Evening Star Newspaper, April 23, 1933, Page 23

SAFE BANK AND MORE GOLD SEEN DEPRESSION REMEDY Guarantee of Deposits and Silbsidizing of Production of Yellow Metal Economic Conference Answers to be Expected. BY THOMAS NIXON CARVER, #Professor of Political Economy at Harvard University. HERE is danger that the Presi- dent’s conferences on economic relations will trv to tell him what can aad connot be done, instead of telling him how to do what obviously has to be done. Be- fore telling him how to get out of the jam, they must tell him just how we got into it. From our entry umon the World War until about 1928 we were in one of the worst periods of inflation the coun- try has ever seen. We fondly imagined that by avoiding the issue of fiat money we were avoiding inflation. We ought to have known that there are other forms of inflation, notable among which is the inflation of credit through the multiplication of negotiable in- struments and the use of these instru- ments as collateral for bank loans. The policy of inflation began with the silly way in which we financed the war. We did it by issuing vast num- bers of Government bonds, every one of which was excellent collateral. This collateral enabled any bondholder to expand his credit at the bank. The Government got the money which the | bondholder paid for his bond, and with this money the Government bought supplies and paid its men. If the bondholder, having turned his money over to the Government, had cut down his own purchases to that extent, there | would have been no increase in pur- chasing. The Government would have spent more money, private individuals would have spent correspondingly less and the total purchasing would not have increased. But the bondholder did not cut down his purchasing in proportion as the Government increased its purchasing. He used his bond as a basis for credit expansion, and continued purchasing almost as much as he would have done if he had never turned any money over to the Government. With private individuals purchasing almost as much as ever and the Government purchas- ing vastly more than ever, there was a vast increase in the sum total of purchasing. That inflated prices. Causes of Inflation. Inflation may come from ncreasing the total number of dollars in cir- «ulation or it may come from making each dollar do more work. It is quite possible to make each dollar do more work, for a time, than it can con- tinue to do. It can be made to do more work by the multiplication of credit instruments, such as Government bg{\d.: or anything else that is bank- able. R One fact, so patent as to amount to a truism, few practical men will admit. That is, that every dne of us had exactly as much money with which to buy tax receipts as we had with which to buy Government bonds. Buy- ing tax receipts is less pleasant than buying Government bonds, but that | does not affect the physical fact. Every dollar that I or any one had with which to buy a Government bond we could have paid for a tax receipt. Tax receipts are not bankable and cannot be used as a basis for bank loans. Every dollar which I paid for a tax receipt cut down my purchasing power to the extent of a dollar. When I spent a dollar in this way the Gov- ernment had a dollar more, I had a dollar less to spend. The purchasing power of the country as a whole is neither increased nor decreased by that transaction. It would not inflate prices. Every economist who was worth his salt was actively warning the Govern- ment at the time of the consequences of its policy of financing the war by borrowing. It seemed horrible that those of us who stayed at home should not pay for the war. It seemed unfair that we should lend money to the Gov- ernment and ask the fellows who fought the war, those of them who came back, | to buckle down and pay us back what ‘we had loaned at a good rate of inter- est. Nothing which the Legion has ever done or is likely to do is so narrow, greedy or corrupt as that which our! financial interests did in persuading the ‘Government to borrow rather than tax to the bone. The most horrible thought of all is that a great many of our peo- ple actually made money out of the war. Nothing they are likely to suffer from this depression can expiate the guilt of those who profited by that great catas- trophe. The trouble is that the punish- ment falls on the innocent as well as the guilty, on those who bore the bur- den of the war as well as on those who stayed at home and feathered their nests. The only good thing we can say of our method of paying for e war is | that it was no worse than that of other | countries. Loans and Inflation. ‘The inflation so ignobly begun by our method of financing the war was con- tinued by our international loans. These include loans to countries other than our allies, and by private individuals and banks as well as by our Govern- ment. These flooded the country with credit instruments which for a time could be used as a basis for bank loans. Besides, the credit which we loaned these countries enabled them to buy lavishly. Some of their purchases were made here. All this tended still further to inflate prices. Then came that orgy of installment buying. The trouble was not with in- stallment buying itself. It was with the expansion of credit which installment buymg!mnde possible. During all those years the country was literally buying more than it had income to pay for. ‘This is possible so long as credit can be expanded. Suppose, for example, that I have an income of ‘a dollar a day. So long as I | pay cash I can only buy a dollar's worth of goods a day. By stretching my credit, however, I can buy two dollars worth of stuff in one day: i. e., one dollar’s worth with cash and another dollar’s worth with a promise. But when I quit stretching my credit, even though I continue buying on credit, I can buy no more with credit than with cash. That is, if I buy every day with a promise to ry; & week later, I can