Evening Star Newspaper, July 5, 1936, Page 26

STAR, WASHINGTON D C, JULY 5 1936—PART TWO. Ly o THE SUNDAY : s e ———————————————————————————————————e e e ————————— “PILLARS OF HUMAN HAPPINESS” BY THE RIGHT REV. JAMES E. FREEMAN, D. D, LL. D, D.C. L., BISHOP OF WASHINGTON. THE EVENING STAR . With Sunday Morning Edition. ‘WASHINGTON, D. C. SUNDAY _July 5, 1936 THEODORE W. The Evening Star Newspaper Company. Business Omlcl NI“‘1 York Office: 110 Ea: Chicago Office: Lake Michigan 3 EurSpean Omee 14 Regent St. London Rate by Carrier Within the City. Regular Edition. &! Evening Star .- The Evening_and Sunday Star (when $ Sundays).- The Evening_and Sun (when 5 Sundays) - The. Sunday Star Night Final Edition tsht Final and Sundav Star .30c per month Night Final Star ~ . 35c per montn Collection mace at the end of each month Orders may be sent by mail or telephone Na- tional 5000 Rate by Mail—Payable in Advance. Maryland and Virginia Daily and Sunday S10.00; 1 Daily “oniy $6.005 1 Sunday only__ St00i 1 England 60c per month c_per month 5c per copy £5c 3¢ 40c mo mo. mo. All Other State: Onily and Suncay__] ¥r. Daily only. 1 Sunday oniy_ Member of the Associated Press. The Associate < 15 exclusively entitied to the_use for republ credited to 1t or paper and also the and Canada. 1 mo. $1¢ 00° 1 mo 75c $5.00° 1 mo. 50c 1on 1l news dispatches al news published herein rights of mmnm’;;n of special dispatches | e also reserve The Real Issue. In an ideal world. where the motives | of self-interest were eliminated, there would be no gathering clouds or im- pending battles over the industrial or- ganization of the half million steel workers, The issue would not be posed, by the steel industry, as the choice shop or the “right to work” free from enforced membership in some labor or- ganization. by the labor leaders as the right of collective bargaining by workers through | the untramelled choice of their own representatives. The issue would be whether the work- ers in the steel industry desire to con- tinue their present method of collective bargaining through the medium of com- pany fostered organizations and repre- sentatives chosen in accordance with company fostered elections, or whether they desired to align themselves with John L. Lewis and the Committee for Industrial Organization in the formation of a new union of steel workers. The pros and cons of the question would be presented to the workers by the spokesmen for the steel industry and by the spokesmen for the Commit- tee for Industrial Organization and a vote would be taken on the matter, free from further pressure by either side. Both the steel industry and the Com- mittee for Industrial Organization would | agree to abide by the results. But this is by no means an ideal world, nor has the motive of self-interest been eliminated from the considerations of either the steel industry executives or the leaders of the labor movement. The country is, therefore, about to witness bitterness, to be marked perhaps by serious industrial tie-ups and even viclence. Upon the outcome hinges in large degree the future direction of the labor movement in the United States. Both the paid advertisements of the Iron and Steel Institute and the state- ment of William A. Irvin, president of the United States Steel Corpora- tion, reflect the resentment of the in- dustrialists over the “outside” labor in- terests seeking to take over the organi- eaticn of their workers and to speak for them in collective bargaining. The bitterness is accentuated by the fact that the attempt from the “outside” is to displace the system of collective bargain- Ing which the industry voluntarily estab- lished only three years ago, and which the Lewis organization regards as a mere subterfuge, dominated by the em- ployers. All the steel industry says about the “outside” influence is true. ‘The outstanding anomaly of the attempt to arganize the steel workers is the fact that the pressure is exerted from the outside, mainly through the paid services of professional organizers, The impulse does not come from the workers themselves, though where their sym- pathies now might lie is a question which may never be answered. But the main source of bitterness on both sides is the size of the stakes for which they contend. Lewis' goal lies beyond the immediate interests of the steel workers. It embraces the union- ization, in articulate, coherent industrial groups, of all workers. And the steel industry is joined in spirit, in its opposi- tion to Lewis, by all employers of the unorganized workingmen in the mass production industries of the Nation. The questions of the open shop or the closed shop or the right of collective bargain- ing are relatively unimportant side is- sues. The issue is the unionization of all those who labor, and the steel industry merely happens to have been chosen as the battleground. —————— Many lives were lost on the Fourth of July. After all, oratorical fireworks are the safest, though without limitations as to date. - ot Needed Reform. In one of his entertaining articles from the convention Editor William Allen ‘White bids a not-too-tearful good-bye to the Democratic party of Jefferson and Jackson and Cleveland. He indicates that the convention band was definitely fn a reflective mood when it played “Massa’s in the Cold, Cold Ground.” And how long, one may ask, are we to continue the rite of party conven- tions as known up to now and as ex- emplified at Cleveland and Philadel- phia. The radio has worked a change in public estimation of conventions, and there is no telling what its ultimate effect will be. Without the radio the conventions of the past were attended chiefly by the delegates, and most of the delegates were politicians. Being poli- ticians, the long-winded oratory and the childish exhibitions of manufactured en- thusiasm, the illogical and long-drawn- out arrangement of proceedings were in the- nature of bread and meat. They were used to it and they thrived on it. But now it is different. The radio kas brought millions to the ringside at < _.