Evening Star Newspaper, June 21, 1936, Page 34

D=2 THE SUNDAY STAR, WASHINGTON, D. C, JUNE 21, 1936—PART TWO. m——m REDEMPTION BY THE RIGHT REV. JAMES E. FREEMAN, D. D, LL. D, D.C. L, BISHOP OF WASHINGTON. THE EVENING STAR With Sunday Morning Edition. WASHINGTON, D. C. SUNDAY ___ . ____ _-June 21, 1936 THEODORE W. NOYES....c..... Editor The Evening Star Newspaper Company. e Seng FenOmvania Ave, chicago: O un Buigin BurSpesn Omoe: 4 Rekent ¢, London Endand. Rate by Carrier Within the City. Resular Editio Evening Star_ ening and i ¥hen & Bundays) Evening and 45¢ per month 60c per month 5c_per month -5¢c per copy c per mont c _per mont ach month. ephone Na- Nisht Final and Sunday Sta Night Final Collection made at_the end of nt by mail or t Orders may b tionsl 5000 Rate by Mail—Payable in Advance. Maryland and Virginia, Dally nn1 Sunda 1 yr. $10.00; 1 mo.. ihfl a i only.. ¥ra 18.00; 1 " Bindasons: L R tH All Other States and Canada. 1 yr. $12.0 1 mo.. $1.00 "' "$8.00: 1 mo.! JEIRIZ"® Member of the Associated Press. The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to the use for republication of all news dispatches credited to it or not otherwise credited in this per and also the local news published herein Tights of pl:h’l.c,ulannn‘f"l:eclll ispatches Vel Period of Reflection. The second session of the Seventy- fourth Congress, dull in comparison with the glamorous chapters written in leg- Islative history during the first two years of the Roosevelt administration, has been notable in ifs demonstration of how, in truth, the best laid plans o' mice and men gang aft agley. Three days after the President, ap- pearing in person before Congress and a battery of microphones at a night session, read his message and compli- mented the Nation on the apparent fact that no new tax legislation was neces- sary an event took place which did much to change the comp}exmn of the session then beginning. The United States Bu- preme Court, by a six-to-three decision, knocked out the A. A. A. and shortly thereafter lost to the Government the collection of processing taxes that had been impounded pending the decision. That changed things materially. In his message to Congress the President had implied more or less of a breathing spell for the legislators. He had asked for no new legislation. He wanted no new taxes. Prospects were for a quick transaction of routine business, a stiffen- ing of the Nation's stand on neutrality, something done for relief and a quick and clean get-away for the conventions end the voters. The Supreme Court’s decision in the A. A. A. case necessitated a substitute for the invalidated law. Funds were re- quired to replace the processing taxes, slready obligated but uncollected. And the subsequent passage of the soldiers’ bonus, over the President's veto, de- manded more new revenue. Congress had to become a wrecking crew, rushed to the scene to repair the havoc of things | gone wrong.. Much of its time was spent with the soil conservation bill, the po- litically dangerous business of fussing around unexplored corners to make & show of raising taxes that would not pinch the majority of voters, and, in the concluding hours, in trying to put together what was left of the Guffey coal act. There were important legislative acts, {n addition, such as the rural electrifica- tion' act, commodity exchange act, & possibly strengthened neutrality resolu- tion, the ship subsidy bill, record appro- priations (in peacetime) for the Army and Navy, and the omnibus flood con- érol bill. But the business of putting things together again and reflecting on things already done—rather than new ventures in new directions—marked the closing session. This Congress has had occasion for such reflection. The two sessions of the Seventy-fourth have witnessed the New Deal defeated in eight major cases, up- held in only two. It has witnessed & growing doubt as to the handling of relief, both in the Ickes method of *priming the pump” and in the Hopkins method of boondoggling. It has wit- nessed & growing skepticism of such brain trusters as Dr. Tugwell, who seems to remain the dean of them all. In doubt, its feathers somewhat ruffied by Executive power, it has cut short Execu- tive experiments in tree-belt planting, tide-harnessing and canal building, leaving them all, so to speak, hanging in midair. It came near revolt, at one time, over the Hopkins relief theories, finally. putting all the relief power in the hands of the President. It grew restless and disturbed over the growing criticism of the spoils system, making a few last- minute gestures in the direction of the merit systep. It started out with a roar to outlaw Jobbving and wound up with = weak fs and a soutter. If it was im- pressed by the tall talk concerning doing something about the Supreme Court, it decided that discretion was the better part of valor and did nothing. The House joyfully set out in pursuit of Dr. Townsend, caught him and found itself holding, not Dr. Townsend, but a bear by the tail. The House did a good job in defeating the Frazier-Lemke farm mortgage bill. But the last session of the Seventy- fourth Congress, like its predecessor, has continued to build up for the Re- publicans dne of their most effective issues—the vast expenditures of money, the commitments to future vast