only buy a dol- r's worth a day. However, if I can stretch my credit sufficiently to buy with promises to pay two weeks rather than one week later, I can continue for two weeks to buy two dollars’ worth of goods every day. If, then, I stretch my credit still further and buy with promises to pay three weeks lter, I can | cantinue for a third week to buy two | dollars’ worth of goods with & one-dol- lar income. If I were able ta continue | stretching my credit until finally I was ibuymg with promises to par a yrar hence, I cculd, for the period of one | year, enjoy two dollars’ worth of goods | every day for a year. ‘Necessity of S'tuation. But such joys are necessarily ephem- eral. When my creditors refuse to trust me for more than a year I must drop back to a dollar-a-day standard. ‘When they begin to press me so that my credit contracts { can't even buy a dollar’s worth of goods a day, even though my income remains at that figure. So many people were expanding their credit during the inflationary period from 1917 to 1928 that the country was literally buying more than it had income to pay for. It does not take much of this to produce vast and far- reaching results. Suppose enough peo- ple bogin expanding their credit and increasing their purchases to make a | perceptible difference on the market. | The demand for goods increases slightly. This at once stimulates business and increases employment. More people receive wages and begin spending them. | This sets others to work and they in | turn begin spending their wages. The results are cumulative. But when credit begins to contract the opposite tendency sets in, and the unfavorable results are also cumulative. The more credit con- tracts the more men are out of work. ‘The more men are thrown out of work, with no wages to spend, the less work there is for others to do. And so on. At the height of our nrm‘reflty the powers-that-then-were saw fit to re. duce taxes. They should have re- mained high for two reasons. First, they were needed as a drag on the ex- cessive spending of money at that time. Second, the surplus should have re- tired the national debt. If that had been done the credit of the Govern- ment would have been so good that it could borrow in this time of de- pression. It would not be necessary to raise taxes just when people find it | most difficult to pay them. Penalties Are Exacted. Farmers, corporations and the gov- ernments manage to get into debt or fail to reduce their debts in good times and then have to pay up in bad times. It seems that we ought to learn some time that that is the wrong way. When times are good that is the time to get out of debt. Then it will be possible to borrow in hard times. If the Fed- eral, State and local governments had paid off their debts during the boom they would not only not need to in- crease taxes now, but could borrow largely for construction and put some of the idle men to work. ‘The mischief has been done. The guilty parties cannot be punished and their punishment wouldn’t do any good. We must consider constructive meas- | ures and not cry over spilled milk. Credit will not expand again until confidence is restored. Confidence will not return until people believe that their money is safe when in a bank or when invested. They will not have confidence in banks until the govern- ment guarantees bank deposits. That is a drastic measure, but nothing short of that will do. There is so much talk about over- production that many seem to think everything is overproduced. There is one very imj it commodity which is greatly underproduced. That gold. Instead of trying to put men to work producipg things that are already overproduced, or things which when produced are of no use, why not get some of them to work producing gold? A few million ounces of new gold would raise the general price level and be | worth billions of dollars to the world in general. It would pay the leading countries to subsidize gold production. For every dollar paid out in subsidies the world would gain $100 in higher prices, stimulated business, more em- ployment and returning confidence. Gold will be the major facter in lift- ing us out of this depression, as it was ll;lwliglugig us out of the depression of the '90s. Obviously Right Things. If the Government would do these two obviously right things—namely, guarantee bank deposits and subsidize Bold production—it would not be nec- essary to do the many futile things they are now trying to do. The depression will end when we have a banking sys- tem in which depositors cannot lose their savings and when there is gold enough on the market to make it cheaper and the prices of other things higher in terms of gold. If war were declared there is not much doubt that there would be work for everybody within 30 days. If we were to finance it as we did the World War, the Government would issue a vast number of bonds. ‘There would be an immediate rise in prices; men now in debt would find their debt burden re- duced and many others would benefit economically from the war. But nobody wants a war as a cure for the depres- sion. Besides, if it were financed on borrowing, it would be followed by an- other depression later on. Why not declare war on some of our non-human enemies? A war on dis- ease, on flood, or on ignorance would have all of the merits and none of the demerits of a war on other nations. If we want to fight human beings, there are criminals and swindlers enough to occupy our time and energy for a few years to come. It the pcople could be roused to a pitch of moral fervor in a war against these internal enemies comparable to that which we developed in the World War, there would be an outburst of fia- tional energy which would lift us out of the depression at once. Without that moral fervor, we are likely to continue grafting—trying to get something out of the Government rather than contribute something—working for the means of gratifying our animal