems which should be met by the State governments and by the people and industries of the States. Neverthe- less, reference was made at the confer- ence to an alleged lack of preparation by the administration at Washington to meet the present unemployment situa- tion. This smacked of politics. One of the speakers—Prof. Willlam Lieseron of Antioch College—took the position that Red Cross and private charity aid to industrial workers in times of unemployment amounted to a subsidy to industry. He declared there was no good reason why the public should support the werkers in slack times; that this was the job of industry itself. Why, he said, should industry be in a position to say to the Red Cross or to public charity, in times of de-| pression, “You take care of these work- ers until I need them again”? A good many persons in the country will echo this question. If the Governors' Conference in New York can work out a plan which will in a measure take care of the workers in slack times without compelling them to be the charges of public charity, it will have, indeed, justified itself. —————————— There are no longer bards wha go from hall to hall to charm audiet.ces. Professional debaters now perform that office in & manner which gives general satisfaction. S e, Communists have been warned in various parts of the country that the so-called Reds must not attempt to in- terfere with the Red Cross. ————ratn. Communists Declare War. The other day several hundred radicals, generally classed as “Communists,” with a permit for a parade marched in New York to the City Hall with a set of demands to be presented to the mayor. The city's executive being 11l at home, the callers were received by the mayor's assistant. The leader of the delegation then read the list of demands which, he said, he wanted the mayer w act on immediately. These were the demands: A dole of $15 a week to unemployed single workers and $20 to $25 a week for married workers; no evictions of the unemployed; free gas, light and coal for the unemployed; & 20 pe cent reduction in rents up to $50 a month; free food and clothing for the children of the unemployed; no dis- crimination against workers because of race, color, nationality or sex; un- conditional release of all Communists who have been arrested and imprisoned because of their political beliefs. ‘These modest requirements being stated, the delegates returned to the plaza to join in a melee that had begun between the paraders and the police. A merry shindy ensued which lasted for the better part of an hour and was watched with interest by several thou® AHE SUNDAY STAR, WASHINGTON, D. C, take only a sporting interest in the agitation in their behalf, All that the delegation got from the mayor's assist- ant was an offer to pay out of his.own pocket the traveling expenses of ten Communists to Russia. There was one stipulation to this proposal: the travel- ers must remain in Russia. This did not appeal to the delegation, the lead- er of which declared that that sort of proposition was one reason why “the workers are going to change the Amer- ican system of Government. In this connection it may be appro- priate to turn to the report of the Special Committee of the House of Representatives named -to investigate Communist propaganda in this country. The committee had before it William Z. Foster, leader of the American Com- munists and their candidate for Pres- ident at a late election. He sald, In answer to questions: We stand for a workers’ and farmers’ government; a government of produc- ers, not a government of exploiters. The American capitalist Government is built and controlled in the interest of those who own the industries, and we say that the Government must be built and controlled by ‘those who work in the industries and who produce. ‘The Communist International pro- gram says “the conquest of power by the proletariat does not mean peace- ful capturing of ready-made bourgeois state machinery by means of a parlia- mentary majority. The bourgeois re- gime resorts to every means of violence and terror to safeguard and strengthen its predatory property and political domination. ~ Like the futile nobility of the past the bourgeoisie cannot aban- don its historical position to the new class without a desperate and frantic struggle; hence the violence of the bourgeoisie can only be suppressed by the stern violence of the proletariat.” So when the delegation leader in New York told the mayor's represent- ative that the workers are going to “change the American system of Gov- ernment,” he was simply reciting the Communist declaration of war against the United States. e Observations by the U. 8. Chamber of Commerce indicate that the business “dead center” has been passed and the upward swing reached. The term “psychological depression” was invented years ago. The students of mental phenomena agree that such a thing may exist and also that it must yleld to the influence of industry and normal occupation. et “Short selling is foolish,” says George F. Baker, dean of American bankers. Mr. Baker is ninety years of age and with opportunities for a lifetime of financial observation is naturally re- garded as likely to know exactly what he is talking about. r——— ‘There are politicians who, while ad- mitting that prohibition is not altogether satisfactory as a social experiment, continue to be convinced that it has lost none of its vigor as a campaign issue. e ————————— Leaving the police to clear away of- fenders against various forms of law, Senator Howell of Nebraska will con- duct a campaign of concentration on Satan’s most prominent satellite at