expendi- tures and political cowardice in voting the taxes tiat must eventually pay the bill. The idea of aristocracy is so strong {n many parts of the world that class consciousness will be impressed even if artillery has to be employed. No Place to Play. To many graying members of another generation the last day of school brings back fresh memories of fields and for- , ests and streams, blue sky overhead and nothing to do all day but roam and run and swim and play. The last day of school this year saw the deaths, in crowded city streets, of three little children. These , deaths were tragic reminders of other deaths to come this Summer, inevitable when thousands of children are forced to play in the streets because there is no other place for them to play. The appropriation for maintenance of school playgrounds is, as usual, inade- quate. That means two things. It means that some school playgrounds will re- main closed, with children playing in the streets outside the locked doors of what should be their refuge. It means that instead of opening the sixty scnool playgrounds, for which funds are avail- able, on the day after school closes— which common sense and human under- standing should dictate as a matter of- course—these playgrounds cannot be opened until July 1, leaving an interval of two full weeks when they, also, will be locked to the children, forcing them to the streets. Playground appropria- tions, never generous, have fallen be- hind as the city’s population has grown. Little improvement is seen for next year. Washington is blessed with spacious and beautiful parks and these are avail- able—to those who can reach them. But there are many hundreds of young chil- dren to whom they mean nothing. No park system, no ‘recreation system for the District is meeting its obligation until a place to play, out of the crowded streets, is found for every city child. The New Party. The constituent elements of the new third party, the Union party, are hap- pily pictured in Father Coughlin's choige rhetoric as: Lemke and Yale, agriculture and Re- publican! O'Brien and Harvard, labor and Democrat! East and West! Prot- estant and Catholic, possessing one pro- gram of driving the money changers out of the temple, of permitting the wealth of America to flow freely into every home! But where does Princeton come in, or Senftor La Follette? Until these ques- tions are answered the couritry will wel- come the new aggregation on the po- litical scene, but withhold judgment as to its significance. The elements for- mally united under the Lemke banner have been informally joined together by their own economic predilections be- fore ‘this. They included the radical fringe of agriculture, the money the- orists, the followers of the late Huey P. Long and of Dr. Townsend, all now gathered to the broad bosom of the beaming Father Coughlin as members of one happy family. As a class they rep- resent those ardent believers in Santa Claus whom depression and other eco- nomic maladies of mankind make articu- late. The deeper the depression and the longer it lasts the more vocative become their expressions of discontent with things as they are and the louder their expressions of hope in the coming of things as they ought to be. The birth of the party is a bid for the support of one element that was marching happily along with the Demo- crats four years ago under the banner of Roosevelt. The bid for this support is phrased not only in promises, plat- form and otherwise, but in vengeful ‘re- pudiation of the Democratic_party and of the President. Therein lies its obvi- ous significance politically, The uncer- tain quantity is whether the Union party will attain enough strength, by the additions of such men as Senator La Follette—whom it is rather difficult to place in this group—actually to wield anything like the balance of power in some of the States. Many will doubtless see in the new party a gesture too long delayed to be effective. Four years ago this move- ment might have benefited by the eco- nomic situation and its hope of salva- tion, just as the Democratic party itself benefited. Today other and stronger currents are at work. The third party is four years too late. — e European statesmanship, while labor- ing for the improvement of mankind, is devoting an enormous amount of in- tellectual energy to the study of ancient grudges. e Ireland and Britain. These are days in which the British government and people, plagued by do- mestic political vicissitudes and grave international complications, are thankful for small favors. Nothing more hearten- ing has come to Downing Street’s notice for some time than late developments in the Irish Free State. Speaking in the Dail Eireann last Friday, President de Valera held out an olive branch, de- signed to improve and strengthen long strained relations between Dublin and Lond8n, The occasion was British re- nunciation of sanctions against Italy. Acclaiming that action, Mr. de Valera warmly defended Foreign Secretary Eden against the charge that he had brought British prestige and foreign policy into contempt. The Free State executive pointed out that it was not solely Britain's fault that League meas- ures to curb Fascist aggression had failed. He suggested that it was French reluctance to risk another European war