Evening Star Newspaper, June 25, 1936, Page 13

Class Feeling Soft-Pedaled by Robinson Speech Attempts to Persuade bn Supreme Court Issue. BY DAVID LAWRENCE. HILADELPHIA, June 25.—Sen- ator Joe Robinson, majority leader of the Senate and the man who is slated to fill the next vacancy that occurs on the Supreme Court of the United States, has given the country a temperate review of what he considers the New Deal accomplishments. Unlike the other speakers, Robin- son attempts by argument to persuade and not to arouse i class feeling. His belief that the - minority of the Supreme Court was right in its attitude toward the New York State minimum wage law was ex- pressed in dig- nifled language which could not by the remotest stretch of the imagination be construed as an attack on the in- tegrity of the Court itself. It may well be doubted, however, whether the strategy of the speech as a whole is effective. Indeed, there seems to be something wrong with the Democratic strategists, for they are not putting their best foot forward. Thus, Robinson's speech was given over almost entirely to the point of proving that Gov. Landon and the Platform Committee at Cleveland dis- agreed. Since the Platform Commit- tee was dominated by the “Old Guard” and since Gov. Landon's progressive- ism is not as widely known as it might be, the Democrats are er{zphl- sizing the fact that the Kansas Gov- ernor is his own master and not be- holden to the so-called plutocratic interests of the East. Farléey Also Advertises. Likewise, Chairman James Farley himself has advertised the fact that the Cleveland convention passed up Herbert Hoover, something that many Republicans have wanted to let the country know in unequivocal terms so that the voter would recognize Landon as a candidate who is not tied up to the policies of the last Republican administration. There can be no doubt that Senator Robinson took every advantage of the mistakes made by the Republicans at Cleveland. He hit hard the proposed repeal of the reciprocity trade agree- ments, realizing that in the seacoast cities this is going to be an important vote getter. Thus he said: “To repeal this law and impose em- bargoes will virtually mean the end of our foreign commerce. American ships will rot at their docks, and our vessels will disappear from the seas. Under the Republican policy, surpluses | will continue to pile up in the home market to the ruin of American| producers.” Rule May Provide Fireworks. The convention here is a rather| listless affair. Conventions in which a President is renominated always are. There is no contest on candi- dacies and usually none on platform. The debate of the two-thirds rule may prove of more than casual sig- nificance. If President Roosevelt is re-elected this year, it virtually as- sures his renomination for a third term in 1940, should he desire such office. As for the unwritten law that no man shall be President three times in succession, the force of unwritten laws has been much reduced in the last few years, along with the force of some plainly written constitutional Pprovisions. The two-thirds rule is really a one- | third rule. It is a means whereby few votes in addition to a one-third bloc of delegates can frustrate a nomina- tion even though a candidate has more than a majority of the dele- gates, as Champ Clark had in 1912, only to be blocked by the anti- Clark delegates who forced the tri- umph of Woodrow Wilson. Until now, the two-thirds rule has been so closely interwoven in the strategy of some candidate or candi- dates at a Democratic convention that it was practically impossible to get the rule changed from a two-thirds vote to a majority of the delegates as sufficient to: achieve a nomination. Even in 1932, when the Roosevelt forces were in command of nearly two-thirds of the delegates, they hesi- tated finally to insist on abrogating the two-thirds rule. Time Ripe Now. Had they done so, the opposition eandidates would have put up a fight that might have caused cleavages en- dangering the chances of Mr. Roose- velt. The Roosevelt men backed down 8s & matter of expediency, but this time they have the renomination as- sured, so they feel they can put through the change, especially since it requires only a majority of the dele- gates to ratify the report of the Com- mittee on Rules. There will be a minority or dissent- ing report from the committee and some discussion on the floor of the convention. To the outsider it seems sensible for the Democrats to nomi- nate by a majority just as do the Republicans. But there are peculiar circumstances attaching to the two- thirds rule. It really has been the safeguard which the South has al- ways employed to prevent the nomi- nation of a Northerner who might hold views on the Negro question or against States’ rights that might be obnoxious to them. ‘Today, with the Democratic party sponsering a campaign for Negro votes in 21- Northern States, the Roosevelt ‘party has more to gain than lose by playing with the Northern elements that are going to be 6o influential in various congressional districts. As for the South, where can it go? To the Republicans, who since the Civil ‘War have been espousing the rights of the Negroes. What it may mean is that the old reasons for a solid South in American politics on the Democratic side may now disappear, and, if new parties are born in the next few years, the South may furnish the nucleus for such re- volt. 4 David Lawrence. (Copyright, 1930.) RG0S T Trip Is “Fruitless.” GUYMON, Okla. (#).