appe- tites rather than worl for the ) king e public Thousands Homeles s Through War And Floods New Menace in China SHANGHAI—Hundreds of thousands of migrants recently loosed upon this country as a result of the Yangtze River floods, civil wars, the Shanghal conflict and the Japanese invasion of Manchuria now constitute a new prob- Jem for the few forces of social and political order here. A “vagabond Chinese,” in the sense that the term is understood in the West, has in the past been scarcely 4 but the heaped-up disasters of late months have now created a floating and wandering population in China which might be compared to the “free companions of the road,” familiar to American freight train operatives. ‘The catastrophic Yangtze floods of 1931-32 affected perhaps 25,000,000 people and made destitute at least 5,000,000. Many of these have now been restored on their land, but thou- sands lost everything and because of heavy debts accummulated during their trials cannot return, for their farms have been sacrificed to meet creditors’ | seek demands. 5 Other thousahds of refugees were created by the Shanghai war, which de- stroyed the most populous district of China’s great metropolis and made ‘homeless perhaps a fourth of the native population. Chinese estimates place the exodus of their countrymen from Man- churia, following the Japanese invasion in September, 1931, at about 3,000,000, many of whom returned to China proper with few possessions and no More recently, ‘the vigorously con- ducted warfare in tg: Provinces of . ~ngst. where the Ni troops have been attempting wl:nknl:if cate Chinese “Reds” from stanchly held cities, has so far succeeded in destro} thousands of homes, ishing all viliages and towns in a wide area adjacent to the Yangtze River and sending “on the road” an estimated refugee population of some 60,000 Chinese. Further, in Szechuen the Messrs. Lieu, an uncle and a nephew, who as rival generals have been engaging in disas- trous warfare for mastery of that province, have driven inds more from th? rurl}nlnd udl&ltl'u:!&sl to refuge comparatively tore - Shantiny dlsposscssed many others ntung many while famine conditions in parts of the northwest are driving hordes more on the search for food and whagever shelter from death is obwsinable. H g (Oopyrisiat 1933.). ctically demol- 10| Maryjand employment insurance I | Women and Political Jobs Tradition Has Been Broken in Recent Appointments; Does Not Mean Bargain Day for Womankind. BY EMILY NEWELL BLAIR, Pormer Pirst Vice Chairman. Democratic ‘National Committee. was made that the Democratic women were to share with the men the spoils of victory. Fol- lowing close upon it came the appointment of a woman, Frances Perkins, to the President’s cabinet. Later another woman, Ruth Bryan Owen, was appointed Minister to Dén- mark. In a short time, it is said, for- mer Gov. Nellie Tayloe Ross will re- ceive an equally important Government t. po:h!urally the rejoicing is great among the Democratic women politi- cians. Thousands of them see a prom- ised land suddenly open to their col- onization. Yet before any more of them march upon Washington it might be well to analyze these appointments and see just how much hope they hold out to these women who now expect to cash in their political labors for governmental salaries. Let us begin by reviewing the pre- inauguration suggestions of the cabinet makers, revelatory as they are of the unrealistic attitude toward political ap- pointments for women. Virtually every woman, it will be re- membered, whose name had any news| value at all, was nominated by some | reporter for some portfolio. Even Jane Addams was taken into the Democratic fold. Only her last-minute declaration for Candidate Hoover saved Carrie Chapman Catt from inclusion in the lists. Neither age, service nor previous condition- of servitude was a deterrent. Some of them were named, perhaps, only in a spirit of fun. And yet not the most fantastic humorist would have suggested similar appointments of men, such as that of John Dewey, Henry Ford or Clarence Darrow. It was only in connection with women that imagi- nations could thus soar. Millennium appointments, they niight be called. They indicate that there still remains a vestige of that conception of woman as a being who can serve man’s daily is | needs and yet remain an ethereal god- dess. Or, perchance, a faint echo of that quaint hope that women woul cleanse politics. In an everyday world where Presi- dents are elected through partisan ef- forts such appointments would be im- possible. Yet a noted social worker was heard to say that she hoped there would be no politics in President Roosevelt's appointments of women; and another thought it possible that Grace Abbott, brilliant head of the Children’s Bureau, a life-long and unregenerate Republic- an, would be elevated to the cabinet— which would be equivalent to naming Eugene Meyer director of the budget. ‘Few on More Realistic Basis. A few of the newspaper nominations had a more realistic basis, such as that of Nellle Tayloe Ross and Ruth Bryan Owen. Gov. Ross had been vice chair- man of the Democratic Committee and in this capacity worked tirelessly for four years to organ Democratic women. She had campaigned vigor- ously for Franklin D. Roosevelt's elec- tion. Mrs. Owen, the charming lame- duck Representative from Florida, had campaigned spectacularly and effectively for him. If women were appointed on the same grounds as men—namely, that political services justify political ap- paintment—there was nothing fantastic in the idea that they might be thus rewarded. But the suggesters overlooked one im- portant point. When a woman is men- tioned for such an appointment there is invariably injected the question: “What training and experience does she have for this place?” I use the word “injected” advisedly. It is not always present when a man is being considered; it has, in fact, been fre- quently omitted. Yet it might