-4pc per montn | f A +othdruite credited 1n this | | turmoil and fear. The issue would not be posed | . qyrieg among the powers. conventions, and a large percentage of them are hard-headed people ot prac- tical affairs to whom the monkeyshines of convention oratory and other forms | | of convention entertainment are so much | flapdoodle. Within their tortured souls there is apt to be created a feeling of | disrespect. not to say resentment, toward | | their lords and masters who load them | with taxes and befuddle them with laws, and they are apt to rise up in rebeilion and demand that political conventions, upposed to be serious and important affairs, be conducted as onc has a right to expect of grown-up men and women who take a predominant part in the management of their country’s affairs. | Familarity with party conventions, in | other words, breeds disrespect. 1914—1936. In every verted to the dread events of that era, hoping that no subsequent Midsummer - would bring a repetition of conditions that precipitated the world tragedy of twenty-two years ago. July, 1936, con- jures up prospects far from reassuring to those who crave the maintenance ot peace. Europe once again seethes with The more pessimistic observers of the scene avow that in some respects it is as full of danger of war - as the situation ushered in at Serajevo. Uncertainty over Germany's intentions, | typified at the moment by Nazi preten- sions in League-governed Danzig, is an enduring cause of unrest. Internal polit- ical strife in France is a factor of in- between the open shop or the closed | calculable dimensions. Turkey's demand for & new deal at the Dardanelles has created new controversies and revived old The Reich’s delay in replying to Britain’s “question- naire” asking for exact definition of Nazi purposes respecting the continental status quo and Germany's former col- onies aggravates anxiety. The British suspect Italian intrigue in fanning Arab revolt in the Near East. London states- men talk freely of another international crisis as they proceed feverishly to speed | Britain’s colossal rearmament program. Most ominously reminiscent of the lurid atmosphere of 1914 is the recrudes- cence of Hapsburg plans for re-establish- ing the monarchy at Vienna. Many signs indicate that Archduke Otto and the Austrian legitimists are moving actively to that end. Peril lies in the fact that | their aspirations appear to command support in Italy. Mussolini is repre- sented as feeling that restoration would be the best guarantee against Nazifica- | tion of Austria. Even France, despite objections of her Little Entente allies, is said to favor Otto’s enthronement as & barrier to Austro-German union. Czecho- | slovakia has just issued a stern warn- ing to Chancellor Schuschnigg, who is | suspected at Prague of promoting Haps- burg designs. An official pronouncement | declares that “every one of Austria's | | nei rs, without exception, would con- a possibly prolonged struggle, full of | neighbors b Excen) & sider restoration a hostile act. They would take suitable action. Fresh seizure of power by the Hapsburg family, in any | form. would plunge Central Europe into chaos. Therefore it must and will be prevented.” Young Otto has just set out upon a foreign Summer tour from his place of exile in Belgium. He is quoted as having | recently asserted that he will personally “take over the government of Austria as rapidly as possible.” It is evident from the virtual Little Entente ultimatum emanating from Prague that if the Haps- burg scion ventures to carry out any such plan Europe faces another conflagration | of Austrian origin. e The Important Point. It is proper for Commissioner Hazen to order a continued study this Summer of locel tax revenues. The Commission- ers should be able to show, as the tax- payers have shown before, that the diffi- culties in financing the Capital City are not caused by any shortage of local tax | revenues, but by the failure of the Na- tional Government to contribute its just obligation. Thorough familiarity with the facts regarding local taxation is necessary in making this showing. But it is equally important for the Commissioners to prepare a strong case regarding the Nation’s obligation in sup- port of the Nation's Capital. Commis- sioner Hazen would do well to emphasize to his committee of advisers the funda- mental point covered in the District ap- propriation act's instructions regarding the inquiry into fiscal relations by the President: Fifty thousand dollars shall be avail- able for expenditure, under the direction of the President, for making an inde- pendent study of the fiscal relations be- tween the United States and the District of Columbia and enabling him to report to Congress at the beginning of the next regular session what, in his