Evening Star Newspaper, April 23, 1933, Page 21

Part 2—8 Pages HULL’S CAREER STARTED BY DEBATE School Room Scene Recalled as Secre- tary of State Centin Tariff and Other Government Reforms. BY OLIVER P. NEWMAN. ICTURE a country school house in the hills of Western Tennes- see. The time is nearly a half century in the past. is 7 o'clock of a Winter night. A red-hot wood stove, almost bursting its Dbellied sides from a roaring fire, stands in the center of the school room. Bracketed oil Jamps throw flickering' lights over an assemblage of a hundred men and women. These are plainly, even roughly, garbed, and they are striv- ing to make themselves comfortable on s intended for children. however, imagine eager | izent understanding. sturdy character. ‘There is not a railroad within 40 niiles. Electricity is unknown there. ‘THe automobile, the radio cr the flying machine is undreamed of. Keen enjoy- ment, however, is registered in every face and every face is directed at a tall, slender, gangling boy of fifteen, who stands beside a table on the teacher’s rostrum. His long arms make awkward gestures, but some of the keen eyes no- tice that he has slender, graceful hands, which seem to be almost as_expressive as his voice, which, it is observed, is gently modulated, though rich and full considering the age of the youth. It is alsc a very earnest, serious voice. In fact, the whole appearance of the lad Is earnest and serious, but, it compels attgntion. His auditors find themselves carnest and serious as they listen. They detect a note of patient pleading, as if the young speaker feels that he must convince them. They note particularly his glowing eyes, deep-set in his finely shaped head—dark blue flames of anx- ious appeal. They follow his argument The hour | 40 YEARS AGO ues Fight for Lower tarif. He has mas‘ered it, along with the whole subject of taxation, through | hours, days, weels, months and years | of study. It is no exaggeration to state that when Cordell Hull sits down with |the other statesmen of the world, to | reverse the world’s tariff policy, he wili | have brought 40 years of intensive study g( that particular subject to the task in and. In the first place. Hull is and always [hns been a_natural student and 1ooks the part. From beinz a natural stu- dent in his earlv life he hes become a scho’ar in maturity. Reference has b2en made to his fine head. It is more then that. It is the head of a scho'ar tut not a dreaming scholar devoted whelly to th-ory. Practicalily stands out all over him. He has no interest in theories as theories—only in theories that can be made to work. This shows actions—all vigorously real, masculine and American. He is tall, slender rnd straight as an Indian. His broad shoul- s are square, his waist tapering, his limbs muscular. His back is as flat as a board across his shoulders and he carries his head proud and high, with a direct, honest gaze out of his eyes. In figure, he looks as if he might have stepped out of a Frederick Remington drawing of a “typical” American plains- man or of a seasoned artillery sergeant of the old Army, but his features, in his face, his figure, his speech and |, WASHINGTON, D). C, stronglv chiseled, show quick feeling. sympathy. understanding, wisdom #nd | high intelligence. In an etching, his| head would be styled “beautiful” by an | artist. And he has the slender hand | and gracefully tapering fingers of a painter. i Shining out of Hull's eyes and in his patient, courteous inclination of the | carefully. They understand it. They grasp his points easily. They nod their ' heads in approval and they applaud | happily when the solemn judges, seated | at one side of the platform, declare him | winner cf the negative side of the de- | bate: “Resolved, That Columbus ren- deed a_greater service to the United | States than Wsshington.” Future Secretary of State. Unlkmowingly, these hundred farmers and village neighbors have witnessed #fie first public appearance of a future Secretary of State, for the gangling ycuth was Cordell Hull, whose manner, head to give attention to anv one ad- | dressing him, as well es in his manner wh-n talking on his favcrite subjects. toriff and taxation. there comes to any one in his presence a strong. definite impre-sion of charaster. A review of his life and an examination of people who have known him best and longest confirm the impression. Hu'l was known as the “honestest” man in Congress and here, again, he looks the part. There is o bit of the countryman abcut him and he has always been modest to and beyond the point of self-injury For | 30 vears he has seen men vastly his inferior leap into prominence and lead- voice, gestures, expressive hands and methods of argument have changed very | little in the intervening years. And | it is doubtful if any of the many hon- ors which he has earned since then | has ever given him the thrill which he experienced when he won that debate, | Furthermore, it is doubtful if any of | them has had a more far-reaching | ¥ effect upon his career, for that de-| bate, on that winter night in the little | country school, really set his foot upon | the path of public service which he has | followed with