that restrained the Geneva powers from resorting to action that might have pre- cipitated such a conflict. Thereupon President de Valera advo- cated the desirability of friendship be- tween John Bull and his other island on the basis of their mutual interests. He affirmed the desire of the Irish peo- ple to “bury the hatchet” and asserted there is & vast spring of goodwill in the Free State which would be immediately released if Britain manifested an.in- clination to alter certain tactics of the past. The evident hope in Dublin is that Mr. de Valera's speech will evoke a responsive echo in London. _ Rivaling in importance the President's bid for an entente with Erin’s ancient foe is his action in outlawing the Irish Republican Army. Apropos its demon- stration scheduled for today in Kildare, the government issued a proclamation under the public safety act, branding the army's activities and methods as illegal and pillorying it for organizing crimes of violence. ‘Ever since recent murders b at Cork and Waterford, the government has been placing prominent members of the Republican forces on trial before military tribunals. As the army repre- sents the die-hard element opposed to any sort of Irish union with Great Brit- ain, President de Valera had hoped that the removal of the oath of allegiance to the King and other measures would persuade the militant group to accept the existing situation and surrender its arms. These tactics having failed, the Free State administration has been forced to take the drastic step of declaring the army & lawless organizatien. The ban now placed on its existence should pro- mote the De Valera policy of friendliness with Britain. —————— The Joe Louis fight cost the public at least a million dollars, counting tickets, reporters and telegraph costs. Money that buys only emotions is hardest to reckon with in budget balancing in the affairs of the Nation or of the home. A manner of confidence on the part of Postmaster General Farley indicates a hope of convincing the Landon-Knox forces that they have a white elephant on their hands by frightening the ele- phant until he turns pale. —_——e———————— So many underworld characters have suffered at the hands of J. Edgar Hoover that leading gangsters might welcome a Government reorganization which re- duces his position in esteem from that of “G-man number 1, < ——r——————— Oriental factories can easily make things so cheap that they can undersell the American market. So long as this state of affairs continues only the friendliest assurances should be expected from lennqe diplomacy. —_— e ————— Mussolini is regarded as favoring the restoration of the Hapsburgs in Austria. Having disposed of the Ethiopian prob- lem, I1 Duce is evidently looking for something really difficult. — cae————— Representation in Congress for the taxpayers of Washington is temporarily forgotten in the enthusiasm of glorifying the Nation's Capital as a political parade ground. T Salaries paid by radio and motion pic- tures would leave no doubt as to im- proved economic conditions if they set a general standard of compensation for cither toil or talent. ————————— Philadelphia, as the scene of a Demo- cratic convention, has many inhabitants who are sure that if Matt Quay or Boise Penrose had lived such a thing could not have happened. oo Shooting Stars. BY PHILANDER JOHNSON. A Fair Question. Shall we not be merry, friend, Even though no strains ascend As in ancient days of cheer, When the troubadours drew near? Even though no bard is led Where baronial feasts are spread, Love endures, and so does wit, For the choicer spirits fit. There are still adventures bold Worthy to be finely told. As time’s stream flows on its way, Still the sunlit ripples play And the blossoms fragrance vield, In our thoughts as in the field. Though expression lack the grace Of remembered time and place, Shall a world that smiles so fair Only bring regrets and care? Grief, like joy, must have an end. Shall we not be merry, friend? Unswerving Attitude. “Have you consulted your constitu- ents to ascertain what kind of taxes they prefer?” “Frequently,” said Senator Sorghum, “and the response is always the same. They don't like any kind.” Jud Tunkins says with so much fire- works going on promiscuously through the world, he's afraid he is going to lose his taste for the ordinary Fourth of July celebration. Mutation. When the storm is goin’ strong, Darkenin’ the day, Streak o’ sunshine comes along An’ chases it away. When the sun is blazin’ high, Makin' heat severe, Rain cloud sails across the sky An’ cools the atmosphere. No occasion for dismay, Whatever be your fate; It's sure to g'o the other way, If you will only wait. “He who has only empty words to offer in sympathy with need,” said Hi Ho, the sage of Chinatown, “is poorer than Poverty herself.” An Objection. “Why do you object to women in politics?” “Because,” replied the statesman, “I put my faith in the plain people, and no_woman will consent to be placed in that category.” Forgotten Lore. ‘Why is it, as we're going Through pages neatly set, The things marked “Things Worth Knowing” Are things we first forget? “If nobody would talk wifout knowin’ exackly what he's talkin’ 'bout,” said Uncle Eben, “conversation wouldn't git near so overcrowded.” Platform Too Dry. Prom the