Evening Star Newspaper, August 17, 1930, Page 26

PRINCE OTTO BATTLES FOR HUNGARY THRONE Adherents in Hungary Declare Disso-| lution of Parl Was I (Continued From Third Page.) timist cause, said defiantly that the law was not worth the ink with which it was written, The legitimists in Hungary do not form a party of their own. One finds them in nearly all non-Socialist parties, except, of course, in the small group of Republicans, which has very little to say. It is therefore all the more diffi- cult to get a reliable estimate of the numerical strength of 1 o can only say that its and sometimes decisive. more adherents among the 4.700.600 Catho- lics than among the 2,000,000 Prot- estants. ‘While Budapest was still in the hands of Bela Kun, Admiral Miklos de Horthy the later regent, rallied the nationalist forces of the country in the provincial town of Szegedin, and Count Istvan Bethlen did the same in Vienna. After the short Rumanian occupation of Buda- pest, after the Communists had aban- doned the capital, Horthy marched into the city at the head of what was then called the “white army.” to distinguish 1t from the red military force. Friedrich was then premis: and Arch- duke Joseph played an important role in the political arena at that time. He was looked upon as placeholder of the absent King Karl, and in this capacity he issued a number of proclamations in the name of the dynasty. Seven months passed. In March, 1920, the National Assembly was elected and made Admiral Horthy Regent of Hungary. Later the Assembly was replaced by a Lower and an Upper House. Karl Sought Restoration. ‘The most notable occurrences in the period that followed the downfall of the bolshevists were the two attempts of Karl to win back his throne. The first was undertaken at Easter, 1926, when Karl traveled under an assumed namé with a false passport from his exile in Switzerland to Vienna and crossed the Hungarian border in a horse carriage in company of Count Thomas Erdoedy. He passed the night at Szombathely, in the residence of the local bishop, Count Mikes, and proceeded the next morning to Budapest by automobile Here Karl had a lengthy talk with the regent, who tried to explain the situa- to the King, and finally persuaded him to retire to Szombathely and from there to_Switzerland. iament in 1919 nvalid. ered from his tragic experience. A few months later he died of inflammatiorf of the lungs. | Karl's second bid for power caused consternation in the cabinets of the | allies and especially in the capitals of | the little entente. ~ The possible con- sequences of a Hapsburg restoration had been demonstrated vividly to the statesmen at Prague, Belgrade and Bucharest. Something had to be done. | In the treaty of Trianon the question is not dealt’ with, but is left to the discretion of Hungary. | Dethronement Enacted. |, Now the powers biought pressure to | bear on the country and demanded the passage of a law that was to make {an end of the Hapsburg threat. The National Assembly had no choice but to declare the dethronement of the Hapsburgs. At the same time the allies |could not prevent it from adding & | clause that the law was voted under foreign pressure, which in other words | means “force majeure.” Since this experience in the Fall of 11921 and the adoption of this law the Hungarian government has adhered to the policy that for external and also | for “internal” reasons the decision on | the question of a monarfchy must be | indefinitely postponed. “It is not a | problem of actuality,” Premier Bethlen | declared repeatedly It is said that one of the motives for Karl's escond attempt was a rumor that Archduke Albrecht was aspiring to the throne and that he had the | support of the free electionists. who | favored him on the ground that he was as much a descendant of the old Mag- yar dynasty of the Arpads as of the Hapsburgs.* It cannot be denied that such plans existed. Albrecht himself | kept in the background, but his am- | bitious mother, Isabella, was active and | spent large sums in his behalf. The recent visit of Albrecht at Stee- nokkerzeel, where he pledged his un- | conditional aliegiance to Otto and for- | mally recognized him as head of the | family and only legitimate heir of the | throne, has ended this division. ~A | short time ago it was reported that Albrecht intended to conclude a mor- | ganatic marriage with the divorced | wife of a Hungarian diplomat and that | Otto had promised to give his consent, | which is indispensable for a law-abid- |ing Hapsburg archduke. H Popular Choice Awaited. | [ However, the elimination of Al- brecht from the list of throne candi- | During Karl's return journey through | Austria the Red railroad employes tried to mob the former monarch at Bruck- on-Mur. Although the international situation was clearly against him, Karl, dates does not settle the question as | to whether Otto will be the future| King or whether a more suitable prince | will be found. The full fledged legiti- who was badly advised by ambitious friends, made A second effort to return in October, 1921. He knew that he could not count on Horthy or Bethlen, who was then already premier, and that he would have to force his way to Budapest at the head of loyal troops and enter the capital sword in hand. Returned by Airplane. This time an airplane brought him and former Empress Zita to Sopron, where Count Sziraky and Col. Ostenburg awaited the royal couple. Karl took by train in the direction of Budapest. In the railway stations on the way the leaders of the expedition tried to win over more fighters, but with little success. When the Karlish forces met the troops of the Hungarian government under Gen. Nagy near Buda-Oers they had no choice but to surrender, and Karl fled to Tata Castle, one of the | mists hold that the present Hungarian {Parliament is not entitled to settle the | question. | But Count Bethlen said recently in | & speech that the Parliament would | make such a decision as soon as a free | | and independent vote on the future | King could be obtained. “It is possi- | ble that the King will 'be Otto,” Beth- | |len remarked, “but the decision rests | entirely with the representation of the | people.” In Hungary, politics is still largely | a prerogative of the upper classes. The | circle