cumulative success and honor to,_premiership in a new nation- | al administration—a post from which, | many believe, he may, within the next few weeks, begin to lead the world to & solution of its economic dilemma. That debate at the age of 15 settled Cordell Hull's future. Warm-hearted friends gathered about his proud par- ents when the meeting ended and murmured: “Cordie’s smart; you ought to send him off to school.” Send him off his father did, the folowing year, and the young man applied himself with the earnestness and seriousness which have characterized his whol life. Normal school, law school, law practice, war, a judgeship, Congress, the Senate and now the Secretaryship of State followed as a result of his studi- ous diligence. Few people have, as yet, grasped the full significance of the selection of Hull as Secretary of State. When his appointment was first rumored, Wash- ington political writers scratched their heads and frowned. “Why Hull?” they | asked. “He has no qualifications for State. Treasury, yes, but State * * *.” Fight Against Tariffs. They were thinking in terms of diplomacy, of ambassadorial functions, of ministers plenipotentiary, of state dinners. To understand Hull's appoint- ment and appreciate what it may mean to the world, you must think in terms of economics. For 12 years Hull has| been patiently and earnestly fighting | against tariffs, trade barriers and na- tionalist isolations. In season and out he has declaimed against them as un- sound economic policies, inaugurated in | the United States with the Fordney-| McCumber act of 1922 and followed by | all other civilized nations .ever since,| until each has shut itself off from all others ‘and is suffering from the same disease—strangulation on its own sur- pluses. “The absurd attempt of every nation to live unto itself and aloof from others by erection of trade barriers has re- sulted in a breakdown of international confidence, credit, finance, exchange and trade and is gradually pushing the world into bankruptcy,” he declared over and over again. “No human im- aginaticn can describe the utterly cha- otic and dislocating effects of veritable network of restrictions of every kind for obstruction, discrimina- tion and impediment to the natural movements of capital, goods and serv- jces back and forth between nations The most hopeless derangement and disorganization of our international fi- nancial, credit, exchange and trade sit- uation has inevitably resulted. How can any person not blinded by provin- cialism or selfishness fail to recognize the indispensable necessity for practical international co-operation to clarify end liberalize these extreme complica- tions before we can hope for that de- gree of balanced prosperity here at home ‘that the welfare of the American ublic requires? B “It is n?y unalterable opinion that the practice of the half-insane policy of economic isolation during the past 10 years by America and by the world un- der American leadership is the largest single underlying cause of the present American and world panic, and that a adual or material reversal and modi- fication of this policy, so suicidal, espe- cially to a great creditor and surplus- producing country. is an indispensable prerequisite if this and other nations are to be restored to full, sound and well balanced prosperity.’ Puts Theories to Work From the foregoing can be derived an inkling of the reason that Cordell Hull might be presumed to be a good man for Secretary of State in these particular times. Incidentally, it gives Hull the opportunity that comes to few eat thinkers—the opportunity to put is theories into practice. The expression “great thinker” is used advisedly, for Hull is one of the few, last remaining “great thinkers” of @ fast-disappearing, thinking type in public life. With the disappearance of John Sharp Williams, Cordell Hull, flanked by Glass and pitifully few others, stands out as a statesman of the old school, whose members believed that they must have knowledge, wisdom, Jogic, reason and facts, ready at hand, before they could presume to expoun: a subject and expect to gain adherents for_their cause. | himself. Andrew Jackson was his boy- ership in Congress, by virtue of self- | assurance and a knack for grabbing the notizht. He. could not d» it if he ould becauce of his innate medesty and good taste. He believes that a man should advance according to his dem- onstrated ability but he has little flair for making that ability known. He! vill not advance it. It must be dis- covered. However, at the end of almos! 