Charleston (W. Va.) Mail. The Republican platform is a dissap- pointment to us. It hasn't a plank in it coming out strongly for rain. ed. From the Roanoke (Va.) Times. The stop Landon movement has been Ppostponed until November. ) € " Boomerang Wisecracks In the Campaign BY OWEN L. SCOTT. First blood of this year’s presidential fight is drawn by the Prairie State ama- teurs. They have pretty badly mussed up two of the Democrats’ leading prima donnas—"Big Jim” Farley and much- publicized Charlie Michelson. ‘When the Postmaster General, chair- man of the Democratic National Com- mittee and chairman of the State Demo- cratic Central Committee of New York, speaks in public the voice is the voice of Farley, but the words and technique are the words and technique of Michelson. * For seven years the party. has paid Charlie Michelson $20,000 a year to think up devastating things for others to say about the Republicans. The verbal bombs he fashioned seemed to carry political death during the last years of the administration of Herbert Hoover, when the country was irritable and restless under the apparently never- ending deflation. They functioned equally well in dealing with the Liberty League, which paraded a billion-dollar front and offered a shining target at a time when people were not too sold on the altruistic motives of concentrated wealth. Al Smith went down under a Michelson-fashioned shot fired by Sen- ator Joe Robinson. . %n e In recent months the Democratic pub- licity chief has been taxing his brain to create a whole battery of bombs for the versatile Mr. Farley and other party big-wigs to toss into Republican ranks. The same techniqgque that worked against Mr. Hoover and against the Liberty League would now be applied in another presidential election. Charlie Michelson thought he had put dynamite in the first bomb tossed by Farley at Gov. Landon. This gentle- man, the Democratic chairman informed an expectant Nation, was nothing but “Governor of & typical prairie State”— in other words, a probable “hick” or “hayseed.” Middle Westerners never have taken kindly to gratuitous comments by New Yorkers about their part of the country. They didn't thrill this time to the tag applied by Mr. Michelson and Mr. Far- ley. The backfire amply impressed its authors that not only Kansas, but II- linois, Indiana, Iowa, Nebraska, incline to rate themselves as prairie States. After one slip the Democrats thought their spokesmen had learned a lesson. But Chairman Farley jumped right back after Gov. Landon had been named as Republican nominee for the presidency with his profound conclusion that the Kansan was a “synthetic candidate” and that his nomination was laughable. This synthetic observation, concocted by the Democratic ghost-writer, brought an angry roar from party workers and officials out in the country. They re- ported that voters were showing unmis- takable signs of being fed up with name- calling and smart sayings of the former boxing commissioner of New York State. John Hamilton, new chairman of the Republican National Committee, let loose a blast in return. So did the New York Times in a blistering editorial. So did several important Democratic officials in Washington who have their fingers on the pulse of the Middle West. Figuratively speaking, Mr. Farley and Mr. Michelson had their ears knocked back—and showed it. The Democratic ghost-writer became extremely irritable and the Democratic campaign manager lost some of his verve. The prospect was that several months of intensive mental effort devoted to coining snappy names to use in attacking the enemy might turn out to be wasted. B R Politicians now are wondering if the public is tiring of the name-calling technique. If so, both parties are to be put to it to change their tactics. Chairman Farley, in that case. will have to tend more closely to his knitting as organizer and political manipulator instead of appearing as a symbol of civic virtue. Nominee Landon will need to make known his exact views rather than depending on a name-calling campaign of his own. . Rather than showing satisfaction with glittering generalities, people show signs of deep interest in answers that candi- dates can make to specific questions. Exactly what kind of gare is proposed for the unemployed? What, specifically, is offered in the way of old-age and un- employment insurance? What method will be used to bring Federal finances under control? If new taxes are to be needed, what form will they take? What would the Federal Government do if the business machine should get out of kilter again in the next two or three years? Should the present State lines be broken by a constitutional amendment | that would allow the Government in Washington to deal with national eco- nomic problems? Candidates will find plenty of oppor- tunities to join issues in the sort of debate that could give the public a lib- eral education. Mr. Roosevelt will have a chance to let people know about what he has in mind for the future. Mr. Lan- don will be able to demonstrate whether | or not he really has a grasp of national problems. In any sort of battle, however, unusual | difficulties confront the Republicans this “ year. They are up against the fact that or- ganization counts heavily in determin- ing the outcome of any election, and