—For breakfast in Guymon today there was orange Juice, and- more orange juice. When two cars of a freight train Jumped the track last night the entire load—a shipment of fresh oranges— Behind the News Convention Carefully Formulated to Continue Roose- velt Luck Combination. BY PAUL MALLON. HILADELPHIA, June 25.—There seems to be much in what these Democratic orators have not said. Nobody missed it much, but Farley, Barkley and Robinson neg- lected to mention such outstanding New Deal reforms as the Ten- nessee Valley improvement, rural resettlement, the Federal Housing Ade ministration, Also they overlooked Grand Coulee and the other dams, as well as Passamaquoddy and the Florida Ship Canal. Few will blame them for for- getting the last two sidetracked accomplishments, but how they came to omit legislation passed at this session of Congress, such as the tax bill, the mild chain store bill and the bonus is causing inner comment. Party directors here explain they wanted to keep the speeches as general as possible. What they really mean is that they have wisely chosen to stress accomplishments with the widest political appeal, while soft-pedaling the more controversial ones. ¥ Note—The only really serious inside split has been between those top leaders who want to generalize and others who want to particularize. Inside differences in preparation of the plat- jorm at the White House have centered mainly on that point of strategy. More than one delegate has wondered to those sitting next to him why President Roosevelt selected such an unexceptional orator as Julge Mack to do his nominating. There was also much comment about the choice of such old-fashioned orators as Senators Barkley and Robinson. Only those very close to Mr. Roosevelt know the answer. The President is superstitious. Mack did the nominating in Chicago and started a successful campaign. Barkley and Robinson also held the same jobs four years ago. In choosing them again, Mr. Roosevelt dis- carded the advice of some of his best advisers, but he did not risk offending Lady Luck. And, while everybody believes Mr. Roosevelt's acceptance speech is being delayed until Saturday night just to stretch out the convention for the Philadelphia business men who put up the money, he had a personal purpose in that decision also. Doubt it, if you will, but Mr. Roosevelt does not accept such important things as nominations on Fridays. * X X X A small group of delegates from Idaho have been discussing among themselves a plan to lure Senator Borah from the Republicans. Their idea is to run down to Washington after this convention and find out whether the Idaho Republican would be interested in accepting the Democratic senatorial nomination as well as the Republican. This would mean the retirement from the race of Democratic Gov. Ross, but the enthusiastic delegates profess to have no doubts that this could be effected. By thus assuring Borah of re-election, they believe they could keep him out of the Landon camp for the duration of the campaign. The big shots have heard about the plan, but do not share the enthusiasm of the four or five Idaho delegates behind it. They do not believe Borah would bite. 1t is true considerable criticism is being expressed by delegates against the New Deal after they lock the door and close the window. It is causing some excited authorities to expect an insurrection on some secondary point like the two-thirds rule. What they have not noted is that the criticism is against certain features of the New Deal, and not against Mr. Roosevelt. 1t indicates that there are very few, if any, delegates here who are in favor of everything that the New Deal has done. At the same time there are equally few, if any, who are mot in favor of giving Mr. Roosevelt anything and everything he wants out of this convention. Three big Senators up front here are not exactly resting easy about their own personal political situations back home. Nothing much is being said about it, but Senator Jim Byrnes is having his troubles in South Carolina. Some political insiders there doubt that he will be renominated and even his friends concede the contest will be close. Almost as hard pressed is Senator Pat Harrison in Mississippi. Permanent Chairman Robinson has faced difficulties in Arkansas, but ‘White House politicos now say they have word that everything is straight- ened out for his senatorial renomination. Unless these three men are renominated, their interest in the coming campaign will be largely academic. The loss of any of them would cause mourning in the White House. * ok kX Frank Walker is telling friends who expect to see him in Washington shortly as Postmaster General that he “does not know about that.” Nevertheless, he will probably take it. Ghostman Michelson spent all Tuesday afternoon with Keynoter Supreme Court and 70 for Hoover. Lehman persists in retiring. BY CARLISLE BARGERON, Staft Correspondent of The 8 PHILADELPHIA, June 25.