has been widened in late years, | . Hungary, though constitutional, is not a democracy in | | the Western sense. For the man in | the street it is not advisable to be | too talkative. Incautious remarks | might get him into prison on the sus- picion that he was a secret bolshevist. | On a first visit to Hungary one can- | not rid oneself of the impression that | much of the admirable discipline one | sees is due to drill. Horthy and Beth | estates of the Esterhazys. There he was | len have the reins well in hand an gl:eed under arrest and removed to the | counts are still higher beings. nedictine abbey Tihany, on the Lake | The country is golng now through Balaton. | an economic “crisis. The people are After several days of internment he | much more concerned with their daily and Zita, who had never moved from | life than they are with Kings. If a his side, were.taken on board the British | King could bring wealth, he would be gunboat Glow Worm, which brought | hailed at a savior. If he could not, | them down the Danube to the Black | he would not have much chance of | Sea, where the prisoners were trans- shipped to a British cruiser. Karl’s new exile was Madeira, and he never recov- Decade of Vot Continued From First Page.) of it was a more rapid spreading of political information and of political in- terest among the women. The unin- tended effect of it has been that man political leaders, almost everywhere in the country and at all levels of the com- mittee hierarchy of each political party, have been increasingly obliged to carry along with them the judgments of wom- en as well as the judgments of men in the choice of party policies. ‘Woman's Speech Wins Praise. ‘The men, it should be frankly re- | peated, do usually the first guessing at licles. Ruth Pratt, Representative rom New York City, last year made one of the best speeches ever made in | the Federal House of Representatives against the sugar tariff. She made it, though, in full harmony with prior male sentiment in her locality. Urban New York recently has seen no reason at all why it should favor beet sugar growers in Utah, where its interests are small, at the expense of cane-sugar growers in Cuba, where its invest- ments are stupendous. Women do not live in a sex—they live in a locality, and their votes on sectional issue seldom treason to their own section: Ruth Owen, Representative from Florida, this year cast a Democratic vote in the House of Representatives for the Republican tariff bill. In do- ing so, however, she did nothing pecu- | liar or originative. Her three n leagues in the House of Represen from Florida voted for the bill ‘The men growers of Fiorida products are protectionists. Ruth Owen is as smart as any wearer of the trousers on Capitol Hill, and she is far too smart to run up the flag of her sex against her State Ruth ~ McCormick, Representative from Illinois, was a valorous and glam- orous champien of the ‘“equalization fee” in the hottest and highest days of McNary-Haugenism. She is as canny and cagy and as strong and as straight in her wagings of the wars of politics @s any man extant. never did, and (I venture to say) never could. herself think up an idea like the “equalization fee.” For that explora- tion of the reeling rezlm of economic higher mathematics there was needed first the roving runaway masculine mind of Mr. George Peek. Tinkering Male Inventiveness. Consistently the idea which has ceeded the “equalization fec the Telgning ingenuity of “farm relief™ namely, the “export debenture” — had 10 be adumbrated for its feminine fc lowers by the tinkering male inven- tiveness of Mr. Charles Leslie Stefart | becoming popular. There is little | | chance, however, that he could bring | wealth as things are now. es for Women | frage, but it was contrived by male zeal {and properly bore the name not of any | woman but of Mr. Wesley L. Jones. Not one of the eight women in the | Federal House of Repreesntatives can | for a moment aspire to equal the pro- | hibitory ardency of such male mem- |as Mr. Louis C. Cramton. The wets among those eight women are deter- mined wets, and the drys among them are for the most part fairly indetermi- nate and unbelligerent “drys.” Nobody can look at the dry cause in the Con- | gress and fail to perceive that the fan- | ning of its flame there is still done | supremely and dominantly by the men. | | Chief Value of Woman Suffrage. ! ‘That cause nevertheless precisely illus- trates the value which I have made | generalizations: THE SUNDAY 1 WAS talking recently with Ted Clark, who was secre- tary to Mr. Coolidge at the White House. He told me about one of the famous Grid- iron dinners, at which a char- acter was made up to represent the “Front Page.” The poor fellow was emaciated and de- spondent; he complained that Coolidge had ruined him by making so little news. Ted said: “I think that one of the best and truest tributes that could be paid to Coolidge would say: ‘He took the Gov- ernment of the United States off the front page.’” of our party life, that the widening of feminine influence in our politics goes organically forward without much notice from the non-political observers who concentrate their gaze on famous woman_officeholders as upon stars in a movie. It is not, In politics, the feminine stars that are changing the tone of the play. They are too few. The change is getting gradually and almost silently consummated by the masses of women who, little by little and more and more, are subjecting American party organizations (just as to the appellate, if not the originative, judgment of the home. They made them better. mass truth, when all the entertaining stories about exceptional men and wom- en have been told to the finish. It is again so in politics. Service Rendered in Politics. The transformation of & mining camp into a home town, while giving it wom- en, gives it (happily) real ones, not mythical ones. Woman suffrage, in- forming a similar service for the poli- tics of issues as well as for the politics of organizations and of offices. At the county meeting the deliberations which I have sketchily narrated, a vote was taken on “wet” and “dry.” Speeches leading up to it had been painstakingly made—on both sides of the question— y controversial and protracted male