the Democrats have the organization. * X ¥ % John Hamilton, as new chairman of the Republican National Committee, is having to build from scratch. In all of the country there are relatively few Re- publican office holders to serve as the nucleus for an effective party machine. The party is without a Federal machine. It controls the governments of only eight out of the forty-eight States, and those eight are not especially important States. It never did have many strong city organizations in the population cen- ters of the country. Mr. Hamilton is confronted with an antiquated and somewhat moribund na- tional headquartérs office, which he is having to rebuild. His task out in the country appears staggering. i Contrast that situation with the one facing Chairman Farley. First of all, he has about 100,000 in the non-civil service jobs of regular Gov- ernment departments. These are party workers almost to 8 man and owe their jobs and their futures to the party. Next Mr. Farley has from 250,000 to 300,000 entployes in the various agencies added since the New Deal took office. The bulk of these are faithful party workers, Then the Democrats have most of the members of the Senate and House to serve as an oratorical battalion and to direct the work of the patronage ma- chine. After that come the governments of forty States, with their jobholders in- terested in keeping jobs and power. Fur- thermore, there are the big city organi- zations in Illinois, New York, Missourl and Ohio. ‘When this army is tied in, whether di- 4 the | Dakotas, and even Michigan and Ohio | “The Son of man is come to seek and to save that which was lost.” The pur- pose of the ministry of Jesus is compre- hensively stated in these few words. From first to last He affirmed that the purpose of His coming was to redeem man from forces that sought to destroy and defeat him. The central word in the gospel story is “redemption.” We are made familiar with the significance of what this word implies in all the experiences of life. From childhood to manhood, and on to old age, the processes of redemption go on. We are redeemed from ignorance to intelligence, from an obscure concep- tion of the meaning and purpose of life to a clearer understanding of its design; from ways and habits that are vicious, body and soul-destroying, to what has been termed “triumphant living.” The range of Christ’s redemptive power cov- ers the whole area of life. He did not come simply to freshly afirm the ulti- mate triumph of man over death and to assure him of immortality; He came to invest him with a power that would render him capable of resisting and over- coming within himself propensities and tendencies that would inevitably issue in the impairment of his body and de- feat him in the attainment of his reason- able desires. Even to physical life itself and the accomplishment of its larger ends He gave assurance. On one occa- sion He declared: “I have madeja man every whit whole,” the implication of this being that life in its entirety, the man. physical g6 well as the man spiritual, was remade through faith in Him and His power. Repeatedly we have witnessed this in men and women. We have -seen them made strong and vigorous through a con- sistent and unfailing faith that refused to recognize physical impairment and weakness. We have witnessed it in cases where men and women were seemingly doomed by some body-destroying malady who, in their unfailing confidence, have withstood the ravages of disease and have come to their end in the sure con- fidence that His strength was made per- fect in weakness. In all His ministry to men Jesus re- peatedly gave demonstration of a saving power. He addressed His ministry more to the weak than to the strong, more to the sinner than the saint, more to the forgotten man than to the one who knew the companionship of his fellows. Here in this nineteenth chapter of St. Luke is an example of His search for one who was despised and rejected of His fellows. To those who sternly crit- icized His friendly approach to this man, He said: “This day is salvation come to this house.” Ewven the despised publican and tax gatherer was made the object of His search, and to him He gave the assurance of His saving power. In our reverence for Christ and His ministry we too.often fail to recognize Him as our Savior. We worship Him, profess our faith in Him, call Him the “mightiest among the mighty,” but we do not relate Him to those things that concern vitally our physical, moral and spiritual well-being. We do not think of Him as the health bringer, the re- storer of men, as the one who redeems them from care and sin and weakness, who invests them with a power not of themselves that enables them to over- come forces within and without. Christ is not a personality far removed, to be merely worshiped; He is a living pres- ence, the inspiration of our hope and the guarantor of our ultimate triumph. Into this troubled, distracted and care- worn world He comes again today. He offers Himself as the solver of our | riddles, the interpreter of our problems and difficulties, the redeemer of men from their sins and weaknesses, the re- storer of the world’s order and peace. He would draw us away from our trust in material things, from our petty con- ceits and unsatisfled ambitions. He would ease