—The simple suggestion that the Republi- cans might win next November has almost made a peycopathic case of a Roosevelt nominator here who has been making $10,000 a year ever since the New Deal came in. His friends have thought of sending for his wife. They say she can really handle him. In the meantime, he alternates be- tween the belligerency and abject fear and he murmurs incoherently about the intelligence of the Ameri- can people and about intrenched greed. It seems that the height of the gentleman’s annual income before the three long years set in was $3,600 & year. The New Deal has made him a $10,000-a-year executive of one of its many enterprises. And he is not a man not to appreciate the importance of such a job and to realize that it places more social responsibilities upon one. For one thing, although not a delegate, he realized the importance of being here and entertaining the proper people. He has an elaborate suite and his friends say he has really been doing things up for the proper people in a big way. Elaborately Escorted. When he ventured forth from his suite, an official car with a motorcycle escort was at his disposal. Three men from the office are always on hand to shoot out on this errand or that one. Everything, it seems, went rosy until made several efforts to leave during the course of the evening but the nomi- nator bade him stay “until the crowd leaves so we can have a talk.” When they were finally alone, the nominator made himself another drink, lighted a cigar and sat back in his big plush chair. “Well, Joe,” he said, “I am cer- tainly sitting on the top of the world. Did you see who I had in here to- night? That's nothing. I have had “buzz buzz and buzz buzz. You gotta hand it to me, boy. I've certainly come along, eh?” The Terrible Alternative. “You're O. K., Henry, unless the Republicans win in November.” The nominator’s hand trembled. He looked at his friend in amazement. A peculiar color came into his face. He gulped almost a half glass of his drink and stood up. “Joe,” he said, unevenly, “what do ‘was strewn along the track. Citizens salvaged the fruit. ~ you mean?” “Why, I simply mean that, after ¢ A Southern member of Congress says: here and get back home to mend my fences. to do here except stand around and wait for orders from the boss.” Newsboys are selling Father Coughlin’'s latest magazine, with flaming headlines attacking Mr. Roosevelt, outside the convention hall. That is, they are unless they have been slain by now. Stately State Secretary Hull insists on sitting with the Tennessee delegation so he can parade around the hall waving banners. (Copyright. 1936.) an old friend dropped in. The friend | nig) Barkley, cutting 2,000 words out of the speech. The applause thermometer indicates the hottest Democratic hate is not the Republicans or Hoover, but the Liberty League. averaged 92 degrees for all mentions of the Liberty League, 88 for the The thermometer Further strong inside pressure is being exerted upon Senator Wagner here to run for Governor of New York in case Gov. It will probably work out that way. “I want to get away from After all, there is nothing Big Shot Nominator Gets Jitters As G.O.P. Victory Fear Strikes‘ Pre-New Deal Friend Puts Bug in Ear, and Nurse Has to Be Hired to Help Take It Out. all, the Republicans may win—" “Why, Joe, you're crazy. Do you mean to sit there and tell me they have the slightest chance?” “Oh, of course they have, Henry. Don't get so excited.” At this it looked as though the nominator’s temples would burst. He took three more swallows and it ap- peared he might choke. He began to cough frantically. He pounded his fist on the table. Recants on Dumb People. “Joe, you listen to me—listen to me now—the American people are not going to stand for intrenched greed again—no, they aren't, Joe. You don't know the American people like I do. I guess you think the American peo- ple are dumb, en? Well, I've made some smart cracks like that myself, Joe. But listen, Joe, they aren’t dumb, Joe, the American people always do right. I guess you want the Republi- cans to win, that's the reason you say that—get to h—l out of here—get out, I say; get out!” At 4 o'clock the following after- noon, the nominator awakened in his gloomy room with cigarette butts and uncleaned glasses all over the place. He ran to the window to let up the curtain. strangest feeling came over him. He ran to a telephone. “Joe,” he called, “come up here quick. It's lonesome. I can’t stand it. Il jump out the window. Listen, Joe, do you really believe what you said last night?” They gave him a male nurse last e DAVIS ASSUMES POST WITH RESERVE BOARD Former A. A. A. Administrator Brings Roster to Full Strength of Seven. BY the Associated Press. Chester C. Davis, former agricul- ture adjustment administrator, was sworn in today as a member of the Federal Reserve Board. Appointed by President Roosevelt as the farmers' re) tative on the board, Davis' assumption of his duties brings the Reserve Board's roster to its full strength’ of seven members. Several weeks ago Ralph W. Morri- son of Texas submitted his resigna« tion as & board member to the Presi- dent, but thus far it has not been | less, accepted : 4 It was raining outside. The | Nazis Coming, Is New Cry for Revere Clear Voice Needed to Spread Alarm on Today’s Trend. BY MARK SULLIVAN. HILADELPHIA, June 25.