peakers. The outcome of the vote at the end of the evening was overwhelm- ingly wet, with actually a larger pro- portion of the women voting that way than the men. The community was wet—its experience with prohibition had been unfortunate. Regulated sa- loons had given way, simply, to unregu- lated speakeasies. Gone—or at any rate, fast going— are the intimidating and perverting “The women are for the Leagu he women are aj the Navy”; “the women are dry": women are for a Federal department of education.” Woman suffrage has demonstrated the otherwise absolutely unadmitted fact that some women are and some women are not. The propa- inda of a one-sided feministic menace s undermined and is falling. It is from this point of view that a sweet but realistic and very Southern and very conservative lady has sagely assured me: “Well, anyway, woman suffrage is better than what we had before it— woman agitation.” Over against these benefits of wom- an_suffrage, which seem to me clear today and destined to be clearer and clearer tomorrow, I place a defect which I hope will some day be removed. I hope that some day woman political workers will be more insistent upon genuine outstanding recognition of their fellow women of proved service to their parties. Source of Election Wisdom. Three of the eight “gentlewomen” of | bold to urge as the chief value of wom- | suffrage—the breaking down of | factitious barriers between the courses | of thought of the sexes and the min- | | gling of those courses in channels dic- | | tated not by a supposed sex-conflict but | by the noted needs of a locality or of a party or of a general social group. | | The county committee meeting to | | which I alluded some moments ago was a normal illustration of the working of | this process. There could be observed in it, as in thousands of similar meet- | imgs in any given current year nowadays, | in all parts of the country, the new de- | velopments which both enlarge the in- fluene of women and strip it of mytho- logical assumptions, The scenic surroundings of the mee- ing were a vast improvement upon those which in the purely masculine days gone by had always—within my recollection-—inspired the committee’'s labors. There was little or no resort, for instance, to neighboring bars for | refreshment of eloquence. The bars | were abundantly adjacent, and were | busily engaged in speaking easily even in the midst of the hush-hush of sup- posed prohibitory extinction. They were not speaking at all, however, to the | gentlemen who were occupied in being the meeting’s managers, or—for 'hlh‘ matter-—to the gentlemen who were on the House of Representatives—as Mr. Speaker Longworth calls the lot of them—I do not have the felicity of knowing. The remaining five, as I have thoroughly learned from actual practical comparisons, can give a po- litical reporter as much solid, shrewd election wisdom &s he can glean from any five of their men colleagues. The “three Ruths” and Florence Kahn and Edith Nourse Rogers need not be called able “for women.” They are wholly equal to men in penetration of the actualities of politics. Let it be granted that men continue to be the main in- ventors of issues, good and bad. My theme at this point is not issues, but practical electoral operations. In that field thronghout the country women are abundantly showing high skill— and_sometimes genius—as undeniable as that of any of their men competitors. The recognition they are receiving at the top is tardy. I pass over the touted little lists of women who are in city councils and in State Legislatures and at the heads of bureaus and of sub- bureaus in the Federal Government at Washington. I am more impressed by the fact that, for the most part, in the supreme management of the national committees of our parties it is still expected that women shall, as it were, they subjected American mining camps) | Women never made mining camps. | That is the | cidentally bust most importantly, i per- | the floor of the hall were occupied in be- | be g busy altar guild and do plenty of ing at their nicest and best to the “lady o 3 H Just the same, she | cemmitteewomen” from their precinets. The atmosphere was one of gallant, | even if exhaurtive, decorum. | 1t also oné of nobly attempted | argumentative performance. Gone were the intellectually painless methods of croic age, when from the sawdusty ficor a multitudinously inebriated bab- ! ble w 1 cut short the chal an's ef- forts to read his proposed contribution to the eternal principle: of the ap. proaching co convention, and when the unsolicited approval of the meeting would instantly follow his exordium of “Gentlemen!” with definite cries of We're with you, Joe." The remainder the of the evening could then be devoted to the playing of pinocnle, Burly Methods Employed. | Those burly and brisk methods of | arriving at a discovery of party opinion | bad been discarded in favor of pro- Of all the new salvations or new | frenzies which have flitted across the | political skies in the last 10 years and | which have been tamed into perma- | nent planets or lost into the vast void of transitory comets, it would be diffi- chores without being admitted to the truly operative inward deliberations of the vestry Women, instead of being too aggres- sive on behalf of their sex, have turned out to be, I think, too meek. At the end of 10 years of woman’s suffrage 1 should say in final comment upon it that it has given to practical politics much benefit from the revealed judg- nents and the revealed discriminations of women in mass. but not yet as much fit as is possible from the individ- +~lents of women in special, indi- ual instances of supreme ability. Women Forbidden To Ride Men’s Cycles OFF THE FRONT PAGE He went on to tell half a dozen dramatic incidents which might easily have become na- tional issues if Coolidge had \been minded to make a fuss about them. But he handled them so quietly that the pub- lic knew nothing about them. The newspapers are the greatest single educational in- fluence in our lives. By throw- ing the fierce glare of their searchlight in all directions they have been a powerful aid in abolishing secret diplomacy. They have encouraged big busi- ness to come out into the open, and they are a constant and tremendous deterrent