be open to question whether or not an experi- ence in a commercial enterprise gives training for the Department of Agri- culture, or the acquisition of millions qualifies one for the Navy Department. Nor does it necessafily follow that be- cause a woman never has had experi- ence in the work of a department she cannot make good as its head. Never- theless, there it is. The assumption that a woman has not the ability to head a department is always present until the contrary is proved. Certain omissions of these cabinet makers are also worth noting. For ex- ample, had they been naming women on the same grounds as men. they would certainly heve included Lavinia Engle, who so_spectacularly saved the bill a few “weeks ago. As for “services rendered,” there she was, all through the campaign, in the Democratic national headquarters, do- ing volunteer work at the head of an imj t bureau. The gentlemen similarly engaged have all been men- tioned for “something good.” It may be urged that these men were politi- cally important in their own States. But s8 is Lavinia Engle. Not only has she served through two sessions of the Maryland Legislature, but she is known throughout her State as an_ authority on public questions. She is also promi- nent in the party councils of her State, standing high in the Ritchie-Lee or- ganization. It is not too much to say that when it comes to real political achievement of the type that pre- claimed woman ould make possible, no wom- an can match her record. If women were discussed and evaluated in the ying | same way as men, it would surely have been valid for some astute writer on glbmn possibilities to have included er. Mary Dewson Aided Cause. If it was curious that Miss Engle was not mentioned, it is emazing that Mary Dewson was not. She was the pre-convention manager of the wom- en's end of the pre-convention cam- paign for Roosevelt’s romination, work- ing at least nine months before the convention to win ites to nndeflecfive}vurkem ganize women orumnngm Miss Dewson would be last to OME time ago the announcement ( §2m FRANCES PERKINS, NEW SECRETARY OF LABOR, BEFORE A SENATE COMMITTEE (A. P. Photo). WHO IS EXPECTED TO RECEIVE AN RIGHT: RUTH BRYAN OWEN, MINISTER TO DENMARK Photo). (Underwood Photo). say that she did as much as the genial James Farley. . Nor do I say so. But mention in the newspaper guessing e might have been expected. Mr. Farley had it over her, even at that— he was never & guess but the only appointment certain from the start. Perhaps Miss Dewson was not on the lists of these cabinet prognosticators because they never got her placed. a matter of fact, I myself do not know where to place Mary Dewson. ‘She cer- tainly is not a politiclan. She has never been elected to anything, even to the leadership of a precinct. She is a social service worker. For many years she was in charge of Juvenile Court | work in Massachusetts, and for several | years past has been a’secretary of the Consumers’ League. She was interestec |1n the election of Roosevelt not because | believed his election would promote bet- | ter standards of labor. She would not, T believe, work for any man just becausc | fie was the nominee of a party, or for a party, regardless of whom it nomi- nated. Funny, when you stop to think about it, that the management of the women's end of a campaign run by a Tammany-trained man should haye been in charge of a woman who is in politics to forward social work, a womar. who is in no sense a professional Demo- crat, and has never worked her way up from the ranks. Yet this non-political Mary Dewson is the woman who today is, politically, the closest to James Farley—the most important woman, from the standpoint of practical politics, in America! Some- thing here to be pondered by those women desiring office who came into politics by the route women were told they must take—the strict partisan route, the never-scratch-your-ticket route, the precinct ward and county chairmanship route! n it be that they have been led astray? Is it pos- sible that leadership in politics is mot, after all, to be won this way? Brought Training to Job. Of course, not every woman who tried Miss Dewson’s route might be as successful as she, for she brought train- ing to her job, a training gained through years spent in intensive, non- political organization work. But isn't this the whole point—she did have ex- perience and training to bring to poli- tics. We have been told, we women, that we must go into politics and learn by experience. But I, for one, begin to wonder what politics has to teach women. Would it not be better if women had some experience to bring to_politics? ‘Women have also been told to go in- to politics at the bottom and work their way up and, some fine day they would receive, as a result of their apprentice- ship, political “recognition”—a polite term for a paying job. And yet one wonders just how politics fits a woman for this job. Carrying a county does not fit a man to serve on a public serv- ice commission; carrying a State, or even a natjon does not fit him to sit in the cabinet. Nor do they fit a woman. However much politics may make a man or woman deserve an appoint- ment, it takes something more than “deserts” to fill it. It takes training for the particular post. “But how, then,” these women Ir enec‘!,‘:”h“ assurance is there that we shall not go I have kept up my courage so far, but I admit that I am beginning to weaken. steadily from bad I cannot see anything on a change.” My answer but on history. The changes are often so and become ap] For example, enter Harvard College. Academy. visit it was nece: from Illinois. residency. - “If I |he was a Democrat, but because she | to worse? LEFT: NELLIE TAYLOE ROSS, APPOINTMENT (Underwood politics may exclaim, “are women to receive political appointments?” The appointment of Frances Perkins points the way to the answer. Note, first, that never in her life has Frances Perkins made a