—One feels it like an imperative call upon conscience to make America understand the his- toric change that is taking place here, One feels that if one had the genius to put it in some clear and simple way, America would take in- terest in proportion to” the momen- tousness of the event. But the new order of society and Government which is being launched here is so alien to America that the very words in which it is expressed are also strange to American eyes and ears. Probably the words ight” and “left” are fully grasped, although they are quite new in America, their com- mon use here having arrived about the same time as the New Deal some three years ago. But the words which express the new order when it is complete — “‘col~ lectivism,” the to- 4 talitarian state,” the “authoritari- § an state” the “unitary state"— these make no deep impression on the average Mark Sullivan man, A writer i8 further handicapped in describing the change, and the country is further handicapped in understand- ing it, by the fact that many of the men who are bringing the change about do not themselves understand it. When the keynote speech of Senator Barkley of Kentucky Iis criticized as a step in a process to fasten collectivism on the country, I imagine Senator Barkley feels hurt, and thicks the word ‘“collectivism” is just & brick hurled at him by some enemy. Self-Interest at Stake. That is the sincere attitdue of not merely nine-tenths but ninety-nine one-hundredths of the men who are actually taking the steps which con- stitute this historic change, They are Denocratic leaders and office-holders Politics is the whole of their careers. Their concern is with the Democratic party, as an office-holding and power- holding organization. For the pur- pose of remaining in power, they see President Roosevelt as a good leader. Hence in their eyes it is proper and wise to do what Mr. Roosevelt tells them. Does some one say that Thomas Jefferson is being abandoned? Oh, well, what of it. The Democratic principle of states’ rights? Oh, well, that's like the tariff, a good deal to be said on both sides. In short the very actors in this historic drama do not see it as what it is. To see it as a striking change, but still merely a change within the Amer- ican tradition—that is common enough. Indeed, no one can help seeing that. That much of it is plain for every eye to see. Others Comment on It. ‘There were, in yesterday's news- papers, two accounts from able com- mentators which I can quote to show what I mean. William Allen White saw clearly enough the passing of the old Democratic party—'the last sad rites of the old party, the birth of & new party.” He observed the absence of pictures of Thomas Jefferson and Andrew Jackson. He observed the rarity of the phrase, ‘“Democratic party” in speeches, the frequency of the phrase, “New Deal.” He noted that “Saturday night, in President Roose- velt's acceptance speech, the country will see the birth of a new political organization under Franklin D. Roose- | velt's leadership.” But White, having passed his life in the very heart of America, geograph- ically and sentimentally, is as unable as the old Democratic leaders to see how far the change goes. He thinks it is a change within the American system. He thinks of it as something like the change from Whig party to Republican. I dare say he does not dream—and there are hardly & hun- dred persons at this convention who dream—that the change is one which uproots and destroys the fundamental conception of American society and government. It is significant that those who see most clearly what is being done here are ones who by experience or schol- arly study are familiar with the new conception of society as it has taken root in Germany, Italy and Russia. ‘Walter Lippmann again and again, |in his comments on this convention, and others recently, sees that the “searching question” is whether Mr. Roosevelt “is moving toward a central- ized regulation of American economy,” and toward a conception of society which bars the existence of free men and free institutions. “This is the historic question to which our genera- tion must find the answer.” Perhaps Roosevelt Doesn’t Know. One shrinks from being dramatic. One shrinks also from saying that the thing America is being led into is common to Nazi-ism in Germany, Fascism in Italy and communism Russia. One shrinks from saying this unless there is ample space to say it carefully, with the necessary qualifica- tions. The new conception, if it takes root in America, will include funda- mental parts of all three, but also will omit parts of all three. Probably Mr. Roosevelt himself does not yet fully envisage the form his innovation will take. Possibly he does not eveq see clearly the future consequence of his present steps. Possibly the change may yet be averted. Yet perhaps it is no time for con- cern about fine distinctions. Perhaps it is no time to be shy about being noisy. One longs for some one with a simple, direct, penetrating mind, a mind concerning itself only with essen- tials and dismissing immaterial quali- fications. If such a person were here he would soon be galloping westward, a modern Paul Revere, crying out in every community, “The Nazis are com- ing.” That arousing slogan would not be exact. But it would be exact enough to be justified. And it would serve to wake America up and cause us to see just what is being done—and also to foresee the future steps which must inevitably follow the one being. taken here. (Copyright, 1936.) 