present, “Demon Rum.” - o A habit of political thought has been developed which causes every public expression on economic topics to be scrutinized primarily for any effect it may have on the next presidential cam- paign. e ——————— A speaker who asserts that bootleg- gers have charmed lives has evidently neglected to read all the news about underworld personages who have been “put on the spot.” —r———————— A homicide mystery continues to pro- duce clues for an indefinite length of time. The main effect is to keep the police reporter from cherishing any hope of & five-day week. J—— Again all American citizens are pre- paring to meet any demand for income tax, with the possible exception of Al Capone and his personal friends. SHOOTING STARS. BY PHILANDER JOHNSON. The Craving for Oratory. Oh, why should unemployment be A threat to any man, It he some little chance may see ‘To talk as best he can? ‘The soap box should be cast aside As something insecure; But any one with eager pride May start a lecture tour. The topic does not matter much If it permits the choice Of language which the heart will touch And exercise the voice. So do not linger to explain The wants that you endure, But take the way to ready gain And start a lecture tour. Uses of Investigation. “Why do you insist on so many in- vestigations?” “It seems absolutely necessary,” sald Senator Sorghum, “to start a new in- vestigation in order to take the public mind off the most recent one.” Jud Tunkins says pretend to be good- natured even if you don't feel that way. 1t's & case where pretense is respectable ‘cause it shows your heart is in the right place even if your dispositon isn't s0 good. Gruesome Conviviality. The party drank wood alcohol, And matters went from bad to worse. A joy-ride has no joy at all When taken partly in a hearse. In the Heights. “Don’t you admire the Shakespearean drama?” “There are two forms of entertain- ment,” replied Miss Cayenne, “that I can't properly appreciate. One is Shakespeare and the other is a trapeze performance. They are both too far over my head. “Great men,” said Hi Ho, the sage of Chinatown, “are often men in reality not very large, but highly magnified by popular imagination.” Not Too Late. The New Year Resolution’s run Its course. But face the worst, For you can make another one Much better than the first. “Don't worry if you happens not to be handsome,” sald Uncle Eben. “Re- member dat de elephant is regarded as '.,A I this “army” has an experience ke sang “unemployed,” Who seemed 0 de most yalugble animal in de clrcus” CLEAN BY THE RIGHT REV. JAMES JANUARY 25, 1931—PART TWO. PAGES E. FREEMAN, D. D, LL. D, gton. Bishop of Washin, ©Old diaries are interesting and pro- voke reminiscence, The line-a-day diary enables us to make comparison year by year with events past and gone. If we read between the lines we are enabled to note the evidences of progress or de- cline in our physical, mental and spirit- ual life. Some of us would hesitate as we reach maturity to turn to pages that record the events of our earlier life. There are some things that we would ly wish to remember. There are some pages solled and stained by misad- ventures, mishaps and failures. It is better to forget these if we can. I doubt not that some would like to re- ‘write the story of their youth and to re- vise the record of its happenings, There is an old maxim that “sixteen decides sixty,” which implies that the habits, practices, outlooks and ideals of the teen age have a determining effect upon the whole after-period of life. Of course we witness exceptions to this general rule, but there is much to be said for it. Youth is plastic and susceptible to influ- ences that play about it and upon it. Youth receives impressions that have lasting effects, There is no period of life that needs to be more securely guarded than this impressionable period when we are laying the foundations for a fu- ture career. Hence, the importance of keeping clean the pages that record the incidents of earlier years. The words of the wise man have a dee& significance: “Remember thy Creator in the days of thy youth, before the evil days come, and the years draw nigh, when thou shalt say, I have no pleasure in them.” In the many contacts and interviews T have from time to time with men and women who in their mature life have met with disappointments, misfortunes and failures, it is disheartening and tragic to note that these later miscar- riages are in almost every instance di- rectly traceable to incidents relating to their youth. Very frequently these later misfortunes seem, in the light of the resent, to be illogical and unwarranted, ut when traced consistently to the causes that produced them we discover their genesis in the {ll-founded and un- founded impressions of early life. g instances that came under our observation recently illustrate ‘what we have in mind. One was the case of a man of outstanding distinc~ tion, eminently successful, who, in re- A upon later phenomenal ca- reer, declared that it was due solely to the humble, simple home in which he was trained by God-fearing, high- minded parents. “I do not deserve any credit for what I have achieved, I trace it directly back to_those early years s Mothing i the pages of his early was s of early life to regret; he hnmm them clean. ‘The second case was that of & woman of real refinement, who was suffering under the shadow of a domestic mis- fortune. The story she told was dra- matic and tragic, and it was directly traceable, so she said, to an unformed or mistaken judgment reached in the days of her girlhood. All through the years that followed