Evening Star Newspaper, May 19, 1929, Page 32

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n 0O THE SUNDAY STAR. WASHINGTON, D. C. MAY 19, 1929—PART - 4 — PLAVAED I TALY lizatien Committee Re- s Show How Places Weuld Be Filled. ME. May 18.—W nt role in Italy's orts pub! men will play an ext war, to d by the committee on civil mobiii- itten k of en in giving is of conditions, which f that in the next war mobilized for factories in iner as men are mobilized Vittorio Franchini has w of the wo! war, rate summa he last i concludes that n war time from the arms, projectiles precision, and th r volunteers or gathered in em of conscription. should places. | Aroused by World War. always accustomed to > in the home and little as possible, men women ar. The commit- that in the first six reat conflict, only 14.000 king in war in- » this num- nd there nds taking the industrie. mobilization com- teresting story of the of women’s work during o story comes under threc | first was a period of Women were taught to ies. rendered father- tion, by working in the | factories. This was the hardest task of all, to teach Italian women that after all these centuries their palce was really not in the home—during the war. | Stabilizing Women's Place. ! ‘The second period was marked by the | government’s work in_stabilizing the place of women in industry by eco- nomic, hygienic and moral laws to elimi- | nate every possible social danger arising from the transfer of women to the fac- | tory. | The last period, says the report, wa that of the new system in full operation, with hundreds of thousands of women working contentedly under condition: which would not damage their health and with government in. spectors watching the factories to see | that these conditions were maintained The report shows that*the country | contributed many more women for war- time industries than the cities. Come-to-Church Sunday was Te- eently observed by 4,647 churches and chapels in England. more thous of men in othe place | t of the v mol | the oragnic unity nave been lost (Continued From First Page) Lord Curzon, always very sensitive in his amour propre, reddened deeply: all the members of the Council felt an atmosphere of embarra: T tried to save the situation by v such divisions of opinion between states- men of the same country were the most hopeful signs of progress toward of Europe, and in is way to save Lord Curzon's “face.” While T speaking 1 watched | Llovd George's wonderfully mobile ex- pression. My trick—because to speak of the unity of Europe apropos of Lord Curzon was rather much of an exag- geration—evidently amused him: but it was very clear that he cared much less then I myself for Lord Curzon's prestige. I watched less conspicuous cases of disagreement_ between Lloyd rge and Bonar Law, who is so different from the other, in his solid Scotch continuity of thought. T had a deep personal sympathy for Bonar Law: and I do not believe the allies did justice {0 his generosity nd offered to remit s war debts. But then, as now, I could not help feeling that, had Llovd George and Bonar Law been rolled into one -the Scotchman with his cold judgment and his cor tempt for popularity, plus the Welsh- man with his flashes of genius—a mar- velous statesman would have resulted. Certainly rapidity of thought of the Welch would in the mixture, but I heard some English Liber: leaders complaining that the reason for the decadence of the Liberal ty could be found in the devastating ef- fects of the flood of ideas which fell on it from the hills of Wales—too many ideas for an old. classical British party But is Mr. Lloyd George really a Lib- eral in the historical British sense of the word? To answer this question is. I believe, to find the clue which may lead to the explanation of the mar ous Lloyd Georgian enigma. First of all. who are the Liberals in the English life at present? And does any one really feel that Lloyd George is have at home, and that he has the feeling of | being at home among the Whigs? Men like Lloyd George are certainly at_home in the stupendous, constan political atmosphere which has been created in British psychology by liberal- i But. liberalism has been so tr umphant in England during the nine- teenth century and the beginning of the twentieth that as a party it has almost lost its raison d'etre. Under any label all English thinking politicians from Baldwin to MacDonald are Lib- erals. And while this constitutes the highest victory for a party, after all it is also a cause for its decandence in the practical field of life. - We _have seen that only a short time ago Mr. Lloyd George spoke of the iberal party as the next winning horse. But after acknowledging that Lloyd George is as deeply Liberal as a Bald- win is or as a Bannermann was, we must admit that few persons are as dis- tant as he from the remnants of Liberal party characteristics. Such character- istics are to be found today in very few men—in Lord Grey, for instance, and in some_elderly political writers like Gil- bert Murray