judgment, is & fair and equitable amount to be paid by the United States as an annual con- tribution toward the expenses of the government of the District of Colum- bia. In other words, the investigations al- ready made demonstrate the adequacy of the local tax contribution. The point to be covered by the President’s inquiry is the “fair and equitable amount” to be paid by the United States. The Com- missioners should be prepared to make their argument in this connection before whatever agency the President selects to pursue the inquiry. Shenandoah Afterthought. When President Roosevelt on Friday last dedicated the Shenandoah National Park a hope and an expectation were fulfilled. The occasion signified the preservation of one of the few extensive recreational areas of the Eastern half of the United States. One hundred and seventy-six thousand acres are included within the boundaries of the reserve, and each of the total number has its own claim to the appreciation of the visiting public. But even those who never will see the beauty of the park with their own eyes will rejoice to know that it exists. Ameri- cans as a class have been learning to understand the values of conservation. They know that the natural resources of the country cannot bé expropriated wastefully without penalty. Policles recurring July since 1914 | mankind’s thoughts have irresistibly re- | | flowers. Nevertheless, the dedication cer- | claims honor in his precinct, county or | | He labored earnestly by day which once devastated areas vastly larger than Shenandoah have been halted. Decades, however, will be needed to re- store what has been lost. Yet it should be remembered that every individual citizen can contribute toward the desired ideal. In little Euro- pean states like Holiand and Denmark the problem has been solved. The popu- lation is “land-minded” to the point where no scrap of ground is neglected; every single square foot of earth is treas- ured, protected, developed and employed in the national economy. At Essen, in Germany, there are gardens, carefully cultivated, within shouting distance ot the great steel mills. It is possible to ride for hours through the Reich without once seeing an empty field. ‘The time will come as certainly as to- morrow’s sunrise when the United States will boast the same social psychology ot thrift. National parks forecast a similar conservation of privately held real estate. The smallest back yards of city homes can be improved, and eventually their owners will be ashamed to permit them to be anything less than beautiful. ————————— ‘The Christmas carol season will not be due for several months. While waiting for the gentle salutation of Tiny Tim, Mark Tapley may be remembered for his smile of faith and confidence, with the pages of “Barnaby Rudge” at the same time revealing the envy and ingratitude of a Sim Tappertit. B The Shenandoah National Park does not make a publicized specialty of wild emonies disclosed faces wreathed in smiles in a manner to attract any dis- criminating bouquet gatherer. ———— Sentence of a former sailor to im- prisonment for selling United States Fleet information is a depressing re- minder that international candor has not yet progressed to a point that requires all kinds of business to be done in “a goldfish bowl.” e Educational circles have brought to at- tention the title “Doctor” as a distinction apart from medicine or surgery. A doctor State, whether he professes to cure any- thing or not. = e In the course of comment Senator Steiwer indicates disapproval of the precedent smasher who, in the course of Fourth of July demonstration, tries to burn up the United States Constitution. ] Fourth of July orations sound in many cases like revamped commencement essays, which show efforts to harmonize basic patriotic themes with a campaign keynote. s g Agriculture adjustment cannot foresee the part which nature may play in crop production. Assumption of ability to do | so rivals the precarious authority as- sumed by the “Wizard of the Nile.” ————————— Industrial unions and craft unions are engaged in a quarrel that may make the | fur fiy. The fable of the Kilkenny cats should not be forgotten. Yesterday patriotism was interrupted in thoughts of the bandwagon in order ! to remember the ambulance. —r—e—— Shooting Stars. BY PHILANDER JOHNSON. Something Missed. There was a man who learned the way A lot of things to do. And oft the whole night through. The lessons that in life abound He struggled to disclose, But in his search he never found The secret of repose. He spoke and read in many a tongue, | And many a tome he'd lift. In gratitude his praise was sung Each year for some new gift. And yet his life was often sad, While humbler folk seemed blest. With all the knowledge that he had He never learned to rest. Alert Attention. “Don't you think you ought to quit work and take a rest?” “Don’t suggest it,” said Senator Sor- ghum. “Just now nothing makes a man in public life more restless than the idea of quitting work.” Song of Conservatism. “We did not know”—that is the song That people sing when things go wrong— When dreams, with brightness all arrayed In truth’s gray dawn, begin to fade; ‘When reckless egotism finds Its plans upset by simple minds; ‘When some small word of common sense, | economic reasoning. ‘When precepts old are cast aside In ecstasy of modern pride, Only to find the world at last Ruled by the law of ages past, Then