business of politics. Nor did she ever enter politics to land her some place in the sun. Year ago she took up a vocation—social service AS | work. And ever since it has had first claim on her time and thought. Spe- cializing, however, onlabor problems, she soon had a very definite interest in the men who made the labor laws, appointed labor boards. Thus she be- came interested in politics. But not, however, as a politician. She never became a precinct leader, or even, I understand, a delegate to & convention. She kept busy at her own work. When men ran for office, however, who fa- vored policies she believed in she was willing to campaign for them. Superbly Fitted for Work. ‘Thus she campaigned for Smith and later for Roosevelt. Because she had won eminence in her chosen profession her support was valuable; and because | her support was valuable she was, ac- cording to political ethics, eligible to a | political appointment. But eligibility was not all she had. Because of her | work in her profession she had become an authority on labor problems, unem- ployment, industrial standards. These are matters that engage the attention of the Department of Labor. She was, therefore, superbly fitted to beccme the head of this department. It was the combination of eligibility, due to po- litical activities and equipment for a specific post, due to professional ex- perience, that made Frances Perkins the first women in the cabinet. She came into it, in fact, just as most men come into it. They have a profession, a job, a business. They are lawyers, manufacturers, bankers, editors. Politics with them is something they take up on the side, because it amuses them or because it affects their busi- ness or furthers them in their profes- sion, It is not, as with so many wom- en who go into politics, a vocation, but an avocation. It maye be—and fre- quently is—their activity in partisan politics that makes them eligible for appointment, but it is their activity in their vocation that makes them avail- able. Even for men like Cordell Hull or Claude Swanson, who have spent their lives in public office, this is true. They may have used politics to attain the office, but, once in, they have special- ized on the business of government. ‘They have not expected their political services alone to fit them for high places. Of course, there are exceptions to this—exceptions of which we have his- toric examples. But such exceptions will not, as I have pointed out, be made for women. It is enlightening, too, that the first woman in the cabinet should have come into it by the way of social wel- | fare work. It was, indeed, to have been expected. In the first place, it is men who make these political appoint- ments. And women’s activities in this field do not offend their prejudices as to the proper sphere of women. Rather are they regarded as merely an ex- tension of women's traditional job of What Brings Change? BY BRUCE BARTON. ON a dark day last Winter I received a letter to this the horizon that is likely to bring to this question is based not on prophecy, things which bring about important small as to be invisible at the time arent only in the light of later years. the nomination of Abraham Lincoln for the presiderrcy was a most important occurrence in our his- tory. How did it come about? In the Autumn of 1859 Robert Lincoln, eldest son of Abraham Lincoln, attorney, of Springfield, Ill., went East to It was found that his work had been inadequate. In fact, of 16 subjec he was examined he failed in 15. His parents decided that instead of returning to Spring- field the young man should take a year in Philips Exeter There his work seemed to be reasonably satisfac- tory, but the father, fearful that the boy might fail again, thought it wise to visit him and check up on his progress. The family funds were low, and in order to finance the to arrange for some lectures. these lectures was delivered in Cooper Union and gave New York City and some of its leading citizens, including Horace Greeley, editor of the powerful Tribune, a startlingly new conception of the ability and grasp of the tall, lean lawyer reparatory on which One of Robert Lincoln used to say humorously in later years that he was responsible for his father’s election to the had not failed in so many subjects my ather would not have come East to see me. If he had not come East he would never have been pominated.” When the Republican convention met in Chicago on Wednesday, May 16, 1860, the nomination of Willard H. Seward was almost a certainty. Had the first vote been taken on Thursday afternoon, as the Seward managers had planned, Seward would have won. But the first vote was not taken Thursday afternoon. Why? Because the printer did not arrive with the ballots in time. ‘The convention adjourned until Friday morning. During the night the Lincoln forces and the Cameron forces came to an agreement. was nominated on Friday. Lincoln Human history is not a logical, inevitable development in which the cause is always equal to the result. illogical, jerky, full of surprises ory is 1 do not know what will chnnge the present sequence of events, but I have an idea that future historians, looking back, will discover that the beginnin; something very small, probably some! (Copyrisht, 1033) » of the changes was that has occurred helping the unfortunate. Hence, men find it easier to recognize a woman's success in this fleld than another. Then, too, it is women in this fleld who have won pre-eminence today. Ask almost any one to name the great- est women in this country and he will invariably begin with Jane Addams, Martha -Berry, or some other woman engaged in social welfare. In addition, | this is the field in which women, since | they predominate in it, have had some chance to rise to the top. Regarded as Gift to Sex. And lastly, the appointment of a woman is always regarded as a gift to | the entire sex.” It follows that if the | sex 1s to appreciate the