0il Exploits Fruitless. Efforts of the Brazilian government and private interests to locate oil de- posits in Brazil important enough to Justify exploitation have been fruite according to reports to the De- partment of Commerce, | spontaneous action can capture mil- Stampede Out With Radio Technique Broadcasting Now Makes Convention Harmony Essential. BY DOROTHY THOMPSON. HILADELPHIA, June 25— ‘There was once & time in party conventions when keynote speeches and all others were addressed to the convention itself, to a few hundreds or thousands of alter- nates, delegates and guests, gathered together in tangible space. The re- ports of these speeches, as noted by newspaper men, eventually reached the people, with whatever expedition the communications of the times af- forded. They reached them in the printed word, and with the reporter between the reader and the speaker. The accent and emphasis had to be supplied by the reader. There was no mass participation. The very theory of representative government is not that of direct mass democracy. Minorities formulated programs, by deliberative processes, and eventually the people were given an opportunity to choose between them. ‘The radio has changed all this. Indeed it is probably more : revolutiotionizing of government than any tool ever invented. The speakers of today are not address- ing a deliberative body assembled in a hall. They are not address- ing a program- making body. They are speak- ing to 120,000,000 Americans at the end of receiving sets. The campaign begins, therefore, before the program is even formulated. And the public is in on the entire procecure. A form of mass democ- racy is brought into being, which was never foreseen, never prepared for, and which is the result of a scientific discovery. “ For me, the most fascinating place at either the Cleveland or the Phil- adelphia convention has been the office of the broadcasting system with which, for these few days, I am associated. Only a step from the convention hall, it is nicely air-cooled and insulated from outside sounds. Eyes and Ears Everywhere, ‘The roars from the floor can be muted by the turn of a dial. And here I can learn, better than any| delegate sitting in the hall, just what | is going on. For the eyes and ears of the broadcastin, system are every- | where. The voice of the current speaker comes from one corner. In | another corner a teletype machine, | that miraculous inhuman stenogra- | pher, ticks out gently on a continual | manuscript the news gleaned by re- | porters who are everywhere—button- holing people coming out of the Resolutions Committee, or themselves dashing into open hearings to see what is going on. The notes are snatched from the machine by commentators, who, as| soon as there is a moment of recess, | will relay to the public what they | have learned. Every phase of the | convention is audible to the entire American public. The speakers realize this and yet fail to realize it. Is the fact of the radio, perhaps, one reason for the absence of debate? There have been times in our history when a great personality and a dynamic speaker would strike into a conven- tion and capture it; could swing it away from one policy and twoard another, by sheer force of personality and argument. William Jennings Bryan did this in 1896. But no such “ @ Dorothy Thompsen lions listening on the air, May Inspire Walk Tactics. The procedure comes formalized. Debate is almost intransmissible. | Also, the appearance of unanimity must be maintained. What would be | the effect upon the public if Senator Carter Glass, for instance, or Harry Byrd, should rise up on the floor to attack some tendency or policy of the New Deal? Would they not be ac- cused of washing party linen in pub- lic, in plain hearing of everybody in the United States? Is perhaps the radio responsible for the fact that today minorities take a walk instead of taking a stand in the counsels where they belong? On the other hand, the radio has not yet had any appreciable effect on the technique of keynote speakers. Radio experts have estimated that about 15 to 20 minutes of one human voice cn the air is about all that the listener can stand. Spread-eagle ora- tory is a complete washout. It is the quiet voice that gets over. Neither Senator Steiwer nor Senator Barkley would ever get a contract as radio speakers. The technique is effective only where crowds are, where the | timed pause calls forth applause, where one man’s enthusiasm is transmitted to another. The audience of one, sitting at home by the fire, cannot be stampeded. He can only be per- suaded. As far as the great public is concerned, Senator Barkley's speech would have been a great deal more ef- fective if it had been rewritten and delivered by Boake Carter or Hilmar ‘Baukhage. False Fronts Necessary, There is a good deal to be said on the subject 91 “‘open covenants, openly arrived at.”' Open covenants are one thing, but the procedure of openly ar- riving at them is another. It is likely to lead, in conventions like these, to the putting up of a false front of com- plete unanimity, where no such una- nimity exists. A very amazing thing is happening here in Philadelphia. This is a con- vention of the Democratic party. The men and