she had carried a|ton burden that increased with the passing of time. She could not dismiss from her mind the memory of those early days when without reflection or serious consideration she had entered upon an experience that was to prove disastrous. It was another illustration of the old dictum, “Sixteen decides sixty.” We have somehow forgotten in our hurried life today the old maxim: up & child in the way that he should go and when he is old he will not depart from it.” There is no period in life needs more consideration and att and direction than that of youth. MNducation, refined environ- ment, congenial friends, all these con- tribute much, but repeatedly we have known cases where youth was environed by these elements and yet lacked the one supreme essential, a moral and spiritual background. It is little wonder that the great Master gave His greatest and most tender consideration to the needs of childhood and youth. One of the sternest declarations that ever fell from His lips was, “Whoso shall offend one of these little ones which believe in Me, it were better for him that a millstone were ged about his neck and that he were drowned in the depths of the sea.” Clean pages in youth mean clean pages in all the years that follow. Burning Question Is Whether Hoover Is a Prohibition Revisionist, and How? BY WILLIAM HARD. At this week end the Wickersham re- port still has Washington in the grip of a sort of circular insanity in which retainists of the eighteenth amendment and repealists and revisionists chase one another about in a merry-go-round, which has become a whirling blur. One of the secretaries of the President re- marked the other day: “What we need is a prohibition glos- sary, so that everybody will at least know the meaning of the title of the faction to which he belongs.” Acting upon this helpful hint, this writer proceeds to attempt to display the teachings and tendencies of the various prohivition factions of the Cap- ital City, with special reference to the President’s membership in all or none of them, * X X X The retainists, to begin with, are those who wish to keep the eighteenth amendment and the Federal prohibition enforcement laws exactly as they are, except for minor changes in the en- forcement laws tending toward an en- forcement more competent and more effective. In this school of thought the Republicans, proportionately to their numbers, are more prominent than the Democrats—that is, the percentage of Republicans in our politically doubtful States who are retainists is larger than the percentage of Democrats who are retainists. * K ok X Last Wednesday the President, in con- sequence of his wording of his message to Congress conveying to it the find- ings of the Wickersham Commission, was confidently classified as a complete retainist. ‘Thursday morning, in the midst of arising out of conversa- tions between newspaper correspond- ents and White House officials, classification of the President began to appear dubious. By Friday it was defi- nitely ascertained, and this writer here definitely and with absolute assurance states, that the President is not neces- sarily a complete retainist. What he actually is can truthfully be said to be a matter requiring prolonged further research, even by himself. He does not claim that he has explored the subject all the way through to its ulti- mate finalities. His mind, in a degree, at any rate, is open. In another degree, nevertheless, it is closed. Whatever the President is in this prohibition dispute, there is one thing that he is not. He is not a repealist. This is really sure. It is fixed. The President himself has said it, and no subsequent mist of abatement or ex- tenuation of it has arisen from the ‘White House grounds * *x x % The President profoundly believes that the Federal Government has a function, some sort of function, what- ever it may be, in the liquor problem. A repealist, & mere sheer re) ist, by simply leln‘[ the eighteenth amend- ment out of the Constitution, would simply and totally take the liquor prob- lem out of the Federal fleld. He would restore it totally to the 48 fields of the 48 States. ‘The President, for the liquor problem, is, in some degree, at any rate, a Fed- eralist. He thinks that the liquor prob- lem has national aspects and requires at any rate some or many national pro- hibitory or_supervisory restrictions and controls. He therefore is not and, so far as present calculations can be projected, will never be, a repealist. ‘Thus an arrival is made at the cli- matic and clamorous question: Is the President a revisionist? * ok x x Last Wednesday the President in his Wickersham report message to the Con- gress sald that he objected to the “pro- posed revision” which that report con- tained. On Thursday and Friday a specific rumor was circulated that the President’s original draft of his message was narrower in its condemnation of revision. His objection, originally, it was asserted, was directed against “this particular proposed revision.” ‘The President, it is well known, has the habit of consulting large numbers of his intimates regarding the wording of his messages and speeches. In the course of the consultations this in- stance the word “particular,” or some such word, got temporarily or negligently edited out and then, by reason (it is as- serted) of haste or by reason of error or by reason of the numerousness of the clutter of cooks surrounding the visionist. Simultaneously, however, by the explicit statements of his closest friends, he is not necessarily any va- riety of revisionist. A reeling Wash- ington then inquires: What variety of