Evening Star Newspaper, September 30, 1936, Page 17

THE EVENING STAX, WASHINGTON, D. Text of Roosevelt Address Denouncing Communism NEW YORK DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION TOLD WORTHY INSTITUTIONS ARE PRESERVED BY CHANGE By the Associated Press. SYRACUSE, September 30.— Here is the text of President Roose- velt'’s speech last night before the Democratic State convention: Tonight you and I join forces for the 1936 campaign. We enter it with confidence. Never was there greater need for fidelity to the. underlying conception of Americanism than there is today. And once again it is given to our party to carry the message of that Americanism to the people. The task on our part is two- fold: First, as simple patriotism requires, to separate the false from the real issues; and secondly, with facts and without rancor, to clari- 1y the real problems for the Ameri- can public. There will be—there are—many false issues. In that respect this will be no different from other campaigns. Partisans, not willing to face realities, will drag out red herrings—as they have always done—to divert atention from the trail of their own weaknesses. This practice is as old as our democracy. Avoiding the facts— fearful of the truth—a malicious opposition charged that George Washington planned to make him- self king under a British form of government; that Thomas Jeffer- son planned to set up a guillotine under a French revolutionary form of government; that Andrew Jack- son soaked the rich of the Eastern Seaboard and planned to sur- render American democracy to the dictatorship of a frontier mob. They called Abraham Lincoln & Roman emperor; Theodore Roose- velt & destroyer; Woodrow Wilson & self-constituted messiah. In this campaign another her- ring turns up. It has been British and Prench—and a variety of other things. This year it is Russian. Desperate in mood, angry at faile ure, cunning in purpose, indi- viduals and groups are seeking to make communism an issue in an election where communism is not a controversy between the two ma- Jor parties. Time to Bury Communism Herring. Here and now, once and for all, let us bury that red herring and destroy that false issue. You are familiar with my background; you know my heritage. And you are familiar, especially in the State of New York, with my public service extending back over & quarter of a century. For nearly four years I have been President of the United States. A long record has been written. In that record, both in this State and in the National Capital, you will find s simple, clear and consistent ad- herence, mot only to the letter, but to the spirit of the American form of Government. To that record, my future and the future of my administration will conform. I have not sought, I do not seek, I repudiate the support of any advocate of com- munism or of any other alien “ism” which would by fair means or foul change our American de- mocracy. That is my position. has been my position. will be my paosition. There is no difference between the major parties as to what they think about communism. There is & very great difference between the two parties in what they do about communism. Communism is a manifestation of the social unrest which al- ways comes with widespread eco- nomic maladjustment. We in the Democratic party have not been content merely to denounce this menace. We have been realistic enough to face it. We have been intelligent enough to do something about it. And the world has seen the results of what we have done. In the Spring of 1933 we faced s crisis which was the ugly fruit of 12 years of neglect of the causes of economic and social unrest. It was a crisis made to erder for all those who would overthrow our form of Government. Do I need to recall to you the fear of those days—the reports of those who piled supplies in their basements, who laid plans to get their fortunes across the border, who got themselves hideaways in the country against the impending upheaval? Do I need to recall the law-abid- ing heads of peaceful families who began to wonder, as they saw their children starve, how they could get the bread they saw in the bakery window? Do I need to recall the homeless boys who were traveling in bands through the country seeking work and food—desperate because they could find neither? Farmers and Business Leaders in Plight. Do I need to recall the farmers who banded together with pitch- forks to keep the sheriff from sell- ing the farm home under fore- closure? Do I need to recall the powerful leaders of industry and + banking who came to me in Wash- ington in those early days of 1933 pleading to be saved? Most people in the United States . remember today the fact that star- vation was averted, that homes ‘ and farms were saved, that banks , were reopened, that crop prices 3 rose, that industry revived and the dangerous forces subversive of our form of Government were turned . aside. 7 A few people—a few only—un- & willing to remember, seem to have forgotten those days. In the Summer of 1933 a nice { old gentleman, wearing a silk hat, fell off the end of a pier. He was unable to swim. A friend ran down the pier, dived overboard and pulled him out, but the silk hat . foated off with the tide. After the i old gentleman had been resusci- * tated he was effusive in his thanks. ;: He praised his friend for saving his ¥ life. Today, three years later, the ;old gentleman is berating his friend because the silk hat was lost. 5 Why did the crisis of 1929 to { 1932 pass without disaster? ¥ The answer is found in the record gef what we did. Early in the cam- paign of 1932 I said: “To meet by reaction that danger of radical- ism is to invite disaster. Reaction is no barrier to the radical—it is & challenge, & provocation. The ‘way to meet that danger is to offer 4 & workable program of reconstruc- { tion, and the party to offer it is the {nrfl with clean hands.” It always It always ‘We met the emergency with emergency action. But far more important than that, we went to the roots of the problem and at= tacked the cause of the crisis. W#* ‘were against revolution. Therefore, we waged war against those condis President Roosevelt as he waved a greeting to the Demo- cratic State Convention delegates in Syracuse, N. Y., last night. prior to making his ogeniny campaign speech. On the right e 18 Gov. Lehman and b ind the President is James A. Farley. —Copyright, A. P. Wirephoto. Roosevelt Speech High Lights At Syracuse Convention By the Associated Press. SYRACUSE. N. Y., September 30.