women who fill the hall are Democrats, many of them the sons and grandsons of Democrats. Many of them are the identical people who met four years ago, nominated Mr. Roosevelt for President, and drafted a platform along traditional Democratic liberal-conservative lines. That platform was never put into operation. Instead, the New Deal was initiated originally as a series of emer- gency measures designed to meet peculiar conditions arising out of a great and world-wide depression. No considered philosophy and no inte- grating organization was behind them, They did not repeat the demands or the program of any appreciable body of American citizens who had ever previously debated them. They were frankly experimental. Emergency Laws Reindorsed. In so far as they expressed any rep- resentative group of opinion, they rep- resented the ideas of certain Republi- | solidarity. can progressives, like Harold Ickes and Explains Prelude to Plank Binding Candidates to Plat. form, in Reply to Speech. BY WILLIAM ALLEN WHITE. . HILADELPHIA, June 25 (N.AN.A.).—Outside the convention hall yesterday it was & drab, drizzly day, but cool. And inside there were bleak, empty benches for two hours after the scheduled time of starting and it was not so hot even then. The strategy of the Democratic leaders, for some reason, seems to provide for drag and delay. Everything that was done the second day, in & typical national convention, usually is done on Tuesday, the opening day. ‘Why this dissimilation of back-stage activity has been built up, no one knows. There is no back-stage activity. Everything is programmed to a gnat's heel, Of course, the convention leaders owe it to Philadelphia business men, who are paying the expenses of the convention, to string out the proceedings five long days, ‘where three short days would have done all that the convention has to do. So the delegates are unhappy. ‘They are paying in hotel bills the money which the Philadelphia business men paid to the Democratic National Committee in order to se- cure the convention. The rain has spoiled the garden parties given to cheer up the visiting statesmen and make them forget how much they “ are paying for the privilege of representing a sovereign people here-in this hall. But, yesterday afternoon was rainy and they know what they are pay- ing and why., Still rises mo sign of revolt. Behind closed doers and back of their cupped hands, delegates are whispering dire things, but every one knows their rebellion will end when the sun begins to shine. If a good, hot contest could be staged, if some Iriction could be engendered, somethiny to take the minds of the delegates off their hotel bills, they might cheer up, but the presidential lubricant has reduced the friction. In mothing to come will the President’s bitterest critics, nor even his most amiable enemies, have the slightest opportunity to release their emotions. And they are stewing in their own juice, * o x x Possibly the convention is becoming an obsolete political institution. Never before in American history have the major parties seen two con- ventions in the same year in which nominations of President and Vice President were made on the first ballots, in which there was no major contest over the platform and in which the delegates registered a will entirely outside of the convention in every important phase of the pro- ceedings. Republican conventions for nearly 20 years have been going more or less stale. Sixteen years ago Harding broke the deadlock between Lowden and Wood. Since then, nominations have been first-ballot nomi- nations in the Republican conventions, but in every convention since 1916 ale Democrats have had hot fights. Smith hoped to defeat Franklin Roosevelt until the last ballot of the convention in 1932. In 1928, Southern delegates hoped for a prohibition messiah to strike Al Smith dead, and the fa adison Square battle of Kilkenny cats in 1924 wrecked the pal eight years. And now the fizz is out of the American political ivention. One more such presidential year as this and the convention will pass into obsolescence. In the meantime, as the convention opened for its fourth session last night, there was a great empty space in the first gallery. They were letting in the crowd from the sidewalks without tickets to fill up the hall, not that they need spectators, but a well-filled hall makes the acoustics better. . “As a result, the largest crowd in two days gathered hoping to witness a fight on the abrogation of the two-thirds rule and gave Senator Joe Robinson an enthusiastic reception. He made an eloquent appeal and was not afraid to invoke the name of his party. If conventions are duil, reporters cannot be interesting, but they can speculate upon the causes of the conspicuous dullness of this con- vention. The theory has considerable support in the press gallery that the president, being a good showman, is willing to let the delegates swap their substance with the Philadelphia Chamber of Commerce for dragging out a tedious, uneventful four days so that on the night of the fifth day, when the rains have ceased and the stars are shining, Roosevelt himself in the flesh and not another, shall stand under the Nation's spotlight and revive the country's interest in himself by some gorgeous bit of showmanship, a striking proclamation in