revisionist, if any, does the President now think himself to be, or fmagine he ever may possibly become? O To_this inquiry the best answer ob- tainable from the most intimately in- formed sources may be expressed as follows: ‘The President is not promoting re- visionist plans. He is willing to look at them when presented to him. He has looked at one, the Wickersham one, and he has not liked it. It is thinkable that some day somebody might show him ene that he would not dislike altogether. Presumably it would have to combine the element of Fed- eral responsibility and the element of local responsibility in an amalgam not yet published or patented by any known legislative chemist. ‘Till the President has seen the plan which thus would merit his approval, he is not a revisionist. Since, however, he is willing to peruse such a plan for possible approval, he is not an anti- revisionist. The scholastic logician would be obliged to classify him boldly and clearly as a non-anti-revisionist. * X kX Virtually all Washington is thereupon thrown into acute anguish and men- tally besieges the gates of the White House, crying: “To what promised land, precisely, do we go under the folds of this banner of non-anti-revisionism?” That a presidential response to that plea will some day be forthcoming is here regarded generally as certain. There are two reasons for this opinion. In the first place, the President’s sup- porters in the Congress are getting restive under the discrepancies between the prohibition opinions expressed by the President and the prohibition opinions expressed on behalf of the President by his associates. In the second place, some of those associates are known to have prophesied that the next Republican national platform will contain a revisionist plank. They are confident that the Presi- dent can do the contriving and the combining necessary. The Red Sea was wet. The Israelites went across it dry. Some such miracle is expected out of non-anti-revisionism. (Copyright, 1931.) e Late Slump Less Than That Suffered in 1921 BY HARDEN COLFAX. In all of the talk here last week about unemployment there has come a grain of comfort, furnished by the Federal Reserve Board. Through a re- port on results of its economic survey for 1930 the board discloses that in three great classifications—factory, coal mining and railroad labor—fewer per- sons lost their jobs during the past year than in 1921, during the post-war de- flation. Figures taken from the board’s report show that the average number of per- sons employed by factories, coal mines and railroads last year was 9,508,000 and that these same groups employed an average of 10,855,000 during 1929. Thus, the decline from 1929 to 1930 was 1,347,000. The same statistics of the board show that 11,919,000 employes were on the pay rolls of factories, coal mines and railroads in 1920 and 9,328,000 in 1921. The decline, therefore, was 2,591,000, nearly double the falling off in the cur- rent depression. i There is yet another way to look at the comparison in the report of the board. The total annual factory wage is given. This shows that factory pay rolls in 1929 totaled $11,462,000,000 and that in 1930 the total was $9,316,000,000, a drop of approximately $2.150,000,000. To go back 10 years again, the 1920 pay roll in factories aggregated $12,- 562,000,000, but the 1921 pay roll had fallen off to $8,200,000,000, a decrease of $4,350,000,000, or an amount more than double that which has been shown for the period from 1929 to 1930. Generally speaking, it may be said that economists accept the Federal Reserve gpolllng of the broth, never got edited | figures as being as nearly accurate as ack. o 0 5. ‘This story this writer believes to be true in essence. True or not, however, it corresponds to the President’s actuai state of mind. From many of his closest friends it is well known to many newspaper correspondents that _the President, while believing that the Fed- eral Government has a function in the liquor ~question, believes also that the State governments have a function in it. The Wickersham Commission’s rropoud revision commits the whole liquor problem to the Congress and leaves the solution of the problem still entirely Federal. For that reason, if for no other, the President cannot bring himself to accept it. He at the same time is not condemning, and has never condemned, the revision theory as a whole. The pivot of that theory is that some sort of Federal intervention in the liquor problem must continue. The repealists, strictly so called, return the problem totally to State jurisdiction. The revisionists, strictly so called, per- petuate Federal jurisdiction, complete or partial. The Wickersham Commis- sion revisionists perpetuate it complete. ‘The President, by own _explicit & 0ok e any statistics published in Governinent quarters. The point to these statistics is, it is suggested, that while they make no pretense at embracing the entire category of employment, they cover a list of the major groups that can be used to demonstrate the extent of un- employment at a time when statistics are being quoted with reckless abandon, and the conclusions, naturally enough, are hopelessly in conflict. * k% x In explanation of the smaller number of men employed even in the boom year of 1929, in comparison with other years, the board observes, in the course of an analysis of conditions from 1900 to 1930, that changes of vast import had taken place in industrial methods. These changes, of course, more directly concerned that larger list of the three named—manufacturing. “During the period from 1900 to 1930," the board