to crime. But under our system of gov- ernment they put an unwilling premium upon the performance of the self-advertiser and the demagogue. Our Senators are no longer chosen, as they used to be, by responsible party organizations in the State Legislatures. They are nominated in popular pri- maries. The easy way for a Senator to keep his voters from for- getting his name is to make them think he is important in Washington. And the easy way to achieve this seeming importance is to attack some- thing, or investigate something, or become otherwise noisy and conspicuous. But be not discouraged. I have stood in the labora- tory where Edison worked so (Copyright, 1930.) IN LATIN DIPLOMACY IN FIGURES. URS is the age of economic laws and economic facts. before has the human race Never by economic principles. | At first, when the necessities of man | and the products of man's labor were almost primitive, nations were solely| engaged in a warlike competition of conquest and destruction, in which the | strongest one came out paramount and | unexcelled in power. Later this mili-| tary competition was gradually trans- formed into an intellectual one and the | most cultured nation held supreme. | Today, when finance and the laws of | commerce govern the affairg of men,‘ that competition is of an economic na- | ture, and the most resourceful, indus-| trial and commercial peoples hold in their hands the destinies of mankind. Yesteryear each separate community | subsisted almost entirely on its own| resources and passed through life with-, out even knowing what was in the soil | of other regions or what was being| produced by men of other countries.| Today economic interdependence among nations is so strong and absolute thal not only commercial but political and cultural relations as well seem deter- mined by economic factors. Figures, numbers and statistics are writing his- tory in our days. Hence the inauguration of a Pan- American trade conference next week in Sacramento, Calif., has aroused tre- mendous interest in economic and po- litical circles througheut the continent. ‘The pan-American movement, though based on moral and political ideals of human understanding, is an eminently | economic one. It was really initiated| by the necessity for an interchange of | products and merchandise between the | two Americas. And it has always had | its strongest support in the increase of financial and commercial links between | this country and the republics south of‘ the Rio Grande. | Possibly this is why it has succeeded. Other purely political movements Vlhe; pan-German scheme, the pan-Russian | idea, the pan-European formula—have | collapsed with little struggle. But eco- nomic considerations and economic necessities sre more capable of over-| coming political differences and mis- understandings than is the most skill- ful dipiomacy. As long as pan-Ameri- canism remains an essentially econoniic movement there need be no fear of political or psychological obstacles. ‘With the object of promoting “free| intercourse and exchange of views and | suggestions looking to better under-| standiag and mutual benefits,” a Pan-| American Reciprocal Conference will be held at Sacramento, Calif., beginning August 25, under aupices of the Sacra mento Region Citizens' Council. Rep: resentatives from all over the continent, | merchants, business men and producers from all the Latin republics, will par-| ticipate in the conference and exhibit| there the various products that enter into export trade. The topics for discussion will include transportation, communications, credits, | banking, arbitration of commercial dis- | putes, existing barriers to reciprocal | trade and similar matters. | The promoters of this conference have stressed its unofficial character. This is to be but a friendly meeting o producers, fruit growers, representa- | ves of trade bodies and commercial sociations and all others interested in the development of markets for the products of the American countries, with no official character whatsoever It is a gathering of business men who are not interested in finding out who started the Mexican-American War, sent the Marines to Nicaragua, or who | suggested the policy of the “big stick” \gn the Caribbean zone The real purpose of the Sacramento conference may be summarized in the five words in which one of its promoters put it—"Come, let us reason together.” The Sacramento Pan-American Re- ciprocal Trade Confe ized by a group of fa States business men who realized the | importance of the Latin American mar- | ket for the future of American export Colombian government. trade and regard it as an element of American prosperity. | The Latin American market unques- | tionably will play a most important part | formation which would give him a clue f|to the economic problems of Col 20 countries of | At the expiration of his contrs in the future commercial relations the world. It includes vast natural resources, of inexhaustible | wealth. And practically all of them are| measures which, carried out in part, | just beginning to develop their own in-| have contribute dustries. They are countries which on the one hand have been until now hardly exploited, and on the other have not as yet industries sufficiently devel- oped to satisfy their ever-growing needs. They constitute, then, an excellent field AMERICA By GASTON NERVAL. l STAR, WASHINGTON, D. C, AUGUST 17, 1930—PART TWO. - —By.Bruce Barton many years to give the world electric light. I have seen the old shed where Kettering be- gan the experiments which culminated in the self-starter for automobiles. I have visited the tiny village where, in a modest house, Charles Darwin wrote the book that changed the trend of scientific thought. On the gatepost is a tablet’ with this inscription: “Here Darwin lived and thought for 40 years, and here, on April 19, 1882, he died.” We can put up patiently with quite a lot of Senators, so long as we know that, back in 10,000 quiet homes and shops and offices, there are Edisons and Ketterings and Darwins. and abilities of United States business men. One of his first acts when he returned to Washington after his elec- tion was to sign the contract with Prof. Kemmerer and his financial mission. It is encouraging, indeed, to see the Latin