or Spender, late editor of the Westminster Gazette. Highly culti- What would youdo * ;- without your eyesight? great deal of the amazing | s r | vated, all of them, knowing their | Horance and Vergil by heart, having, in a word, a touch of “superior” men- ality which made them a group of istocrats,” in the sense in which Sladstone, who always refused a title, was an aristocrat. Now, first of all, David Lloyd Grorge has genius, but he has not that touch of aristocracy. When he went to Ox- ford for his first visit he felt the pres- ence of this gulf and saved his pride by this witty boutade: I am so glad I never came here: this place would have bren with me all my life: I never would have recovered, and never would I ha been myself! By saying that he admitted that the other British leaders had a common link d not But the differ ~even deeper. In- tellectually sp Lloyd _Grorge belongs to a category not admitted in the nomenclature of British parties. For—-and th ex I hen he came to Paris | rian opinions and persona he is a radical. Being a radical and being imbued with a sort of vague nic spirit for he is Welsh by birth—Lloyd Geo is never satisticd by simple party achievements. Now he may seem en- thusiastic about the Liberal party, but it is only for tactical re ., for per- difficulties existing against him in the Unionist and Laborist fields. Lloyd orge is always planning beyond the limits of & parly: he sees na terests, even international for them, if only an opportunit he is ready to t dogmas, doctrines, promises, fhose who deny that is the authentic essence of a ra in Mr. Lloyd George may point to his palinode of the 1918 general election, when he up- held a lot of jingo slogans to which he ad always been opposed and to which "he was soon to be opposc Kaiser to be imprisoned i of London, Germany to pa tions “up to the last pen: ‘These were simply con tical tricks which are sometimes prac- ticed, as I think is the case with Mr. | Lloyd George, by leaders who began their practical and intellectual life w intense enthusiasm in which a re or sectarian inspiration was a stronger agent than a philosophical or moral | conception. In’the course of time a natural reaction leads them to jugglings | that a man born with an amount of there e Tower all repara- SAVE MONEY ON STORAGE.CALL MITH’S FIRE-PROOF | TORAGE LOCAL & LONG DISTANCE MOVING AGENTS ALLIED VAN LINES | GS gy’ = | WASHED Ru CLEANED coLD STORAGE 1313 YOU STREET, N.W. PHONE NORTH 3343 tFURS | aristocratic skepticism would never!same time were necessary for gener: cefgn to perform. Let us take young Lloyd George when | and Jugoslavia. When he saw my point he won his first election and became a | when He said to his|Italian intere my | se member of Parliament. cheering crowds: "My friends, countrymer of the cottage- bred man has at last dawned! It was not a demagogue’s phrase felt what he said, asm, ‘the Jillll‘lg’ enth learned some poor After the first parliamenta loved uncle who had helped him, poor as both were, to study the few courses he necded to enter upon his legal ca- reer: “No fervor, no earnestness, thar acterized this debate. The House does not seem at all to realize or to be im pressed with the gigantic evil of drunk- s was the real Lloyd George, In of appearances. in spite of the men ha - taught him and which has learned so well that sometimes ms a past master of tricks, down in his heart he has constantly remained faithful to certain human ideals, and those ideals he puts before any party allegiance. And that is why he is a radical. His tactical sbility, his inconstancy in friendship, his oratorical skill, have resulted in giving him a dubious name cven among those who ought to be his political friends. But there is no doubt that down in his heart he has alv remained deeply faithful ty the ideals of peace among the nations, of social progress, of 11 fraternity--no doubt for those who, like himself, have been in a_position fo judge him without be- ing influenced by the resentments and passions of home party life. In the post-war period of European reconstruction I appealed to him more W in with mfimle‘ pain in his village, went to Westminster. | c2lled oth debate | immediate on a temperance bill he wrote to a be-|t0 bargain with me in vain and, full of Biblical | for him to fe who had | future of Europe. | peace. such, for instance, as a gemerou and far-seeing settlement between Italy alized vision of s and prestige were es- tionally linked in my mind with ti of real European peace, he loyal support. | he T that my progre gave me a warm and he deeply | Without any bargaining. It was enough | ‘that he was serving the In the historical episode T have re- | r British_statesmen did not | ee as he did! They tried} A few months later Lloyd. George told me witk a smile: “No, it was not British selfish- ness: it was simply stupidit | Lloyd George has committed errors: | he may commit more. But they will never result from incomprehension of a distant future. ! 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