comes confession, sad and slow— “We meant well, but we did not know.” “To have enough for your needs,” said Hi Ho, the sage of Chinatown, “is a dream never realized. One need satisfled opens the door to many new ones.” Proud Recollection. “You seem rather elated this morn- “I am,” replied Mr. Meekton. “Last night my wife mistook me for a burglar. It’s the only time in my life that Hen- rietta was actually afraid of me.” Safe Announcement. I am inclined to speak my mind ‘ In sccents plain and sure Concerning ills I hope theyll find At last some way to cure. 8ince an opinion must be had, Il make it plain and strong, That Sorrow is exceeding Sad And Crime is very Wrong. “Opportunities,” said Uncle Eben, “is like race hosses. Dar’s allus plenty of ‘em. De success of de trick depends on pickin’ de right one.” > + Preparations for Campaign Oratory’ BY OWEN L. SCOTT. Candidates for the presidency are pro- ceeding on the theory that they may win or lose in November on the character of their appeal over the air. The result is a promise of the oratorical battle of the century in the months ahead. That raises the question: Where does a President or a candidate for the presi- dency find time to prepare speeches? How are these appeals fashioned? What part does the speaker actually play (n their preparation? Answers depend on the individual. They already are given in part by the experience of President Roosevelt and the present preparations of Gov. Landon. Both depend on heavy thinkers and phrase-makers. But the methods of the two candidates differ. .Four years ago, Mr. Roosevelt, then seeking a first term, used the services of Gen. Hugh Johnson, Raymond Moley and Dr.’ Rexford Tugwell in prepara- tion of his major addresses. Gen. John- son provided facts and phrases; Dr. ‘Tugwell offered an economic philosophy and literary style; Raymond Moley watched the corners. This year things are different. Gen. Johnson 1is turning his own phrases. Raymond Moley is on the side- lines, critical of much that the Presi- dent is,doing. Dr. Tugwell's collectivist philosophy, with its emphasis on plan- ning, no longer is popular and has been abandoned by the President, for the | time being at least. President Roosevelt will not miss these former helpers. The reason is that he has a well-developed technique for speech preparation that revolves around his own ability to handle language. The President’s part is something like that of a highly skilled editor. LR If Mr. Roosevelt is to make an address, he tells Stephen Early, his secretary, of the type of material wanted. Early puts his assistant, Willlam Hassett, on the Job of gathering this material from Gov- ernment departments concerned. The departments, through their publicity sections, shape up facts and background of the sort requested. Hassett then as- | sembles the contributions and organizes | the material. At that point, Mr. Roosevelt goes to | work. He decides which facts and viewpoints fit into the word picture that he wishes to make. The material goes into his mind, reacts against his experience and his objectives, and comes out in the form of language and expressions with which the country now is familiar. The President believes in turning com- plicated facts and figures into simple illustrations. He has a facility for doing | | that sort of thing and a knack for creat- ing expressions that catch on. ki In the last .ew months, the men who have been sending speech material to the White House have noted a change. They observed that the more critical | portion of the matter they prepared was consistently killed out and that, in its stead, was appearing a new spiritual note and a sort of emotional appeal that was | | lacking in previous periods. They read into this change a shift in technique and see in it the hand of Dr. Stanley High. Dr. High, former editor of a religious magazine and an expert on radio ap- peals of the type that cause a heart- | throb, is very much in the speech-mak- ing picture as the 1936 campaign gets under way. His presence suggests that, in place of Gen. Johnson. with his sharp criticisms, and Dr. Tugwell, with his there now 1is to appear a religious editor adding a spir- itual touch to the presidential addresses. The new aide to the President—not on the Government pay roll—is cred- ited with coining some of the expressions in Mr. Roosevelt’s acceptance address. He also is credited with an important part in preparation of recent speeches, involving an interpretation of economics that made many an official head of hair stand on end. turns out to be a fine religious editor. * X X X Essentially, the speeches of Mr. Roose- velt are his own, built out of material | supplied at his request and representing his own fashioning of that material, with later polishing by advisers. In the preparation of presidential speeches, Charles Michelson, publicity director for the Democratic National | His | Committee, plays little or no part. job is to get down on a different level and to develop the strong-arm personal stuff that is used by the lesser lights in the party. ok The methods of Gov. Landon are de- cidedly different from those of Mr. Roosevelt. The Republican candidate still is working on his machinery for speech preparation. His problem is different from that of the President because he possesses no Government departments | in close touch with facts of all kinds. | Because of that, he is dependent, as Mr. Roosevelt