says, “the number of workers employed in factories was almost doubled, while the physical volume of output of manufactures increased three- fold. This slower rate of increase in employes was the result both of the introduction of labor-saving devices in established industries and the relatively more rapid growth in qutput of new Capital Sidelights BY WILL P. KENNEDY. Representative Willlam J. Granfleld of Springfleld, Mass., one of the new- comers in the House, who was recently introduced by Senator David I Walsh of Massachusetts as being the man who started the Democratic landslide in the ald Bay State, was calling attention of his colleagues in the cloak room the other day to the fact that many of the most prominent members of Congress were either born or educated in Mas- Jachusetts. Among those whom he mentions particularly are: Senator Bur- ton K. Wheeler of Montana, who was born at Hudson, Mass., and educated in the public_schools of Massachusetts; Mrs, Ruth Pratt of New York, who was born in Ware, Mass., and educated at Dana Hall, Wellesley, and Wellesley College, Massachusetts; Representative James M. Fitzpatrick of New York City, who was, born in West Stockbridge, Mass.; Frederick M. Davenport of Clin- n, N. Y., who was born in Massachu- setts, and Dan Sutherland, who records himself in the Congressional Directory as “fifth and last term” delegate from Alaska, who as a youth romped around the North Shore at Essex, Mass, and subsequently engaged in the fish busi- ness in Salem, Mass., and thence went to Nome, Als.sk:. thirty years ago. * % ‘The 18 former members who served in previous Oongresses and are coming back to the Seventy-second Congress are: Representatives Augustine Loner- an, Connecticut; J. Earl Major, Il nois; Virgil Chapman, Ralph Gilbert and Fred M. Vison, all of Kentucky; Willlam P. Cole and David J. Lewis. both of Maryland; C. C. Dickinson, Samuel J. Major, Clyde Williams and James F. Fulbright, all of Missouri; J. N. Norton and A. C. Shallenberger, both of Nebraska; Alfred L. Bulwinkle and Zebulon Weaver, both of North Caro- lina, and F. B. Swank of Oklahoma. Augustine Lonergan first came to Congress in 1913, and served three terms, retiring to become a candidate for the United States Senate. J. Earl Major of Illinois served in the Sixty-eighth and Seventieth Congresses. Virgil Chapman of Kentucky served in the Sixty-ninth and Seventieth Con- gresses, He was a pioneer in org: - tion of the tobacco growers of Kentucky and near-by States into co-operative marketing associations. Ralph Gilbert of Kentucky got an itching for the job of Congressman when his father, George @ilmore Gil- bert, served from 1899 to 1907. He him- self studied at the University of Vir- ginia. He served as Shelby County Judge from 1910 to 1917. He served eight years in Congress, and was con- spicuous in the work of the House District Committee. William P. Cole of Maryland served in the Seventieth Congress, and is a graduate of Maryland University. He is 8 graduate engineer as well as a lawyer. He is an overseas ex-service man, & graduate of the Fort Myer officers’ training camp, and was promoted te captain in France, s ‘The august United States Senate paused in its strife the other day to pay a notable tribute to a veteran employe about the Capitol who, in an unssum- ing way, had performed important work in the development of the Capital City and in the building up of Uncle Sam’s workshop. Senator Caraway presented a tribute to “Bud” Brown, as he was known by his friends, who had been employed for 26 years as superintendent of construc- tion in the office of the architect of the Capitol. He supervised the construction of the Senate Office Building, the Na- :fonal Memorial Amphitheater at Arling- ton and the Interior Department Build- ing. Senator Caraway said: “His whole heart and all his time, and all of his abilities went into the service of his Government. He was a genius in his way, and, above all, he was the most humane man I ever knew.” Senator Caraway also included in the record, a poem, entitled “Bud Brown Promoted,” which was written by one of his fellow employes, Horace C. Car- lisle. Chicago Criticizes New York From the Chicago Daily Tribune. New York’s scandal of morals enforce- ment is a study for the whole country. It is an exhibit of law and police methods at their worst. The law ex- ceeded the requirements of intelligent provision for public decorum, decency and morality, The police detailed to enforce it proceeded to excesses which, as revealed, put odium on the whole system of justice. It is more than a New York incident. It is an American episode and if examined might yield the true formula of American reform and its results. ‘The consequences in the New York case are shocking. Women were framed and entrapped. Unscrupulous investi- gators blackmailed offenders who ought to have been arrested and railroaded victims against whom there was no credible evidence. The morals courts were speeded up for summary punish- ment and the woman who entered was virtually lost. It is an unbelievable picture of ruthlessness, one of insensate persecution, of police cruelty and turpi- tude. Scores of young women are discovered to have been illegally committed to in- stitutions. Whether they were guilty or not, they were not imprisoned by legal process. Innocent women were exposed to shame. The courts appear to have been indifferent to the possibil- ities of the situation and to have been no protection to citizens placed in moral jeopardy by the depravity of the officers and their stool pigeons. Considerate and intelligent people are dismayed by the