Americans, in spite of all ill | intentioned talk of “Yankee imperial- {ism” and “dollar diplomacy,” intrusting every day story to hear of the com-|to American experts the solution of mercial supremacy of Great Britain in | their financial problems. Confidence is Latin America. The greater markets, the basis of international good will. been so profoundly influenced | o t | nearly $6,000,000,000. | | trade were quite reversed as compared | | | | | | such as Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Peru,| were wholly controlled by British con- | erns. The United States was consid-| ered secondary in importance. The e> ports of this country to Argentina, Bra- zil, Peru, Bolivia, Uruguay, amounted to less than one-third those of Great Britain and Germany. By means of their enormous investments and ex-| tensive banking and sales organizations these two European powers completely | controlled the South American markets. | Besides, the British were in possession | of the cable system, and American ex- | porters were dependent upon English| and German steamers for the trans-| portation of their products to South | America. Today, however, things have under- | gone quite a change. There are Ameri- | can banking institutions, American ca- | bles and innumerable trade representa- | tives of this country in Latin America. | The investments of United States capi- | have increased considerably—so | much so that they now amount to And, of course, export and import figures in inter- | American trade have increased twofold or threefold in the last 15 years. Last| year the standings of the United States | and Great Britain in Latin American | to those prior to the World War. The former furnished about 37 per cent of the total Latin American import trade, | while the latter’s contribution decreased to 16 per cent. To this change of commercial leader- ship in Latin America from John Bull | to Uncle Sam many factors have con- tributed. Among these may be cited the construction of the Panama Canal, the difference in conditions brought about by the World War, the continu- ous investment of American capital in| the Southern continent, the steady de- ! velopment of agriculture, mines and | other industries in the Latin countries, | their increase in purchasing power and | their ever-growing demand for foreign manufactured goods. Not only in naval strength, in ship- building or in the acquisition of oil and rubber plants throughout the world have the United States and Great Britain | been competing earnestly since the be- ginning of this century. The commer- cial battle for the conquest of the Latin American markets marks another chapter, possibly the first one, of that momentous rivalry in which the two wealthiest nations have been lately engaged in pursuit of material world supremacy. So far Uncle Sam seems to be having the best of it. AMBASSADORS OF FINANCE. Not only are American manufactured goods, American capital and American trade concerns moving daily to the South in a continuous and increasing stream of economic vitality but the Latin Americans are also importing American exports and American econ- omists to study their finances and put them in good shape. A cable from Bogota, the Colombian capital, announces that the second | Kemmerer financial mission will soon | begin its labors in that city, in accord- nce with a contract signed between | . Colombian Government and the well known American economist. Prof. Edwin Kemmerer of the Uni-| versity of Princeton has been engaged in studying the financial problems of various countries of the world, having acted as adviser during the last 10 years to the governments of Chile, Bo- livia, Colombia, Panama, China, among others. After a stay of several months in each of these countries, and with| the collaboration of a group of Ameri- | can exports in different economic mat- ters, he made to each government a series of recommendations to strengthen | the national financial systems and| WINNING THE LATIN M RKET. ifr:)m budget deficits almost tragit:onal. | mycker, Milton. ese recommendations, although not wholly put into effect, have given splen- | ce Was Organ-|did results in those countries where | ghted United | they have been carried out energetically. | Prof. Kemmerer has already acted once before as financial adviser to the He is not a| stranger to Colombian conditions. In 1923 he spent almost half a year in that | South American republic gathering in- mbia. | ot | outlined certain reforms and financial | in a large extent to the re-establishment of Colombian credit in the last few years. ‘This time Prof. Kemmerer goes back to Colombia under a contract made personally by the Colombian chief ex- ecutive, who during his recent stay in | WHOLESALE HARD TIMES. . Another evidence that the economic interdependence of nations is the gov- erning principle of business conditions in the world today is shown in the fact that almost every country in the world is suffering, in one way or another, the consequence of the general depression which started with the New York stock market crash of last year. Not & na- tional but a wotld crisis was the result of that crash, and economic difficulties, which have not as yet diminished in certain countries, began to be felt everywhere, Latin America has been one of the regions most affected by the crisis, and some of the Latin governments, so closely bound by economic links to the United States, are still striving to get back on their feet. Economic condi- tions seem to be had all over the con- tinént. There is busivess depression in Mexico, there is an agricultural crisis in Cuba, there is a general stagnation of business in Central America, there is a tin crisis in Bolivia, there is a coffee crisis in Brazil, there is trouble every- here. And now the cable announces that the Peruvian government, facing a monthly loss of $400,000 in customs receipts since the beginning of this year, as determined to follow the strictest economy i national finances, meens that the government will be com- pelled to curtail temporarily some im- portant public works now under way, such as the huge highway contracted | with the Warren Bros. Co. of Baltimore, the “dock constructions in Callao, th main harbor of Peru, etc, S All of which goes to