was in 1932, on a group of re- search professors. Gov. Landon is not a skilled speaker. His voice on the radio is somewhat harsh. Words do not flow readily and resonantly from his mouth. He has been advised to practice elocution and to develop a radio technique, but has not been interested in that advice. The reason is that the Governor and his advisers believe that voters may prefer a sharp contrast between the can- didates. They see a chance to capitalize on the matter-of-fact speaking ability of an obviously sincere man. Some gambling is being done on the chance that the people may tire of eloquence. Republicans this year have the job of attacking. Mr. Roosevelt will seek to ignore his immediate opposition. The opposition’s objective will be to break through presidential aloofness and put President Roosevelt on the defensive. Gov. Landon is preparing effectively for that task. His early speeches were prepared with the advice of Roy Roberts, editor of the Kansas City Star, and William Allen White of the Emporia Gazette. Both are adept at handling words and they know public psychology as well as the working of Government. With this type of guidance, the Republican candidate can count on a minimum of tactical errors in his speech-making. ® ok ok % A staff of advisers and writers is being assembled for the more technical phases of campaign preparation. Thus, Ralph Robey, Columbia Univer- sity professor and former financial editor, who once did some work for President Roosevelt, is on hand to shape up material on Government finance and money problems. He has been highly critical of New Deal spending and is armed with a knowledge of Treasury affairs. Then Earl H. Taylor, former asso- ciate editor of the Country Gentleman, & Curtis publication, is busy preparing attacks on the Roosevelt farm policies and preparing material intended to sell the Republican farm plan to the country. For the job of polishing Oiwhe;' | those whose genius gave the Nation its | | being. | stonists aboard. As an economist, he | When we come to the anniversary of the birthday of the Nation we are com- pelled to look to those who at the be- ginning gave our country its charter and indeed its character. No one stands more conspicuously as the sponsor of the young Republic than the immoral Washington. In days such as these, where we are experimenting with new systems, sometimes disregarding old and long-cherished ideals, we do well to recall the pregnant words spoken by Wash- ington in his farewell address, “Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism who should labor to sub- vert these great pillars of human hap- piness, these proofs of the duties of men and citizens. It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a neces- sary spring of popular government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric.” There is both statesmanship and pro- found wisdom in these memorable sen- tences. There are those in our life who would resist and set at naught the judg- ments of the men who founded the Re- public. They speak of a “dead hand” as being impotent to give guidance and | direction in a day of change and up- heaval. Some even speak in derision of Surely we are passing through | days of many new and strange doctrines. Policies wholly alien to our life are pro- | posed with an arrogance and conceit that is shameless and abandoned. A nation conceived in liberty and dedi- cated to immutable moral and spiritual ideals is asked to give place to policies and systems that are foreign to its fun- damental principles. These ultra-mod- ernists would import from peoples and races wholly alien to our ways ideals of government and ideals of life that have no place in our well-established concepts. There is much of the pagan spirit in these new nostrums and nothing of Christian principles. The “pillars of human happiness” to these innovators are efficiency and prosperity and these without regard to religion and morality. The thoughtful people of this country are awakening to the perils which these new and novel schemes imply. We may have wandered far from the old land- marks and been unresponsive to our avowed ideals, but when our house is imperiled we are compelled to reckon with those elements that constitute the security of our most cherished institu- tions. If “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness” are the fixed purpose of the Republic, then we must restore those pillars upon which the fabrics of our national house is builded. To Washing- ton they were religion and morality. Unsustained or indifferently esteemed they “shake the foundation of the fab- ric,” thus he reasoned. The rapidity of our growth, the development of our vast estate and the accumulation of our riches have for the while deflected us from our major quest. We have grown opulent and arrogant and our zeal for materials possessions has rendered us unresponsive to the high claims of char- acter. It is not a faulty diagnosis of the | causes of the long-continued depression to say that at its source and center is the lowered moral standards of our people as a whole We have set an example to the youth of the Nation that threatens the stability of its character and renders it impotent to maintain the traditions of the Republic itself. A type of patriotism that is seifish and insular, that puts gain and acquisition above loyalty to fundamental American ideals and the widest good of all