consequences of this vicious administration of law in the name of morality, and they cannot es- cape the conclusion that these conse- quences are inherent in the methods to which American reform is addicted. Instead of enforcing law properly de- vised for the requirements of a public problem, it prowls. It endeavors to incite the offense for which it has a penalty prepared. It is not a guardian of public interests, but a persecutor of the individual. It esteems virtue to be a tally of victims. Virtue is in a way of becoming the great American vice. industries—such as petroleum and au- tomobiles—that use less labor per unit of product. * ok ok x “During the war years the number of factory employes increased at a rate almost as rapid as production. In 1921 the decline in employment was large, and since that time, while the number of factory employees has increased somewhat, the war-time total has not been reached. During each of the pe- riods of business recession since the war methods of factory production have been so reorganized as to require less labor, and in the ensuing periods of Lusiness activity the total volume of factory employment has not regained its former level. Other occupations, however, have absorbed a share of the workers Teleased from the factories.” PLANTING FOR THE FUTURE BY FREDERIC J. HASKIN. A treasure hunt that is part of a treasure distribution program and that will last for five years is under way. It is national In scope, extending coast to coast and from Canada to the Rio Grande, and it is concerned with a commodity which, like the biblical loaves and fishes, increases with distri- bution, Briefly, the treasure is trees and its coin is nut seeds that will Pfiy inestimable dividends, according to for- esters. ‘The first step in the treasure hunt, which is being conducted from the headquarters of the National Nut Tree Planting Project in Washington, D. C., is a search for nut-bearing trees on historic grounds; the second is the gath- ering of the seeds from these famous trees, and the third, which involves the co-operation of the United States De- partment of Agriculture, includes the grading and testing of the seeds and their distribution for planting by Boy Scouts all over the United States. ‘The co-operation of individuals and organizations has been asked task of securing the seeds that will con- tribute to distant homes esthetic, eco- nomic and sentimental values. Because every community possesses hallowed ground, cherished by it, but perhaps unknown to the council in charge of the project, an appeal is being made for those who are informed to send the names of their local shrines to the headgquarters in the Nation’s Capital, Persons who do this become a part of a conservation program that will as- sure the perpetuation of trees of useful species and the stimulation of patriotic sentiment by the planting of trees with traditions. If they secure permission for the gath- ering of nuts on these grounds, they have increased their service immeas- urably. It goes without saying that the e gift to this forestry enterprise sending of nuts during the golden vs of “nutting time.” At the present time & survey is being made both to discover the places that have had a part in the development of America and to find ones which nut-bearing trees. State officials will be asked to furnish the names of grounds assoclated with men or events supr is the da in the | bearing trees on the grounds. In many cases this is true, but in many in- stances—enough to make persistence, from |and patience worthwhile—nut trees have been found after careful search. How many people know that there is only one single-leaf conifer th North America, the pinyon or single-leaf pine, and that it not only yielded the Winter provision of the Indians, but that it now yields an annual harvest of pine nuts convertible into cash? As early as 1833, Zenas Leonard, the clerk of Capt. Joseph R. Walker, who was the first westbound white man to cross the Sierras, makes note of this tree that played so important & part in the home economics of the Indian. John C. Fremont in his memoirs also refers to this species, which was the cause of bloody battles fought by the Plutes and Washoe tribes over possession of the territory in which the prolific trees grew. ‘The Indians gather after hard frosts to collect the cones that yield the nu- tritious seed or nuts after being exposed to the sun or artificial heat. The seeds are eaten after they are roasted or are dried and ground into meal. The white man has now discovered this delicacy, and four carloads of pine nuts were shipped to distant markets after the past season. The Indians were paid about $35,000 for this commodity, which is new to Eastern markets, Pinyon Thrives in West, Nevada is the State in which the pinyon_ tree thrives, and California, Utah, Idaho and Arizona know it, too. Because it is important economically and is associated with many of the | stirring events of covered-wagon days, | it has a place in the National Nut Tree | Planting Project, and it will be included with the better known black walnut, shell and shagbark hickory, butternut and beech trees, the planting of which is being urged by the men in charge of the tree planting project because they are among the hardiest and most use- ful nut trees in America. It is known that such famous grounds as those of Mount Vernon, Arlington and Monticello possess nut-bearing that have achieved mention in the pages of history, For example, there is the birthplace of Thomas Edison in Milan, Ohio, and the site of one of the first cotton mills in the country in vanished town