gift, the woman appointed must be known for success |in some work with which women gen- | erally are in sympathy. And today the | average every-day woman is more in- | terested in social welfars= work than any other—witness the numbers en- gaged in club and charity work. It | was not accident that Mary Woolley was named to the Disarmament Com- mission or Ada Comstock to the Law Enforcement Commission. This dces not mean that only women with experience in some kind of social welfare are appointed to political posi- tions of importance. Annabel Matthews | occupies a place on the United States | Board of Tax Appeals. Jessie Dell be- |came a Civil Service Commissioner. Mabel Willebrandt was an Assistant Attormey General. All these wcmen brought to their offices specialized knovledge gained elsewhere than in | politics. | Nor will the new appointments be limited t> welfare workers. Witness | the sclection of Mrs. Owen to be Minis- | ter to Dcnmark. But Mrs. Owen, too, has cn equipment for this special p-si- | tion, and’ this equipment was acquired | thrcugh experfence that was quite apart | from her partisan activity. A few years | ago she had the good fortune to make | @ caravan tour of Denmark. She liked | the little country and its people. When she returned to this country she said so in magazine articles and on the lecture platfcrm. The good people of | Denmark heard about it and are eager | to welcome her. In addition, when Mrs. Owen entered Congress she asked for end received a place oh the Foreign Affairs Committee, saying that she in- tended to specialize on international relations. She was named as a repre- | sentative to the Interparliamentary Union. She lived abroad many years | and has traveled in m: countries. Hence her equipment to repressnt her country in this foreign court. | ._Gov. Ross, it is known, is slated for | impértant appointment. 'What it will be is not known at the time I am writing. But it will, we may be sure, be to some post where her experience as Governor of a State and her study of governmental problems will be val- uable. . | _‘There will undoubtedly be others. | But I venture to prophesy that most of the women appointed, if not all, will | be_those who can combine with their | political eligibility an availability gained from some occupation other than politics. No Room for Amateurs. Does it not really look as if the women who expected to reach high office by making politics their vocation have been barking up the wrong tree? Does it not seem evident that women will receive political appointments only when they go into politics as men go— as a by-product of some other career, or as an avocation? Nor do I know why we should ever have thought it would be otherwise. The idea it women could work their “z’lyh‘uphthrough pc“t:‘nll lle’entigshlp gh governmental posts ored certain factors in our business civiliza- tion. It overlooked what John Lang- don Davies calls our “American pro- fessionalism.” In this day of specializa- tion there is no room for the amateur in Government. To secure political po- sitions women must have the experi- ence and training that fit them for the posts—and this party service does not yield. Yet those women who go into politics as a career, or a business, should not feel that their time has been waste True, they themselves. may be me party hacks, having their little day at conventions, their time on the stump. But it is their activity, their party work, their support of the ticket that 0] the door for these women spe- lists. If these y workers are feminists they sh . find satisfaction in that. If, in addition, they are ideal- ists, they may take comfort in thought that many of these specialists are also altruists. If, however, it is recognition for themselves that these women in politics are after, my advice to'them is to get themselves some other vocation than politics and regard poli- tics as an avocation. Srsassmes S e Majority of Cardinals Again Are ltalians ROME, Italy.—The temporary numer- ical superiority of non-Italians over Italians in the college of cardinals of the Catholic Church has now been re- versed with the elevation to the purple of six new cardinals. There are now 30 Itallan and 28 non-Italian cardinals. Until ‘t.be l:mm death of Andrea f were non-Italians and 26 Ttalians. For the short period which elapsed between the death of Cardinal Pruhwirth and the naming of six new cardinals the college was e divid on national lines, with 26 I 26 non-Ttalians. Of the non-Italian cardinals six are and Pope Pius XI has named 37 of the total membership of 58. Fourteen were chosen by Benedict XV, seven by Pius pha, - R M‘i‘fl LATIN AMERICA SHARES | ROOSEVELT’S “NEW DEAL” President’s Address Marks Departure From Old U. S. Attitude Feared by Sister Republics. BY GASTON NERVAL. ROUND the oval table of the governing board's room, in the Pan-American Building, sat the 20 Latin American chiefs of mission, Ambassadors, Minis ters, charges d'affaires. They gathered to célebrate Pan-American day, set aside to commemorate the establishment of the PanrAmerican Union 43 years before. The transcendency of the occasion was enhanced by the presence among them of the new Chief Executive of the United States, who had chosen this solemn opportunity to make his first declaration of policies in inter-Amer- ican relations. As they waited, eagerly, to hear the announcement which was to disclose the intentions of the new administration toward the Southern republics, the Latin American diplomats probably re- called to mind the misunderstandings and {ll-will which the views held on the subject by former Presidents of this country had aroused in the past. The “North American fiat” of Presi- dent Cleveland, the “big stick” and the policing of the Caribbean, advocated by President Theodore Roosevelt; Presi- dent Taft's gollar diplomacy, President Wilson’s paternalistic attitude, Presi- dent Coolidge’s theory of unlimited pro- tection abroad, which