our burdens and dissipate our fears; in fine, He would give to us fresh courage, renewed strength and the assurance of ultimate triumph. Fifty Years Ago In The Star Trial of the men accused of partici- pation in the Haymarket riots in Chi- cago fifty years ago was begun shortly after the tragedy. The Trial of the Star of June 22, 1886, " says: Anarchists. ~Tne conduct of the Chicago men who were summoned to serve as jurors in the anarchist trials yesterday was not calculated to strike terror to the hearts of wrongdoers. No sooner had the court opened than they began with one accord to make excuses, and a supplemental panel had to be sworn. It is scarcely to be wondered that the much-hunted Parsons was em- boldened to walk into the room and sit down to watch the proceedings as if | nothing had happened. If the business men and property holders of Chicago are not willing to lay aside other affairs long enough to do their share toward ridding the city of the leaders of its lawless element they need not look for mueh sympathy from outside when they suffer through riot and pillage. It is all very well for them as taxpayers to con- tributegto the support of a police force, but the police cannot do everything.. The most that lies in their power is to set in motion the wheels of the great engine of justice. The rest must be done by the citizens of Chicago them- selves.” The reference to Parsons. one of the participants in the riot, was followed by | the following dispatch from Chicago in The Star of June 23, 1886: “The Daily News this morning prints an account of the movements of Anarchist Parsons subsequent to the Haymarket riot. It says that when the bomb exploded on that night Parsons leaped from the wagon and ran to his home. After a conference with his wife they decided that his flight was neces- sary. By morning he was on the Rock Island train with a ticket to Omaha. His disguise was thorough.” Parsons’ hair and mustache are iron gray in color, but personal vanity has led him to the use of a dark dye, and even his most intimate acquaintances have known and described him as a dark-haired man. Before leaving his home on the night of his flight he removed the dye from his hair and mustache. The result was a thorough change in his appearance. On reaching Omaha Parsons went di- rectly to the home of Anton Ruhe, the patron of Nebraska anarchists and the proprietor of a suburban road house. Up to that time the anxiety to apprehend Parsons had not reached the pitch it attained subsequently and no one had started in pursuit of the anarchist. The newspapers kept him informed of the progress of public sentiment and the growth of the desire in Chicago for his return. He then took alarm and, through the mediation of.Ruhe, secyred a refuge on a farm near Papillion, a small town twenty miles west of Omaha. There he remained until Friday last, and, yielding to the advice of Captain Black, he start- ed for Chicago. He boldly entered Omaha, purchased his ticket and made his journey of 500 miles without an at- tempt at concealment. His beard dur- ing his absence had covered his face and when he appeared before his wife at 7 o'clock Monday morning she scarce= ly knew him. In the forenoon he se- cured the services of a barber and, after taking dinner at the home of a friend, he.took a cab for the Criminal Court.” Parsons stood his trial with the others, was convicted and was one of the four men who were hanged for the crime. rectly or indirectly, with W. P. A. work- ers who may be grateful for their jobs and whose relatives may be grateful that they have W. P. A. jobs, and with W.P.A. workers in the same position, and with farmers who may be grateful - for what the Government has done for them, the magnitude of the Republican job is even more apparent. * % % X% Farley is reputed to be & past master at the art of keeping his vast organiza- tion in working order. He insists that he has not the access to big money for political purposes that is available to his Republican opponents. But his non-civil service horde, paid by the Government, can take the place of many a worker paid out of party funds. Under the circumstances, the chief directing his party machine to victory lies in convincing the public that Candi- date Landon offers the country a better deal than Candidate Roosevelt. . This involves something more than name-calling or appeals to prejudice and fear. “Big Jim” Farley and Charlie Michel- son started the fight on the old-time bases of name-calling and got hurt doing it. Now both sides can get down to telling what they really have in mind. (Copyright, 1936.) ’ Capital Sidelights RY WILL P. KENNEDY. One of the last official acts of the late Senator Duncan U. Fletcher of Florida was to have printed as a public document the “Modern Miracle Men," by Rex Beach, relating to proper food mineral balances by Dr. Charles Northern, an Alabama physician now living at Orlando, Fla., whose “discoveries and achievements are of enormous im- portance to mankind.” After-wide ex- pei-ience and extensive study in stomach | diseases and nutritional disorders, Dr. Northern “convinced himself that there was little authentic, definite information on the chemistry of foods and that no dependence could be placed on existing data.” Then he made an extensive study | | of