answer to his new-found responsibilities. Reporters feel that he will rise to that occasion. They believe that, in rising to his power and glory, the conmspicuous depths of dullness under which the convention had sagged yesterday and, from which it can scarcely rise with the uncon- tested events of today and tomorrow, will furnish a refreshing contrast when Roosevelt comes. These four gloomy days merely may be the outriders before the circus parade which used to warn the country people: “Watch out for your horses, the N> steam piano is coming.” * % * % If I may be permitted a personal word in answer to Senator Robinson, who brought my name into his remarks last night, I would say this: The paragraph binding Republican candidates to the platform. to which Senator Robinson alludes, was in the tentative draft of the plat- form prepared by the friends of Gov. Landon. it in the draft before it left Kansas. working copy of the Subcommittee amended, plank by plank, and then general committee. He read it. He approved This tentative platform was used as on Resolutions. It was adopted or presented by the subcommittee to the The plank which Senator Robinson read last night was left intact by both committees. Gov. Landon certainly favored the plank of the platform binding the candidates to the platform. That sentence was no surprise to him. But whatever reservations the Republican platform had been made wards, if that means anything tq my good friend Robinson. Governor had to other planks in the before his nomination and not after- I do not speak for Gov. Landon, whom I have not seen for three weeks and from whom I have not heard. directly nor indirectly, since the morning before his nomination. I have been in New York and Washington since the Cleve- land convention. I am, and shall paper man. be from now on, a working news- (Copyright. 1936, by the North American Newspaper Alliance. Inc.) Bryan’s Comrades Hear Him Lauded as New Deal Apostle Spirit Lives in Roosevelt’s Policies, Friends of 1896 and His Heyday Told at Remembrance Breakfast. Br & Staff Correspondent of The Star. PHILADELPHIA, June 25.—"“The spirit and the purpose of William Jen- nings Bryan is being carried on by Franklin D. Roosevelt,” Secretary of Commerce Daniel C. Roper said at the Bryan Memorial breakfast in the Penn Athletic Club yesterday, attended by 12 who sat in the 1896 convention when Bryan stampeded the convention with the famous Cross of Gold speech. ‘The entire session, at which four cabinet members and ten United States Senators spoke briefly—three of whom had served in the Wilson cabinet with Bryan, was not in any sense & memorial service. It empha- sized that the spirit of the “great commoner” was present and guiding the destinies of the “New Deal.” Josephus Daniels, Ambassador to Mexico, Secretary of the Navy when Bryan was Secretary of State, presided —as at a vindication party for a close personal friend who was yester- day morning recognized as an apostle | of the New Deal, 40 years ahead of public sentiment and political approval. Bryan's Kin Present. Ambassador Daniels challenged Sec- retary Roper, as & member of the Plat- form Committee, “to write & platform Senators La Follette and Norris. ‘Three years have passed, and today the Democratic party meets to assert in & platform its fundamental theories of government. And it is now plain that the emergency measures, taken to meet a crisis, are to become the ideas of government of one of the two major American parties. There are men sitting on the floor of this convention who never have subscribed to these ideas. Yet, the present presumption is that this pro- gram, this birth of what is essentially & new party, will take place without open debate or convention deliberation. The opponents of New Deal measures are in a dilemma. They must accept a coup d’etat, or they must protest, with the entire Nation in attendance on the dispute. But it is a cannon of gopd taste that one neither quarrels with one’s wife in public nor makes love to her. One simply maintains a de- corous demeanor of affectionate " (Copyrisht, 1030, A that will say we are going on the same way and in a better way than we have been going these last four years.” | Five members of the Bryan family | were in attendance, representing three | generations, and the several hundred | who attended gave a rousing demon- | stration. The members of the family are William Jennings Bryan, jr.: his | daughter, Betty; Mrs. Grace Bryan Hargreaves and her daughter, Evelyn, | of the late Mr. Bryan, and his sister, Mrs. T. S. Allen. A letter was read from Ruth Bryan Owen, the other daughter, now United States Minister to Denmark. Bryan, jr., was celebrating his birth- Frank Morrison Speaks. Frank Morrison of Washington, vet- | eran secretary of the American Fed- f eration of Labor, was also called upon | for “remarks” covering his long and rather intimate association with Mr. Bryan. New Deal to Bryan's program of re- form, saying: “You may delay these trends, but you can't stop them.” Daniels said Bryan, if alive, “would give thanks to God for the Supreme Court because, while the majority may be too technical, the minority opinions ;\:“ repairing the crack in the Liberty The guests drank a toast—with water—to the memory of Bryan, who ‘was an ardent prohibitionist. INTERIOR GLOSS