had resulted in armed interventions, punitive military | expeditions, non-recognition of govern- ments and other acts of force resented by the Americans of Latin origin. Symbolized New Era. But here was a man, the symbol of & new era, Here :“1 zwm}:g who pr;d brought a “new deal” own peo- Iz:“?ho, in less than six weeks, had left precedents, traditions and preju- dices miles behind, that he may give his country action, much needed ac- tion, and relief. Here was a man who had. broken with the past in domestic iministrative matters. ‘Was he, also, to break with the past in foreign policies? Was he to carry his invigorating and straightforward philosophy of government to the larger field of international relations? Was he to allow the dawn of the new deal tc break across the Rio Grande? Then, President Pranklin D. Roose- wvelt spoke: “This celebration commemorates & movement based upon the policy of fra- ternal co-operation. In my inaugural address I stated that I would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor—the neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does s0, respects the rights of others—the neighbor who_respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agree- ments in and with a warld of neighbors. Never before has the significance of the word ‘good neighbor’ been so manifest in internaticnal relations. Never have the need and benefit of neighborly co- operation in every form of human ac- tivity been so evident as they are to- day.” Had he stopped after saying only these few words, the President of the | United States already would have filled the purpose of his appearance at the Pan-American Union. In those words, 2lone, is embodied a declaration of policy | which should be sufficient to clear away any misapprehension as to the line of conduct to be followed by the State Dc- partment’s Latin American policy in the next four years. Let us see what the “policy of the good neighbor” means in terms of inter- American relations. Equality Provided. It means equality of States, respect for the sovereignty and rights of other nations, fairness to all of them, irre- spective of size or material strength. It means ffiendly international co- | operation, mutual assistance, and the realization of a collective consciousness in_the Western Hemisphere. It means respect for standing obliga- tions, sanctity of treaties, good faith and confidence in one another. It means non-intervention ard repu- diation of force. It means preference for peaceful, con- ciliatory methods. It means adjust- ment of differences and arbitration of international disputes. It means peace. It means fair, well regulated economi- cal relationshipg among nations, and a sense of justice In their commercial in- terchange. It means, in brief, all that set of prin- ciples and doctrines which make up present-day international law and, even more important, those other principles, still unperfected today, for which ideal- ists and progressives have been striving for decades. And which have often been absent in pan-American relations. The “policy of the good neighbor” cannot admit of imperialism, hegemony, armed interventions, territorial greed, interference with domestic affairs, eco- nomic overlordship, commercial dis- criminations and other practices based on sheer physical force, which, in the past, have caused so many conflicts and sown the seeds of so much suspicion and discord. ‘The “policy of the good neighbor” is the antithesis of the “policy of the stick,” of fateful memory for u& America. In his pan-American Pres- . “It involves,” he said, “mutual obligations and responsi- bilities, for it is only by sympathetic respect for the rights of others and & ‘scrupulous fulfillment of the corre- sponding obligations by each member of the community that a true fraternity can be maiptained.” Bolivar's Words Recalled. Latin Americans will be delighted to learn that these words were uttered on Pan-American day by the Chief Execu- tive of the United States. More than a century ago, S8imon Bolivar, the George ‘Washington of South America and the real pioneer of pan-Americanism, ex- ressed his views of continental union in similar language. About the pan-American movement itself, President Franklin D. Roose- velt added: “The - essential qualities of & true pan-Americanism must be the same as those which constitute a good neighbor, namely, mutual understanding, and through such understanding, a sympa- thetic appreciation of the other’s point of view. It is only in this manner that we can hope to build up a system of which confidence, friendship and good will are the corner stones.” Not since Elihu Root, in his famous Rio de Janeiro address, set forth the fundamental principles of pan-Ameri- canism—often forgotten since—has a public leader of the United States in- terpreted so perfectly the aspirations of the other Americas and promised them a fairer deal. Yet, the announcement of the “policy of the good neighboor”—sufficient in itself to mark the beginning of a new chapter in pan-American relations— is not all that the President’s declata- tion on Pan-American day contained. Two other statements in that bound- to-be-historical declaration, had a sim- flarly unusual significance. One of them refers to the Monroe doctrine, pan-American problem “No. 1,” around which, justifiably or not, the whole scheme of inter-American relations seems to move. The other one has to do with the elimination of trade barriers, the only way in which pan-American material co-operation can be achieved, and, also, the logical corollary of the “good neighbor policy” applied to the realm of matters eco- nomic and commercial. Each Held Momentous. Each one of these that I consider mementous statements will be dealt with, separately, in subsequent articles. Space requirements permit only a brief mention of them at this time. As for the Monroe doctrine, Presi- dent Roosevelt had this to say: “In this spirit the people