our people, is reprehensible and inimical to the largest interests of the Nation. We shall hardly set forward our truest and best and attain that for which this Na- tion was brought into being, until we heed again the mighty words of Wash- ington as they concern the “great pillars of human happiness.” Fifty Years Ago In The Star Independence day was celebrated on July 5, 1886, the Fourth being Sun- o day. Several hun- Shipwrecked Excursionists. cursion had an unpleasant experience, as who observed the day | related in The Star of July 6, 1886 “There was considerable anxiety about the city last night on account of the failure of the Arrowsmith to arrive. The Arrowsmith went to Colonial Beach yes- terday morning with about 500 excur- Shortly after leaving Colonial Beach on the return trip last evening the shaft of the steamer broke. After going some miles the steamer was unable to proceed farther. The purser of the steamer was sent to Alexandria on a passing tug for assistance. Only a portion of the wharf at Mathias Point was standing. the part nearest the shore having been swept away last Spring. so the passengers were unable to go ashore. They remained on the steamer until half | past five o'clock this morning. when the ferry beat Citv of Alexandria arrived from Alexandria and brought the ex- cursionists to this city. They ar- rived at half past morning, twelve and a overdue. half criticize the offi- cers of the steamer for not putting back to Colonial Beach when the acci- dent was discovered. The steamer Lady of the Lake passea the disabled steamer early this morning, but the officers of the Arrowsmith would not hail her. The | excursionists spent the night as com- fortably as they could on the crowded steamer. There were many children aboard, who suffered for lack of food. . % The condition of Rock Creek Valley, which has now been made into a beau- tiful park, was much Gully Is Not criticized 50 vears ago : and the discussion of L prthet. the subject developed considerable acrimony. The Star of July 7, 1886, says: “What's in & name? A canvon or ravine by any otber name will smell as sweet and form as picturesque a feature | of the landscape, surely, and yet an indignant reader writes to The Star com- | plgining of its use of the word ‘gully’ in | describing the valley through which Rock Creex takes its romantic way. ‘A real estate shark,’ he says, ‘who for specula- tive purposes is anxious to make himself believe that it is a mud hole, is free | to designate this fair spot with any opprobrious epithet he may choose.” If ‘gully’ were an ‘opprobrious epithet,” doubtless this severe bit of sarcasm would have some force; but, as the most accom- plished masters of our mother tongue used this word. ‘gully’ signifies a channel worn in the earth or rock by the cur- rent of a stream. The Star's corre- spondent has perhaps studied the geo- logical aspects of Rock Creek more care- fully than the author of the offending paragraph, and is, therefore, better quali- fied to discuss the origin of the depres- sion or cleft, or whatever it may be. But when he begins to throw stones at other people’s English, he had better have an eye to the safety of his own glass house; for the best geologist in the world has no right to call ‘gully’ an ‘epithet.’ Gov. Landon has E. Ross Bartley, a former Washington newspaper man, who helped put Gen. Charles Gates Dawes, former Vice President, on the map. Bartley likewise handled publicity for the Chicago Century of Progress. But like President Roosevelt, Gov. Landon insists on final shaping of speeches in his own language. He is reported to have turned down the sug- gestion that some skilled phrase-maker, like Ben Allen, who changed the radio style of former President Hoover, be turned loose to jazz up his coming addresses. Voters thus are assured of sharply contrasting styles of oratory. They will have a chance to take their pick. * %k X X When it comes to vice presidential candiates, the contrast will be equally ng?l?‘!"mnk Knox, the Republican nom- inee, is a vigorous speaker, who writes his own speeches and enjoys turning phrases with a punch in them. He is going to bear a large part of the Re- publican campaign speaking burden. John Garner, seeking re-election as Vice President on the Democratic ticket, is inclined to be tongue-tied when it comes to public speaking. If possible, he will avoid campaign appearances except where forced on him. And then the speeches will bear the mark of front-office preparation. The fact is that speech writing in day presidential politics is a com, ted business, invol many minds and much research. (cwnuns‘wau.) ten o'clock this | hours | The belated excursionists were | | inclined to severely Capital Sidelights BY WILL P. KENNEDY. The people of this country are ap- | pealed to by Representative Samuel B dred Washingtonians ! by taking a river ex- | Pettengill of Indiana to note the great service by the public school teachers during these difficult years of depres- sion. Children from millions of homes have had their hope and morale, physical health and energies sustained by the cheer and courage of their teachers— | for whom it has been a period of added work, more pupils, less pay—but they have carried on. Certainly it has meant much to the Republic that 26.000.000 children enrolled in our schools, a quar- ter of the total population, have had these daily contacts with 870,000 teach- s €rs. stopped