show that in these days of crude materialism nations, like individuals, share hard times, as they do prosperity, in a universal way. No one r self. That all ar S e affected by their business and they all are | united by economic bonds that make them closely interdependent. : Ecnlmm::: conditions have reached a stage where as an Spanish proverb reads, “When it I'l(l]ld from the skies everybody must get we! (Copyright, 1930.) PUBLIC LIBRARY Recent accessions to the Public Li- brary and lists of recommended read- ing will appear in this column ev Sunday. i In the Technology Division. Campbell, C. H. A Text Book - ning. RUP-C 15. St Eggleston, D. C. Auditors' Repor Working Papers, I’H(BA-E%";‘&".4 e Freeman, Benjamin, and Hoppe, F. G. Electroplating with Ciromiu 5 1o T ad Nickel. THP-Fg7. i anks, S, S, Internati g onal” Airports. ardy, C. O. Recent Growth of the Ele Light and Power Xt Industry, Hllhlllal’di C. C. and others, ed. Dry- cleaning’ and Redyeing Han o FAQHES: pS i Jones, W. G. The Service Chary De nd Deposits, HN~J'72.a reitesi Kelsy, E. H. _Principles of Autome- chanics. SUZA-K29p. Nelson, A, L. and Duniap. C. H. Inte- rior Electric Wiring and Esti 3 TGDZ-N331i. s G b Proctor, Mary. Romance of the Moon. | LY-P94. Sanémilu, J. L. Cheese Making. RNL- . Schultheis, O. H. Dogs an RETD. sche. 8 d Their Care. Sturtevant, W. W, Blueprint 3 SAB-St97b. o & Buying an Honest House, SE-TT! Missions. Mary Celeste, Sister. The Catholic In- n Missions in Maine (1611-1820). Di5841-M36. Vogel, C L. The Capuchins in Fre Louisiana, 1722-1766. 1928. DS876- 86. Stowell, J. S DS97-St7 Fine Arts. Clark, K. S. Music in Industry. VV83- C54m A Between the Americas. 54m | Ede, H. §. Florentine Drawings of the Quattrocento. 1926, WP35F-Ed2. Glass, F. J. Modeling and Sculpture. WJI-G46m. Lee, Cuthbert. Contemporary American Portrait Painters. W10-9L51. U. S. LEADS ALL NATIONS IN CRIMINAL RECORDS {Muliiplicity of Laws and Not Inherent Viciousness of People Held Largely to Blame. Continued From First Page.) at the time of the police strike, which experience has' become_history. We have not enough police in this country. This is the fourth and great- st reason why we have so much crime. The fifth cause is one that I ap- Pproach with fear and trembling. If any | one critisized our present educational | system, which has become almost a ge- | ligion in this country, protests arise on | every hand, but I firmly believe that | the keeping of children in school until | they are 16 years old, endeavoring to | send through high school and college | those whko are not fitted for this type | of education, is a very bad thing. Work Better for Many. | This practice is creating a type of | loafer who is the victim of an educa- | tional system which keeps a boy from working to earn his own money at & time when he wants it and needs it. A boy just verging on maturity feels the urge to be independent. He craves amusement and at the same time wants occupation which ~appeals to him. These are the formative years in which he can learn a trade or hold a job. Even if he is allowed to work dur- ing the day, the law requires him to | attend night school, and this is too | much for his years. He should have | his hours of recreation and he needs money for that purpose. He feels the injustice of beimg kept in school when | it no longer seems necessary to him | and often loses the inclination to work later on, s0 when he needs money he is often led to steal it as the easiest wuy of getting it. One may well admit that the desire for money is the basic impulse of the majority of our crimes. Five Causes Summarized. Let us now sum up the five causes of crime_as I have detailed them: 1. Our unstable population. 2. Slowness of our judiciary. 3. Political control of police. 4. Not enough police. 5. Our educational system. Now, as to the punishment of crime. The science of punishment is called penology and, to sum it up briefly, there are two schools. One is the school of vengeance, which believes in the most dreadful type of punishment for the criminal and the other school believes that the criminal should be unished, but at the same time might ge so molded that he will return to his civil pursuits able to carry on hi life without a return to crime. This latter method seems to be the logical one and the beter one, for his- tory shows that harsh treatment does no good and will never prevent crime. Most Offenders Escape. It must be considered that 94 men out of every 100 in our New York State prisons (and approximately the same in other States) come back to live as cit- izens again and it would seem logical to treat the prisoners in such a way that they would col back better citi- zens than when they entered the prison. A survey shows that 85 per cent of the crime in the State of New York was committed without being followed by an arrest and that of the 15 per cent arrested only 2 per cent were brought to justice. These are startling figures. Knowing these figures, many of the prisoners feel that they are in center” outside is lucky. Perhaps he is when you look at it in that way. Our system spems to be fostering criminals rather than preventing crime. If a boy commits a crime and is caught by the police, he is usually pro- tected from punishment on the ground that it is his first offense. The judge is told of the poor family he comes from and the environment in which he lives, and clemency is asked. So he is let off with a slight repremand and probably ordered to report to a parole officer off and on—an order which is seldom en- forced. He becomes quite a marked character among his gang. Having com- mitted the first crime without serious { consequences, he tries it again. Parole System Criticized. AS only 15 per cent of our criminals are apprehended he may commit sev- eral more crimes before he is again caught. Here and there a youthful of- fender is caught and a severe punish- ment meted out to him. He thinks this is bad luck and feels that he has been treated unjustly. If he is not unlucky enough to receive punishment, he is let off again under our weak parole system and continues his career with more crime, taking a chance on the fact that 98 per cent of our criminals go scot free. So our criminals are built up. kind-hearted grandmother coming be- tween