of Tridelphia, Md. Careful Research Conducted. The shelves of the Library of Congress are to be searched for books that will throw light upon places not generally known, but which should given recognition for their contribution to the country’s progress. Ridgeland, S. C,, is an example of this class of place, for the home of a signer of the Declaration of Independence, Thomas Heyward, jr., trees, and for more than a decade nuts have been obtained from the home of George Washington and sent into dis- tant States for planting, with the re- sult that descendants of the stately walnuts are growing in 19 States, More recently seeds from the home of George ‘Washington Parke Custis and Robert E. Lee, now a national cemetery, and from Jefferson’s estate have been nationally distributed. However, elementary rea- soning shows that this limited number of trees cannot furnish the quantity of seeds necessary to conduct & planting program of 5,000,000 trees in five years, the goal of the project. Moreover, 1t was the original pur- and the old White Hall plantation built before the Revolution are found there. One obstacle is generally thrown up to bar the progress of the researchers who are doing their work at long dis- tance. They say that usually after they have discovered some place that should be memorialized, the local authorities express their willingness to co-operate and their regret that there are no nut- Fifty Years Ago In The Star The District had no Public Utilities Commission half a century ago to regu- Subscribers Protest tine e and- estab- New Telephone Rates. lish service st andards. Hence there was constant friction be- tween the corporations and the public in respect to these matters. The tele- phone was only a few years old when trouble arose on the score of the rates for the use of the new means of com- munication. In The Star of January 25, 1881, is the following: “The meeting at Lincoln Hall yester- day, both by its size and character, showed that the subscribers to the tele- phone exchange are very much in earnest in opposing the new rates pro- posed by the company. The latter as- sert that they are not making any divi- dends, and are not likely to unless they raise the rates. Further, that their rates are much lower than in other cities. “As to the matter of dividends, they cannot expect to make much in the way of net profits while in the period of or- ganization and construction. Scarcely any business company expects to do this. Instead of raising prices they should seek to make their enterprise profitable by enlarging its scope and the number of subscribers—in short, by making it so cheap a convenience that its subscribers could be reckoned by thousands instead of by hundreds. “At any rate, they had better revise their new schedule at once. It is ob- jectionable to the subscribers in almost every particular, and they are evidently quite in the temper, if it is insisted upon, to discard the telephone alto- gether, or to encourage the organization of a competing company that is not loaded down with a royalty to the pres- ent Bell monopoly. The subscribers here do not care whether the charges are heavier elsewhere than in Washing- ton or not. They feel that they pay now all that the convenience is worth to them, and that if higher rates are insisted upon they will do without it.” * * ok “Gen. Tom Thumb and His Beauti- ful Little Wife and Their Unique Par- Tom Thumb Ticket lor Enter- tainment Scale Causes a Row. and Museum of Living Wonders” were showing for a week at Lincoln Hall 50 years ago, the fact be- ing proclaimed in the advertising col- umns of The Star, with the announce- ment that the admission to the show was 10 cents, with “seats 10 cents extra.” The charge for seats evidently was not known to some of the younger patrons, as the following letter signed “Two Little Girls” printed in The Star of January 27, 1881, indicates: “Please put a piece in the paper for boys and girls not to go to the Tom Thum Show. They pretend to charge only 10 cents admigsion, and when you get in you have to pay 10 cents more for a seat, or you can't see any- thing. We only had 10 cents to get in with, and couldn't see a thing. Our money was just throwed away.” ‘Whether it was due to this plaint or not, action was had in the matter of the alleged imposition, as indicated by the lra%l{owmg in The Star of January ‘The appearance of Gen. Tom ‘Thumb and his manager at the Police Court this morning attracted a great deal of attention. Officer Harlow swore out a warrant against H. R. Jacobs, the manager of the Tom Thumb Museum, for selling reserved seats in Lincoln Publication of the report of the Re- serve Board's statis which was done in a routine way as the figures were not the result of a special study, caused renewed interest to attach to the recent statement by Col. Arthur Woods, the chairman of the Prestdent’s Emer- gency Commission on Employment. In his testimony before the Senate Com- mittee on Appropriations in response to the La Follette resolution, Col. Woods made reference to the similarity of con- ditions now and in 1921. He drew no direct comparison, being content to say that in so far as economic phases of the problem were concerned, the sit- uation was comparable. This time, however, there has been a drought that wrecked the potential buy- ing power of hundreds of thousands in the “rural communities and smaller cities dependent upon the prosperity of the farmer to live, in the last year, a condition that did not obtain in 1921. This factor obviously has added to the list of unemployed in & manner that permits of no accurate calculation, (Copyrights 