at the wharf at Mathias Point, | The Federal Government helped to carry the load for municipalities which had reached the end of their credit and tax reserves, he points out. Thirty-two national organizations joined forces to form the Nationai Committee for Fed- eral Emergency Aid for Education. with James H. Richmond as chairman. Schools have been kept open. teachers’ pay rolls have been provided to close the gap of shrinking revenues, and under P. W. A. appropriations hundreds of new buildings and improvements and | extensions to existing buildings have been constructed. If “the children's health is the Na- | tion’s wealth"—school nurses, play- ground directors, the medical and dental professions have helped to maintain a remarkable degree of health among these 26.000.000 children. With only 7 per cent of the world’s population, we in America during the worst year of our | worst depression spent more money on our public schools than all the rest of the world together spent on its public schools. And. again—the teachers are the first line of defense against traffic hazards, | which last year had a toll of 36,000 lives, to teach children habits of carefulness of lasting value. * % ¥ x Now is a period of “rehabilitation.” preservation of historic structures to be shrines for future centuries. At the Democratic National Convention, in Philadelphia, there was a drive for con- tributions to adequately at Lancaster, Pa. Now comes an appeal to “preserve and maintain for posterity” | the Tobias Lear House, at Portsmouth, N. H. Those heading the effort are Mrs. Theodore Roosevelt, Charles F. Adams, former Secretary of the Navy; Senator Harry Flood Byrd of Virginia, Theodore Roosevelt, Huntley N. Spaulding, Thom- as Washington, U. 8. N, and George L. Washington. ‘The house is the birthplace and boy- hood home of Tobias Lear, who after being graduated from Harvard College became private secretary to General Washington, later the President’s chief secretary and finally military secretary with the title of colonel. During 14 years of that period Lear resided al- most continuously with the Washington family—no other man in the country was so close to Washington, so honored with his intimate confidence. Lear's second wife was a niece of Martha Washington and widow of the President’s favorite nephew, Maj. George Augustine Wash- ington. His third wife was Frances Dandridge Henley, another niece of Mrs. ‘Washington. Colonel Lear had the complete trust of both Washington and Jefferson. When the latter was inaugurated Presi- dent he selected Lear for special diplo- matic missions. He sailed on the frig- ate Constitution and negotiated the treaty of peace with Tripoli in 1805. After the War of 1812 President Madison appointed him commissioner to arrange for the exchange of prisoners with Great Britain. The Lear House adjoins the famous Wentworth-Gardner House in Ports- mouth and was built in 1740. Ny ‘The bicentennial of Patrick Henry— “Voice of the Revolution"—is about to be celebrated with dramatic re-enact- ment by a cast of more than 1,000. Henry started life with failure as a pupil, farmer, merchant. He learned mostly sympathy for the poor, whom he trusted at his store until bankrupt. His meteoric rise to fame from aiding the tavern keeper at Hanover, whose daugh- ter he married, was founded on a fort- night’s stay at William and Mary Col- lege, where he obtained a permit to practice law. Henry became a popular figure when he stepped into the shoes of the King's attorney when the parsons of the Old Dominion sued for strict interpretation of the law in obtaining payment for their services in tobacco, currency of the period. At first stammering, he sud- denly burst into a steady flow of perfect oratory—the people took Henry on their shoulders and paraded him about the building. He was next heard from in the General Assembly, where he jumped to fame with his resolutions against the stamp act. | deposit in savings | single repository of the people’s savings | greater restore the | birthplace of President James Buchanan, | Lively Interest in Future of Savings BY FREDERIC J. HASKIN., Statesmen, financiers, bankers, indus- trialists and all those concerned with the destinies of the American people are showing a lively interest in the trend of savings of wealth in the United States. The American people have been, for the most part, a thrifty people. It might be said that they had learned the habit of saving from attention to the maxims of Benjamin Franklin, contained in “Poor Richard’s Almanac.” It is more likely that Franklin learned his maxims from the people themselves, that he merely reflected national characteristics and gave them articulation. But a fear developed in the last few years as to now much the incentive to thrift had been destroyed by the hard times. A story which was widely told during the darkest years was about two men who encountered each other at mid- night on Brooklyn Bridge. They cor= rectly suspected each other of attempt- ing suicide, and with this bond between them fell into conversation. The first said that he was a failure, that he had never been able to make a decent living and that he was so weary of the hard- ships of penury that he had concluded to end it all by a leap from the bridge. The second said that he had been fortunate in mundane affairs, that he had amassed a competence, but that through the decline in security vaiues and the failure