soils. | surprising assertion that we must make “It was he who first voiced the soil building the basis of food building in order to accomplish human building.” On the principle that it is simpler to cure sick soils than sick people, he | | started his innovation. By putting back | into foods the stuff that foods are made | of he proved himself a real miracle man of medicine, this document says, for he has opened up the shortest and most rational route to better health. He showed first that it should be done and then that it could be done. He doubled and redoubled the natural mineral content of fruits and vegetables. He improved the quality of milk by increasing the iron and iodine in it. He caused hens to lay eggs richer in the vital elements. By scientific soil feeding he raised | better seed potatoes in Maine, better grapes in California, better oranges in Florida and better field crops in other States. * k¥ x Read the Saga of “e Southland—not a mournful lament o.er lost glories, “a reminiscent self-satisfaction born of the war gloriously lost"—but a herald of hope—the sun of the Southland glori- ously rising. It was written by Repre- sentative Maury Maverrick, one of the cleverest of the “extension of remarkers” in the House, and was printed in the Congressional Record, designed largely as a campaign document, but well worth reading. He proudly points to the South rising “out of slavish submission to an economy which has given them the sweet imagi- nary odor of the magnolia blossoms— also poverty, hunger, hopelessness. He chronicles the recent formation in Wash- ington of the Southern Policy Commi tee. Numbering among its members many Southern Congressmen and officials in various administrative departments of the Government, it represents, he says, “a valld Southern movement of a gen- uinely progressive nature.” Maverick lists in picturesque language some of the ills of the South: “King Cotton is dead; will never rise”; “human drain,” which in a single decade drew 380,000 Negro emigrants to Northern cities; “education higher, exploitation great,” “exodus hurts whole Nation; “anonymous landlordism a curse.” Then he boasts of “two damned Yankees who marched on the South, but not like Sherman—they came with an army of construction.” He lauds Senator George W. Norris and President Roosevelt for setting up the T. V. A, which he estimates “has given the South the first real hope of revival since the Civil War.” Summar- izing the achievements: “Covering 40,000 square miles, enriching the lives of more than 2,000,000 people, T. V. A. has be- come the great central dynamo for seven States, has brought light and power to the destitute South. Its enemies, the utilities, backed by Eastern friends and Southern gentlemen who have stolen carpetbags, still fight it bitterly. They profess to see in. T. V. A. a deliberate slap in their face from the hand of Roosevelt. They picture the President sitting in Washington like a Count of Monte Cristo, throwing gold into pet schemes, like T. V. A., merely to gratify a personal hate for the private power groups. “But they have not seen the truth,” he challenges, “for the T. V. A. is & great deal more than just a negative gesture of spite. It is a break for and in the South—the most successful enter- prise of the New Deal.” . Maverick doesn’t wave the “red shirt” —rather his & a gospel of brotherly love and co-operation in a common cause between the blue and the gray. He says: “There is another Southern rebellion—no nonsense or equivocation about the facts; no bugles, no faint smell of magnolias, no inferlority com- plexes; a rebellion in which Northerners —‘damned Yankees'—lend assistance to the grandsons of the ragged troopers who starved, and fought and died with Jackson and Lee. Both have found that they have a common enemy--not In terms of sectional cleavage but of eco- nomic power.” + | date himself Candidates’ Presence At Conventions BY FREDERIC J. HASKIN, When Gov: Landon of Kansas, the leading pre-convention candidate for the Republican presidential nomination, remained at his Topeka capital while the delegates foregathered at Cleveland he was returning to the old course of convention etiquette in vogue in the last century. The new etiquette which permits candidates not only to be pres- ent at nominating conventions but to take an active part in them, was intro- duced by Theodore Roosevelt. Since his time the new system has been followed, although Franklin D. Roosevelt did not go to the Chicago convention which nominated him until after the actual nomination. Then he made a spectacu- lar airplane flight to deliver his speech of acceptance. The old system was based on a pure conception of the forms of a democratic or republican type of government. There was a theory that if an outstanding can- didate attended a convention in per- son there might be present something of an element of coercion or intimida- tion. For a man who was supposed to comniand the support of a great many voters to be present among the nomi- nating delegates was regarded as in. bad political taste and something less than modest. Unbiased. unswayed judg- ment would be unlikely. xS E This code of political etiquette some- times resulted in embarrassment to some individuals. Avowed candidates ~ | have modestly remained absent from