ENAMEL $2.95 .1 MORGAN’S 421 10th St. N.W. | who are daughter and granddaughter | day. He is a delegate from California. | Roper likened the progress of the | Up as Ideal Platform BY JOHN LARDNER. Big James Farley, the country’s lead= do it, and I think Big James can do written to Big James' order, and Big they put in a good word for Tom and a constitutional labor amendment, doesn't take care of the old-time No. form drafted by Senator Silent Boj the Bomay Polo Club in '95 Old age security: Dr A. Complete indorsement of Uptor A. Three cheers for Bill Green. Champ Straddler Goes Farley One Better on Promises. HILADELPHIA, June 25 (NA, N.A)—The Democratic pl form for 1936 will be the most astounding document you ever saw. I have this on the authority of ing salesman of plain and fancy mucilage. “Everybody will be satisfied,” says Big James. Now, this is quite a trick if you can it. Of course, the actual sleight-of- hand work will be performed by Sen« ator Silent Bob Wagner, the man who heads the committee that writes the platform. But the platform will\be James has promised to satisfy everye body. That's a lot better than the Repube licans managed to do. The Republi- cans indorsed Abraham Lincoln, and Jefferson, and they spoke highly of McKinley, and then Gov. Landon rode over their prostrate bodies and added a couple of positive planks of his own, including gold currency, civil service; Not Even Dizzy Satisfied. But what good is Gov. Landon's platform? It come out for gold cur- rency, but it skips free silver. It comes out for civil service, but it postmasters. It comes out for a con. stitutional amendment, but it hurte Bill Borah's feelings. What kind of & platform is that? Does it satisfy Father Coughlin, Does it satisfy Dizzy Dean? Dizzy says it doesn't. So what kind of a platform is it? It's terrible. Now, I have not yet seen the plat. Wagner and his colleagues. They blackballed me from their committes meeting, probably for the same reason they blackballed me from the socia: register—that little shooting affair af But I have Big James Farley's woré¢ for it that the Democratic platform will satisfy evervbody. So I have an idea that the platform will run like this: A. Complete indorsement of ‘Townsend's $200-a-month plan B. Dr. Townsend is a dreamer an: his plan is strictly fromagenous. Unemployment: Sinclair's “production-for-use” plai B. Complete denunciation of Uptox Sinclair and his screwy “production- for-use” plan. Labor: B. Three cheers for John L. Lewis C. Three cheers for Wall Street. Plank for Fish and Foes. Russia: A. Continued recognition of Russia B. Non-recognition of “Red” Russia C. Alternate plank to conciliate J Hamilton Fish. involving better foo ball teams at Harvard. Foreign relations A. Complete neutrality. B. Alternate plank to conciliate Bij | Bill Thompson, involving freedom bust King Edward VIII in the face i he shows his face in Chicago. Louisiana relations: A. Huey Long was no-account. B. Huey Long was a nice fellow i you really got to know him. Inter-party relations: A. Gov. Landon is a reactionary dis- ciple of Herbert Hoover. B. Gov. Landon is a fine statesman | and if you vote the Democratic ticket we will see what we can do for thy | Governor in the way of a cabinet job i Amateurs at Straddling. Of course. the platform I have out- lined is an ideal piatform. just as fa) beyond the grasp of Senator Wagnei as it was beyend the grasp of Gov Landon and his associates. Our mod. ern statesmen have no courage at all They cannot cope with the complett straddle. They lack the strength vision, and intestinal fortitude tc compromise with everybody. The: straddle as much as they can, bu | they do mot straddle wholeheartedly For this reason, I think Big Jame: Farley is going to be slightly disap- pointed by the platform that Senato: Wagner gives him. It won't satisfy everybody. It will be as nice a joi of straddling as Big James Farley ca | extort from the honor and principle: of Senator Silent Bob Wagner, whe |is a nice guy and a friend of labo | in his heart, no kidding. Big Bill Dodges Satisfaction. I don't think anybody, Republicar | or Democratic, is going to satisfy Bis | Bill Thompson, the newest supporte: | of the Union party. I suggested in m: | tentative Democratic platform tha the boys insert a plank guaranteeinj universal freedom to bust the King o England in the snoot if he shows hi face in Chicago. But they tell me that Big Bil Thompson is becoming harder to sat. isfy every day. He doesn't hate th¢ King so much as he hates the Demo- crats and Republicans. This beinf s0, it's going to be hard for eithe: party to win the huge Thompsor vote. I guess they will both have & get along without it. And they will also have to ge along without the huge Dizzy Decar vote. Dizzy, who is appearing unofi cially as a delegate from Miscouri, ‘ol | your correspondent that he is dic | pleased with both parties. | “I heard the Republicans was ecad.’ | said Dean, “and I know the Demo | crats are dead. Why? Because they don't shout enough. There is tor lmuch speech-makin’ and not enougt shoutin’. The situation is terrible.’ | (Copyright, 1936, by the North Americas Newspaper Alliance, Inc.) _ 7 @ ESTABLISHED 1865 ¢ / A Straight Line Is the Shortest Distance between any two given points. 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