18310 Hall after the performances began. ‘They deposited $5 collateral and imme- diately left the court with a view, as they stated, of forf-iting the collateral and thereby avoiding a trial. The managers have advertised an admission fee of ten cents and have drawn large crowds to the hall, and persons find on entering that they cannot get & seat unless they pay ten cents more. This has created a great deal of confusion and some feeling against the manage- ment, as many of the children could not pay the extra ten cents and were consequently forced to stand in the rear where they were not able to see any- thing. There is a law against any theater or other place of amusement selling seats after the performance be- gins, but has never been enforced, though repeat-dly violate ‘This court was_on Friday. Lilliputians advertise- rday Star [ 4E ended Baturday night. ment of the show in the was -changed to re pose of the sponsors of tI forestry program to couple with tree planting increased interest in all heroes and historic events of American history and thereby stimulate patriotic sentiment. The dual purpose of the project is to Dergemlu native nut trees and link with their growth and development the history and memorial values of great men, institutions and events. New Geneva Peace Pledge Is Lacking in Securities BY A. G. GARDINER. LONDON, January 24.—Foreign Sec- retary Henderson’s blunt speech to the League of Nations Council this week struck a new and much-needed note at Geneva. ‘The Council then solemnly passed a resolution denouncing the irresponsible talk in various quarters concerning the possibility of an internaf War, pointing out the evil results of this in aggravating the economic depression in Europe and declaring in the names of the 27 subscribing statesmen a collec- tive assurance of European peace and a resolute determination to use the ma- chinery of the League to prevent any resort to violence. This is an excellent affirmation. But why was it necessary? Have not all the signatory powers already signed the covenant of the League forbidding war and the Kellogg pact outlawing war, not to speak of the Locarno treaty guaranteeing the peace of the Rhine- land? * kK ¥ “If these assurances are not sufficient, it is not likely that the hastily drafted resolution at Geneva_ will ‘restore con- fidence. The fact is that the irresponsi- ble talk which the Council condemns is due to the failure of the great pow- ers to do anything to clothie their pious words in deeds. This was the burden of Henderson'’s formidable indictment. Europe in particular and the world in general are economically stagnant and politically disturbed chiefly because confidence, on which alone prosperity can be founded, is entirely absent from international relations. Henderson said that the only effective way of making an end to war talk is for the nations to_carry out honestly and speedily the policy of collective disarmament, to which all the League governments are pledged. So far as Great Britain is concerned, she acknowledges no alli- ances except the covenant of the League and the Kellogg pact, nor recog- nizes any as friends who refuse to carry the cause of disarmament to victory. * kR The talk of imminent war, which is so prevalent on the continent, is fren- zied and mischievous, but the talk is intelligible enough, in view of the facts, and Henderson puts his finger on the root of the trouble in denouncing the failure to disarm in fulfillment of the Versailles treaty provisions. It is pre- posterous to suppose that Germany will permanently accept the monstrous sit- uation in which she is disarmed and all her frontiers are bristling with foreign bayonets. Aristide Briand is sensible enough and a good European enough to under- stand the peril of such an attempt to imprison a nation, but why does he not tell France boldly that the nonsense must end, even though he perishes in the enterprise? He affixed his signa- ture with the rest to the Council’s peace |pledge, but that resolution should be directed not against irresponsible scare- mongers, but against the nations whose obstinate policy makes scaremongers inevitable. * KX ko x ‘The irony of the situation is fllus- trated by what happened Thursday. While the League Council at Geneva was trying to fix a date for that elusive disarmament conference which has been imminent for years, and while the 27 foreign ministers were signing the pledge of European peace, the government of Belgium, which was a signatory of this i pledge, was engaged in introducing vast estimates for continuing the French fortifications along the Belgo-German {rontier, This is a part of the fruits of the Franco-Belgian alllance formed after the war against Germany, and yet both Belgium and France are signatories c: the League covenant and the Kellogg pact and have a further guarantee under the Locarno treaty. Is it to be assumed that neither the covenant nor the treaty is worth the paper it is writ= ten on? * ok % k The truth, as the Manchester Guard- ian observes, is that the European: countries are trying to live in two in- consistent worlds. They are seeking peace officially through such construc- tive measures as the League covenant, the Locarno treaty and the Kellogg pact, but at the same time are refusing to give up their belief in guns. ‘While this practical repudiation of the policy of pacification continues, the return of confidence is prevented and the political and economic reconstruc- tion of is impossible. But why complain of irresponsible talk when European statesmanshi) { mountains » p is of explosive material? (Copyrisht. 19312