of every re- public on our continent are coming to a deep understanding of the fact that the Monroe doctrine, of which so much has been written and spoken for more than a century, was and is directed at the maintenance of independence by the peoples of the c ent. It was aimed and is aimed against the acquisition in any manner of the control of additional territory in this hemisphere by any non-American power. Hand in hand with this pan-American doctrine of continental self-defense, the peoples of the American Republic understand more clearly, with the passing of years, that the independence of each republic must recognize the independence of every other republic. Each one of us must grow by an advancement of civilization and social well-being and not by the ac- fquisition of territory at the expense of any neighbor.” Any one who is familiar at all with the transfigurations and tortions which the famous doctrine has suffered at the hands of President Roosevelt's predecessors and any one who is. fa- miliar with the misunderstanding of the Monroe doctrine prevalent both here and in Latin America, cannot fail to grasp the significance of this presi- dential pronouncement. It goes farther than any other Chief Executive of the United States has gone before on the subject. It goes back not only to what President Monroe said 110 years ago, but even farther than that. On the question of economic inter- course the President's message declared: “It is of vital importance to every na- tion of this continent that the Ameri- can governments, individually, take, without further_ delay, such action as may be possible to abolish all unneces- sary and artificial barriers and restric- tions which now hamper the healthy flow of trade between the peoples of the American republics.” statement promises an economic departure in the attitude of Uncle Sam toward the Latin republics almost as complete as the political departure rep- resented by the new interpretation of' the Monroe doctrine. Both these an- nouncements and the pled%e. of the “good neighbor” policy are harbingers :l’ a “new deal” in pan-American rela- ons. (Copyright, 1933.) Italy Is Occupying Middle Position Between French and German Factions (Continued From First Page.) must face the double problem of ex- ploiting the present Hitler upheaval to break down the French coalition and at all times of preventing Germany from becoming too strong. It would be a supreme disaster for him if he de- | stroyed the French coalition in the | Danubian area cnly to prepare the way for a German Mitteleuropa. And since the danger is very real, one may look to see sudden shifts in the Duce’s pol- icy. For his policy is neither pro-Ger- men nor anti-French but purely and simply Italian, realistically Italian. Again Mussolini desires peace. He has solidly established his rule in Italy. No domestic, opposition remains and no the | present danger is discoverable of any challenge at home. Only a war whicn was either unsyccessful or too tracted like the World War might pre- cipitate a fall of the Fascist regime. Therefore, while Mussolini will play a game which in the nature of things involves risks, he can be counted upon in the case of a crisis to exert his in- fluence to avert actual hostilities an: where. And that means that at a cer- tain tEoim Rome and London will stand together. Mussolini’s danger, of course, comes from the fact that Italian policy frank- ly seeks the eventual destruction of Yugoslavia either by foref "by a process of promoting internal dissensions between the Serbs, the |Cmu and the Bulgarian minorities. ‘Ten years of peace to complete the con- solidgtion of Italy, but 10 years during ‘whic] internal difficulties in Yugoslavia shall endure and even develop—that is the Italian conception. Incident May Cause Break. ‘But always the Serbs may get tired of this. They may decide that the led | best way to promote domestic unity is foreign war—and the Croats hate the I as violently as do the Serbs. Then fome ‘may = like Serajevo—too may be better or worse, but it is hard to see how they can be good so long as France is an ally of Yugoslavia and Fascist journals discuss the rever- sion of French North Africa and Tunis in particular to their ancient Roman status. There are French statesmen— Briand was one of them—who believe the best thing for France to do is to assent to the luss and let Germany take Vienna. Then face to face with a German threat, Italy will have to make terms with France. So far, however, that risk has seemed too great. But so long as France backs Poland and the Little Entente, she can hope for no understanding with either Germany or Italy. And each of these states will try to exploit the French difficulties with the other to its own advantage. What is, however, exces- sively dangerous is the fact that in essaying to play a role, both Hitler and Mussolini run the risk of provoking & plr:xuve action by Poland or Yugo- sl “Nothing_for Nothing.” Thus always the key to Italian pol- icy must be sought in the determina- tion, within limits which preclude actual warfare, to profit by each situa- tion, either by obtaining some addi- tional prestige or some territorial gain. “Nothing for nothing” was the origi~ nal Mussolini motto. Now it is some- thing for Italy in every European cri- sis. And one advant Italy wants, has a cool head, a clear and eampleu freedom from domestic lon. It must, however, be e, ceived that Mussolini's wcl‘l?yn’hfu Eifope.to eitie’downIn s’ present wn state, Italy would be relegated to the 1ank of a second-class nation. In the fashion if of prestige ooul the Duce would be forced to go to|So, unlike war at a_time which would be pre- mature. It is the danger of an in- cident anywhere from Tirana to the hinterland of Trieste which has to be there. As to Franco-talian relations, they M deal,” but for a steady deals with an equally constant suc- cess of Italy in “pulling down the'jack< (Copyright. 1038.) s |