of banks he had been re- duced to destitution. So these two men, | one of whom had never exercised thrift and one of whom had exercised that virtue only to see his fortune swept away, | found themselves at the same pass. * x % % Scores of hundreds of thousands of Americans did indeed see their hard-won life savings destroved in the great de- pression, and it was scarcely to be won- dered at that many should lose heart and lack the fortitude to start building all over again. This attitude of mind has been regarded by many observers as perhaps the worst aspect of the bad years. Without the will the incentive to save and help build up the common wealth on the part of the populace the Nation would be in bad case. One of the first steps taken by the New Deal administration was for the protection of bank deposits. The Fed- | eral Deposit Insurance Corporation was created and bank deposits insured up to $5000. But this by no means proved universally convincing. The national bank act was in itself calculated to in- sure against bank failures. Yet often because of disregard of the letter of the law national banks failed. If that law did not work, perhaps the insurance sys= tem would not work. Previous systems, tried in the States. had failed miserably. ¥ %" There are indications now that saving on the part of the American people is once more going forward and that the habit of thrift has not been eradicated. This is regarded as one of the most heartening signs of the times. It gives promise that the losses of the lean years will be repaired and that the Nation will surge forward anew and gather augment- ed financial strength. Savings are found in many forms. The term does not relate alone to money on banks. The largest is the vast life insurance fund. Through steady payment of premiums individuals build up savings funds for themselves which. in an emergency. can be drawn upon curing their lifetimes, and. in any event, fall to their beneficiaries at death. Moreover, there has been a material in- crease in the popularity of endowment or annuity insurance policies which pro- vide 2 system whereunder the individual may retire in his declining years and be assured of an income. * * * One may read occasionaily of how some vastly wealthy individual has been insured for $1,000,000. Policies of even sums have been written. The premiums, of course, are huge. But these are not the insurance policies which really furnish the great mass of accumu-~ lated wealth in the insurance fund. The millions of relatively small insurance customers, not the rich men, are the real accumulators of this fund. The same is true in the matter of bank savings. In 1933, the year counted as the low point of the depression, the American savings fund in insurance, banks and other forms representing current savings was placed at only $50,000,000,000. ‘In 1930 it had reached a peak of $56,000,- 000,000 But the hard times made it necessary for many individuals to draw out and spend their savings, and, of course, millions were lost outright in failures Had the rate of withdrawal and dis- appearance of savings continued, the financial backlog of the Nation soon wouid have dwindled dangerously, doubt- less ultimately affecting the national credit. But figures for the first of this year show that the tide has turned. The savings fund has climbed to $53,500,000,~ 000. and unless some fresh economic cata~ clysm descends will ere long outstrip the previous peak. L o8 In 1933 there were 55,000.000 policies held, according to statistics covering the more important life insurance companies. Now there are 63,000,000. In 1933 there were 39,262.000 accounts in the mutual savings banks and other banks, and now there are 41,315,000. This indicates a swift reversal of the trend. In view of the fact that there still are some 10,000,000 unemployed persons in the country and that persons on relief can scarcely be expected to save, the showing is regarded as remarkable. It reflects & determination to build for the future. The individual is practically certain to think of his savings in terms of what his pass book shows or how much insurance he has taken out. Actually, these savings find their way into many channels. For example, nearly one-quarter of ail the money held by the insurance companies has been invested in farm and other mortgages. A huge amount has been in- vested in gilt-edged stocks and bonds of railroads and other industrial corpora- tions. The borrowers of this money are using it to create new wealth and addi+ tional savings, so in normal times sav- ings serve to enhance of themselves. The man who takes a railroad journey may very well think to himself that the car he rides in, the roadbed he traverses are, in some infinitesimal part, his savings. As banks and insurance companies invest in the bonds of States, counties and mu- nicipalities, furnishing funds for improve- ments, the man driving over a highway or crossing a bridge may look upon those solid additions to the common wealth as a portion of his savings. The Federal Government's huge deficit has, in the past two or three years, been financed by the savings of the people. The money deposited in the banks, the money paid in insurance premiums has, to an extent never before reached, been passed along to the Federal Treasury. The obligations of the Treasury are held by the lenders. Interest is paid, and thus n::nuvtnn slowly build up like a coral atoll. .