— High lights of President Roosevelt's speech last night before the New York State Democratic Convention: “I have not sought, I do not seek, I repudiate the support of any advo- cate of communism or of any other alien ‘ism’ which would, by fair means or foul, change our American democ- racy. “That is my position. It always has been my position. It always will be my position.” “In this campaign another herring turns up. It has been British and Prench—and a variety of other things. | This year it is Russian.” “Communism is a manifestation of | the social unrest which always comes with widespread economic maladjust- | ment. We in the Democratic party have not been content merely to denounce this menace. * * * We have been intelligent enough to do some- thing about it.” “In the Summer of 1933 a nice old gentleman, wearing a silk hat, fell off the end of a pier. He was unable to swim. A friend ran down the pier, dived overboard and pulled him out, but the silk hat floated off with the | tide. After the old gentleman had been resuscitated he was effusive in his thanks. “‘He praised his friend for saving his | life. Today, three years later, the old gentleman is berating his friend because the silk hat was lost.” | “We met the emergency with emer- gency action. But far more important than that, we went to the roots of the problem, and attacked the cause of the crisis.’ “Conditions congenial to commu- nism were being bred and fostered throughout this Nation up to the very day of March 4, 1933.” “¢ * * The previous national ad- ministration, bewildered, did nothing. In their speeches they deplored it, but their actions they encouraged 5 Lacking courage, they evad- ed. - Being selfish, they neglected. Being short-sighted, they ignored.” “I found other young men in the Legislature (in 1911)—men who held the same philosophy. One of them was Bob Wagner; another was Al Smith. We were all joined in a com- mon cause.” “Let me warn the Nation against the smooth evasion which says: ‘Of course we believe all these things. We believe in social security; we believe in work for the unemployed; we believe in saving homes. Cross our hearts and hope to die, we believe in all these things; but we do not like the way the present administration is doing them.”” “You cannot be an Old Guard Republican in the East and a New Deal Republican in the West.” “The most serious threat to our institutions comes from those who refuse to face the need for change.” tions which make revolutions— against the inequalities and re- sentments which breed them. In America in 1933 the people did not attempt to remedy wrongs by overthrowing their institutions. Americans were made to realize that wrongs could and would be set right within their institutions. ‘We proved that democracy can work. I have said that there is a very great difference between the two parties in what they do about communism. Conditions congenial to communism were being bred and fostered throughout this Nation up to the very day of March 4, 1933. Hunger was breeding it. Loss of homes and farms was breeding it. Closing banks were breeding it. A ruinous price level was breeding it. Discontent and fear were were spreading through the land. The previous national administra- tion, bewildered, did nothing. Evasion and Selfishness Failed to Meet Crisis. In their speeches they deplored it but by their actions they encour- aged it. The injustices, the in- equalities, the downright suffer- ing out of which revolutions come— what did they do about these things? Lacking courage, they evaded. Being selfish, they neg- lected. Being short-sighted, they ignored. When the crisis came— as these wrongs made it sure to come—America was unprepared. Our lack of preparation for it was best proved by the cringing and the fear of the very people whose indifference helped to make the crisis. They came to us pleading that we should do, overnight, what they should have been doing through the years. And the simple causes of our un- preparedness were two: First, a weak leadership, and, secondly, an inability to understand the reasons for social unrest—the tragic plight of 90 per cent of the men, women and children who made up the population of the United States. It has been well said—"“The most dreadful failure of which any form of government can be guilty is simply to lose touch with reality, because out of this failure all im= aginable forms of evil grow. Every empire that has crashed has come down primarily because its rulers didn’t know what was going on in the world and were incapable of learning.” It is for that reason that our American form of Government will continue to be safest in Democratic hands. The real, actual, under- cover Republican leadership is the same as it was four years ago. That leadership will never comprehend the needs for a program of social justice and of regard for the well- being of the masses of our people. I have been comparing leader~ ship in Washington. This contrast between Democratic and Repub- lican lesdership holds true throughout the length and breadth of the State of New York. As far back as the year 1910 the old black horse cavalry in Albany was failing to meet changing social conditions by appropriate social legislation. Here was a State noted for its industry and noted for its agriculture—a State with the greatest mixture of population— where the poorest and the richest lived, literally, within a stone’s throw 6f each other—in short situation made to order for un- rest. And yet in this situation the best the Republican leaders of those days could say was: “Let them eat cake.” What would have happened if that reactionary dom- ination had continued through all these hard years? Democratic Leadership and New Philosophy. Starting in 1911, & Democratic leadership came into power, and