father and child is represented by our sentimentalists who are forever stepping between the State and the youthful criminal, pleading for a re- mission of the punishment he deserves. Criminal tendencies should be early nipped in the bud by meting out justice that is sure, and severe enough to make n:| r‘t,mp"“mn on the youngster at the start. Imprisonment of Boys Urged. I think that at the first offense the young boy should be put in prison for a few days at least and then released to report to the chief of police instead of a parole officer every week for one year. At the second offense he should {be put in prison for a longer period and on his release made to réport twice a week. He would soon find out that it is very unhealthful to follow a life of crime. An increasingly severe punishment up to a certain point should be meted out to the budding criminal, for at that formative time punishment would be of more avail as a corrective measure than later. In State's prison it would be wise to treat him so that he would not come out at the end of his term an enemy of his fellow citizens. ‘The prevention of crime is purely a local matter. Each locality must do its own cleaning up. Not all the com- missions in the State, nor all the com- | missions in Washington, nor all the |laws that are made by our legislators | will ever stop crime. It can only be done by having each city or community take upon it a moral responsibility, and this can only be accomplished by get- ting an adequate, well paid pol. e force and by keeping it out of politics. In such a community the judges who are elected and who keep their ears to the ground will act quickly and surely, while the politicians will keep hands off the police force when they learn the temper of the people. There have been examples of this throughout the United States, and if one city can do it other cities can do prison because they had poor luck. They ad a 98 per cent chance to get away with it, and they think the “98 per it, too. This is the only way that crime can or will ever be diminished. New York Electric Rate Reduction Seen As Having Significance in Political Way least fixed figures with which to deal. The other principle, valuation based on the cost of reproduction, is subject to ___Continued From First Page) in connection with confirming the ap- pointment of Chief Justice Hughes.) Now let us see what has happened to nging value of the dollar factor, the-cl a fluctuating and therefore troublesome - This of them can get along by her- | in the world ' the valuation of public utilities, as de- termined by what it would cost to re- produce them. In any large daily newspaper any one may find a thing called, in the somewhat mystic lancusge of finance and currency, “the commodity index.” The commodity index represents, speak- ing roughly, the average price of goods | compared with previous years. According to this index, a thin which was worth $1 in 1926, four years | ago, is today worth 83 cents. “Things,” | “commodities,” includes public utility properties. A public utility property which was worth $100,000,000 in 1926 is | | today worth $83,000,000. The statement is subject to qualifica- tion. The commodity index is based on | the average of a large number of com- modities. Any one commodity may run | jin some degree counter to the average. | Also, while the valuation of a public | utility may be reduced by the change in the value of the dollar, it may be 1 Increased by some local condition, such as increased value of land, due to local changes in population. What is said "here applies to averages. As to any one utility there may be conditions which make its valuation higher in spite of| the effect of the changing value of the dollar. But, speaking broadly and subject to | these qualifications, an electric piant or gas plant which in 1926 was worth $100,000,000 is today worth $83,000,000. If in 1926 it would have cost $100,000,~ 000 to reproduce it. the cost of repro- duction today would be $83.000,000. Consequently, if in 1926 the public utility could charge rates high enough to yield 7 per cent on $100,000,000, or 1$7.000,000, it can charge today only | enough to vield 7 per cent on $83,000,- 999, or $5,810,000. | Settlement Comes Without Politics. | Because that reduction (amounting to something like 17 per cent) has year to year. Speaking of the present situation only, omitting the question what is the best permanent basis of valuation, the fact of today is that if the Supreme | Court had adopted the basis of valua- tion which their critics insisted upon, |in that event the public utility com- | panies would not now be under such | clear compulsion to reduce their rates. One wonders why the public utility companies and their lawyers insisted upon a basis of valuation that has | turned out to their disadvantage. What | they wanted, necessarily, was the largest valuation. If they took the line ! of valuation based on cost of repro- | duction, that was because they thought | this basis would give them the largest vaduation. But the changing value of the dollar has worked against them. Utility Lawyers Had Warning. The public utility lawyers had plenty of warning. The warning was right in their own law books if they chose to look at it. This same issue arose 33 years ago—in connection at that time, not with public utilities, but with rail- roads. The issue arose in 1897—but with the fundamental difference that in 1897 the purchasing value of the dollar was .changing, not upward, as today, but downward. At that time, in 1897, the railroad lawyers, seeking the principle that would give them the largest valuation, asked, not for reproduction value, but for “actual money invested” val And at that time William Jennings Bryan, galloping into court as volunteer coun= sel for the State of Nebraska, insisted that the railroads should be valued on the basis of cost of reproduction. That is, Bryan, and all the other Bryans of that day, took precisely the opposite position from what has been taken by the present day Bryans, our current La Follettes. To put it in other words, in 1897 the position of the railroads and of the rad- taken place in the value of public util- | icals was exactly reversed from what it ities_on their own theory that they| has been recently. should be valued at what it would cost| Al of which is sufficient to show that to reproduce them—because of that re- | railroads and public utilities try to get duction in valuation, it mu-t follow that | what they think is their best interest, there will be the (roughly) correspond- | which is the largest valuation. And the i reduction in rates charged the pub- | radicals and politicians, the Bryans of lic. This reduction in rates will settle.