national conventions, waiting for the purple to fall upon them, only to learn later that there was no point in absent- ing themselves, their names being given scarcely any consideration. Often in these times some wise-crack- er makes fun of the elaborate notifica- tion ceremony which followed the selec- tion of a candidate for the presidency by a national convention. It was made an almost ritualistic pilgrimage. Of | course the man had known of his nomi- | nation probably ever since the very in- stant it was accomplished. He may very well have been present in the hall. Still, the ceremony continued to be observed. Its origin is closely connected with this very matter of the etiquette of attend- ance upon conventions by candidates. | In the e€arlier days possible candidates | stayed away. | tem of communication or transportation. There was no rapid-sys- When such an absent candidate was named by a convention there was some real reason for appointing a committee to notify him. The first time this was done was at the convention of the na- tional Republican party, in 1831. Henry Clay was nominated and Henry Clay was far away. The convention named & committee consisting of one member from each State of the Union to proceed | to Kentucky and tell the flery states- | man—who said he would rather be right than be President—that he had become the choice of the party. * o ox ¥ That was more than a century ago, out ever after the conventions of all parties appointed committees to notify the men selected as standard bearers. These occasions have taken op especial significance because the acceptance speech of the candidate which follows notification is regarded as an important public expression of his policies. Just as the keynote speech delivered to a national convention is presumed to give | notice to the public what the party | stands for and plans to accomplish, s0 | the acceptance speech is presumed to give the same notice as to the candi- The keynote speech is the keynote of the convention; the accept- ance speech, if the candidate subse- quently is elected, becomes the keynote | of his administration There have been some notable occa- sions on which men have been nomi- nated while attending conventions but have been taken by surprise. One of the most fascinating cases is that of James Abram Garfield. Gen. Gar- field had served with distinction in the | House of Representatives, but was not & | candidate for the presidency. | however, a delegate and, as such, was He was, in attendance. Indeed, he made a | notable speech nominating another man. The speech made an excellent ime pression on the convention, an especial= ly excellent impression on a delegate from West Virginia. This delegate, whenever the roll was called, cast his lone vote for Garfield. It probably was | at first regarded by the rest of the con- vention as something of a joke on the part of the West Virginia delegate. Gen. Grant had led on the first bal- lot. It was an especially close contest. * It would have been Grant’s third term had he been nominated and elected, and the third-term tradition had gained a great deal of strength. There was a | strong movement against Grant's nomi- nation, but it must be remembered that he was a great national hero and had formidable support. Ballot after ballot was taken and still there was no decision. As each ballot was taken the voice of the delegate from West Virginia boomed out with Gar- field's name. With the apparent dead- lock continuing. others began taking up | the idea and voting for Garfleld. Finally, on the 36th ballot, Gen. Garfield was | nominated and, of course, became Pres- ident of the United States. R There is some disagreement among the historians and writers of memoirs as to William Jennings Bryan's position when he attended the Democratic Na- tional Convention of 1896 as a delegate. There are those who say that he planned what happened; that, in his own mind at least, he was very much a candidate. But the country at large kad never heard of him and he was not a cardidate in the usual public sense. What happened was dramatic in the extreme. Making & speech in his ca- pacity as a delegate, he discussed the jssues of the times, especially stressing free silver. It was the speech which became noted as the “crown of thorns and cross of gold” speech, and it had the effect of swinging sudden support to his own candidacy. Bland, the regular Democratic aspirant, led on the first ballot, but so great the enthusiasm in- spired by Bryan’s oratory became that he was chosen on the fifth ballot and became a sort of perennial Democratic candidate thereafter. g Theodore Roosevelt, the advocate of the strenuous life, must be regarded as setting aside the old convention eti- quette. He was not content to sit at home and be surprised at convention ac- tion. He wanted something and de- termined not to depend on lieutenants and supporters. He wanted to be gen- eral in the field, handling his own can- didacy. Since that time it has been the rule for candidates not only to be present, but to be conspicuous at national conven- tions. They show themselves to the delegates, they address the delegates, they electioneer among the delegates. They have parades with their own bands and their hotel headquarters are scenes of the most furious activity. 4