with it & new philosophy of gov- ernment. I had the good fortune to come into public office at that time. I found other young men in the Legislature—men who held the same philosophy—one of them was Bob Wagner; another was Al Smith. We were all joined in a common cause. We did not look on government as something apart from the people. We thought of it as something to be used by the people for their own good. New factory legislation setting up decent standards of safety and sanitation; limitation of the ing hours of women in industry; & workmen’s compensation law; s one-day-rest-in-seven law; a full train crew law; s direct primary law—these laws and many more were passed which were then called radical and alien to our form of government. Would you or any other Americans call them radical and slien today? In later years, first under Gov. Smith, then during my governor- ship, this program of practical intelligence was carried forward over the typical and unswerving opposition of the Republican lead- ers throughout the State. Today the .great tradition of a liberal, progressive Democratic party has been carried still further by your present Governor, Herbert H. Lehman, He has begun a pro- gram of insurance to remove the specter of unemployment from the working people of the State. He has broadened our labor legislation. He has extended the supervision of public utility companies. He has proved himself an untiring seeker for the public good; a doer of social justice; a wise, conscientious, clear-headed and businesslike ad- ministrator of the executive branch of our government. And be it noted that his opponents are led and backed by the same forces and the same individuals who, for a quarter of a century, have tried to hamstring progress within our State. The overwhelming major- ity of our citizens, regardless of party, propose to return him and his administration to Albany for another two years. His task in Albany, like my task in Washington, has been to main- tain contact between statecraft and reality. In New York and in Washington, Government which has rendered more than lip service to our constitutional democracy has done a work for the protection and preservation of our institue tions that could not have been ac- complished by repression and force. ‘Warning Against Smooth Evasion. Let me warn you and let me warn the Nation against the smooth evasion which says: “Of course we believe all these things. We believe in social security; we be- lieve in work for the unemployed: we believe in saving homes. Cross our hearts and hope to die, we be- lieve in all these things; but we do not like the way the present sdministration is doing them. Just turn them over to us. We will do all of them—we will do more of them—we will do them better; and, most important of all, the doing of them will not cost anybody any- thing.” But, my friends, these evaders are banking too heavily on the short- ness of our memories. No one will forget that they had their golden opportunity—12 long years of it. Remember that the first essential of doing a job well is to want to see the job done. But make no mistake about this: The Republi- can leadership today is not against C., WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 1936. The Republican leadership 18 sgainst the job being done. Look to the source of the promises of the past. Gov. Lehman knows and I know how little legisiation in the interest of the average citizen would be on the statute books in the State of New York, and of the Federal Government, if we had waited for Republican leaders to pass it. The same lack of purpose of fulfillment lies behind the promises of today. You can not be an old guard Republican in the East, and New Deal Republican in the ‘West. You can not promise to re- peal taxes before one audience and promise to spend more of ths taxpayers’ money before another audlence. You cannot promise tax relief for those who ean afford to pay, and, at the same time, promise more of the taxpayers’ money for those who are in need. ‘You simply can not make good on both promises at'the same time. Who is there in America who believes that we can run the risk of turning back our Government to the old leadership, which brought it to the brink of 1933? Out of the strains and stresses of these years we now come to see that the true conservative is the man who has a real concern for in- Justices and takes thought against the day of reckoning. The true conservative seeks to protect the system of private property and free enterprise by correcting such injustices and inequalities as arise from jt. The most serious threat to our institutions comes from those who refuse to face the need for change. Liberalism becomes the protection for the far-sighted conservative. Never has a nation made greater strides in the safe-guarding de- mocracy than we have made dur- ing the last three years. Wise and prudent men—intelligent conserva- tives—have long known that in a changing world worthy institu- tions can be conserved only by adjusting them to the changing time. In the words of the great essayist: “The voice of great events is proclaiming to us—reform if you would preserve.” I am that kind of a conservative because I am that kind of a liberal. BAND LEADER NAMED Leon Brusilof Appointed Con- ductor at G. W. U. Leon Brusiloff has been appointed conductor of the George Washington University Band, according to an an- nouncement by Dr. Cloyd H. Marvin, university president. Brusiloff is director of the band of the 5th Battalion, Marine Corps Re- serves, and of a local restaurant or- chestra. He has conducted several ‘Washington theater orchestras. Student body officials hope the new director will develop a 70 or 80 piece | band. Contract Bridge Classes Planned. A series of classes in contract bridge under the auspices of the Com- munity Center Department will begin at 8 p.m. Friday at Thomson School, Twelfth and L streets, with Dorothy M. Johnston as instructor. The course will be primarily for auction players and beginners in contract. PRESENT AN ENTIRELY NEW KIND OF LIPSTICK the right degree of permanence! 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