|every era, try to get what they think or certainly should settle, the public| is their best interest, which is to achieve utility question in most o. the forms| the thing that they think will give in which it is up in the various States. | them public applause. And the chang- The settlement, if it comes about, will | ing value of the dollar f00ls them both. occur not through the agency of poli-| One speculates in vain as to why the | ticians, but almost, one might say, in| public utility lawyers, with the example spite of them of One feels tempted to say, in a mo- the railroads in 1897 before them, { ment perhaps of hot-weather cynicism, that politics has never been helpful in the settlement of any economic ques- | tion, that politics has never done any- thing but bedevil such questions, During the very time, during some 10 years past. when the Supreme Court of ihe United States was handing down decisions saying that the valuation of a public utility should be, speaking roughly, what it would cost to repro- duce it—during that very time the | politicians were crying to heaven, criti= cizing the Supreme Court violently, pro- claiming that this was the wrong basis | of valuation. The demand of the eritics, | the radicals and the politicians was |that the Supreme Court should value | public utilities on the basis (mainly) of | the actual number of dollars invested in them. This latter basis of valuation, the ac- | insisted upon the theory of “cost of re- production” value. One can only as- |sume that the public utility lawyers and the heads of public utilities must have been making, during the past 10 years or 5o, the same mistake in reason- | ing that a lot of people made. A great {many persons, including some profound political economists, inciuding also some | very distinguished bankers, have been | tlinking, during some 10 years past, that the purchasing power of the dollar could never go upward again. Some of the bankers who thought that asve |been having an unhappy time dur=g the past few months. Thinking that ;':l:/ purchasing v;lue ofn the dollar could ‘€I g0 upwar and thinkin, for that reason, lhl.l‘:he prices of lDOJl and commodities must always go up- ward has been, during the past year or S0, extremely costly to a good many people. 0 |, Looking to the future, what seems | likely to happen is that the price of | commodities—which is the same thing |as the purchasing value of the dollar— | will stabilize very shortly about where Bicycle riding is a crime in thé town | for both the investment of capital and| the United States engaged him for &' g it Bt tured goods. They possess everything | When elected to the presidency of Co- i ladies who persist in using masculine | that could be desired in an ideal mar- | r . who was in- bicycles in preference to those designed | ket. They have money, raw material | ted in Bogota less than two weeks tual number of dollars invested, has | much merit. If it did not have merit it would not have been supported b men so able as the Supreme Court mi- y, consisting of Justie s Brandeis, cuit to attribute even one, of any mag- nitude, to woman suffrage. The fun- damental principles of all contempo- ry legislation were thoroughly known and thoroughly developed before the nged elucidations of all points in- ved 1n disputed Jocal party policies of the elueidations, as is usua ngs in o far as they b Women. under mv wandering journalistic | eye, were by the men. The most at- Federal prohibition, that alleged | ientive listening—as is also, 1 have no- crowning glory of Federal woman suf- | ticed, usual—was by the women frage, cannot be permitted to glorify | the end of the evening deliberate votes or to disparage it. Federal prohibition | were taken and the views of the elect- preceded Federal woman suffrage. The | ed representatives of the rank-and-file mfll of prohibitory enforcement en-| voters of that party in that county were usiasm—the “five and ten” law— | genuinely ascertained. cecurred during Federal suf- |~ It s in such gatherings, at all levels nineteenth amendment was proclaimed fot their sex. Following what are de- scribed as “immoral scenes,” the chief of police in the town has probibited women cyclists or motor cyclists from using men’s machines. The penalties are stiff—a fine of 180 pengoes (about $12) or two weeks lnfil‘ and the means with which to guarantee all investments and »elcome capital and imported products. And yet, strange as it seems, it was not until recently that American exporters realized the fact that a privileged market, n for American goods, lay down on the other side of the Rio Grande. Before the World War it was an ago, stated that his chief endeavors would be directed to securing the co- operation of American capital, Ameri- can enterprise and American business leadership in the development of Co- | lombian national resources, He had lived in this country for eight years as the diplomatic representative of Ca- lombia and hejknew of the true aims Cons:imers’ What Girls Live KWX-GT6. Farmer, Mrs. L. H. The National Ex- position Souvenir. 1893. KW-F22 | Gardiner, Mrs. D. K. English Girlhood at School. KWE-G 16. Hutchinson, E. J. ~Woman and the Ph. D. KWE-HOT. of on League Cincinnati and How H:lmes and Stone, i It mav be that we would be better | off in the long run—many_ thoughtful | persons think we would—if we would adopt permanently the principle that public ‘utilities (as well as railrcads) should be valued on the basis of the actual number of dollars invested. To adopt ’n principle would give us at it now is. Thereafter there should be, for about 10 years at least, hardly any change to speak of. During that 10 years the type of political issue that arises out of changes in purchasing power of the dollar should happhy 10 public owhersalp, Sdid be (oo Ppublic owne for some time.