30 years in Congress it has been di covered by a great many members, with | the result that upon his retirement from the Senate he was pretty generally | reckoned in Washington as possessing | the finest mind in either house. ‘Two Famous Exemplars. ‘The careers of two famods Americans | exercised a_ceep and significant influ- | ence on the life of Secretary Hull. They, perhaps, more than any other. influence in his life, set his mind in the direction it has taken and caused him to work unceasingly toward its de- velopment. These two famous Ameri- cans were Andrew Jackson and An drew Johnson, Tennesseeans both, like hood idol, as he was the icol of so many boys of Tennessee. Old Hickory had been dead only 25 years when Hull was born, while Johnson was still alive, fighting stubbornly for his demo- | cratic principles. Tennessee reeked with traditions of both and young Hull was reared on them. “Andrew Johnson,” says Hull, “was | one of the finest and strongest char- acters in American history, and one | of the least understood. As a boy I learned the true facts about his life and accepted his philosophy of democ- racy, which never changed throughout his career.” ‘What might be termed the congenital influence of Jackson and Johnson upon Hull's life was supplemented by other | strong, Democratic influences in his young manhood. Born in 1871, his boy- hood came at a period when Tennessee was struggling out of reconstruction and re-establishing its own govern- ments, State and local. These were Democratic and the people, under the spur of necessity, took a vigorous, ac- tive part in public affairs. “To be ignorant of public affairs, either local or national, was a mark of shame and reproach when I was a young man,” says Hull. “Everybody studied and thought about public questions and everybody was intelli- gently active in politics. We read everything we could get hold of; we listened to political speeches and we attended public debates, of which there were many. In my State there was a general and active interest in poli- tics, which translated itself into con- trol and direction of public affairs by the people under democratic princl- ples and institutions—something which we, as a Nation. need today.” At about the time when Hull won his jdint debate at the age of 15, another great Democratic figure was in ascendency and Hull became his ar- dent champion. figure was Grover Cleveland. From Cleveland'’s utterances young Hull first found his attention drawn to the . It was a subject which thrilled him and cap- tured his imagination. Hull has never wavered on early tariff foundation. All through the intervening years, when one Dem- ocrat after another in Congress (as Hull believes) betrayed his party voting for protective schedules, Hull tood firm and preached tariff doc- trines in season and out, with dogged determination. During the long pe- riod of what the country believed was prosperity under the protective theory, Hull inveighed against the system and declared we would have greater prosper- ity under Democratic tariff principles, but nobody would listen to him. He knew his facts were correct and his theory sound, but they were hard to prove in the face of prosperity. To- day he feels that his principles and predictions have been proved by events of the past three years and he is ?mlomtely determined that they shall be given a trial. Has Chronic Modesty. Hull's chronic modesty has been & familiar characteristic to his nds and followers in Congress. They have regretted what is apparently an inabil- ity to “sell himself” to Congress and to the country. For example, nobody ever heard him mentioned as “Capt.” Hull, although he could have worn the title legally and proudly ever since 1898 had he desired to do so. His credita- ble record as captain of a National Guard company from Tennessee in the Spanish-American War is practically unknown, despite the fact that he or- ganized and drilled the company re- cruited from his Home town of Celina, where he was then a young lawyer, when war with Spain was declal His fine record as a member of the ‘That is the reason Hull speaks so positively and . authoritatively on the ‘Tennessee Legislature that war (Continued on Sixth Page.) r L4 the | tress. That this | e THE PLIGHT OF BY ROBERT F. WAGNER, United States Senator From New York. HE drop from a state of inde- pendence which occurs in every period of depression is not a precipitzte one. The descent lecds sometimes rapidly 2nd sumeume; sluggishly from stage to siage as jol is lost, savings are depleted and credit pendence to a_ condition of de- proceeds along a dreary path that is exhausted—until a welfare agency is confronted with what it calls a new | “case.” No relief program is complete unless it is designed to offer assistence not only to those who already have become the recipients of public relief but also to those in the upper stages who might still be spared the tragic blow to cAer- acter and self-esteem which inevitably accompanies the first recourse to chari- table aid. The present relief program as it is being developed in Congress is designed | in obedience to that principle. It ex- presses a vivid realization that the peo- le of the United States are confronted y forces which threaten the social and economic dissolution of the system of American life; that these forces must be met by a vigorous and unified mobi- lization of all our defenses and re- sources if we are to preserve America s the land of opportunity and promise for ourselves and our children. Questions Before People. ‘Three questions, I believe, are upper- most in the minds of the American people: 1. What is being done about relief for those in need? 2. What is being done about employment? 3. What is being done to allgviate the burden of mortgage debt whi is rap- idly crushing out hope in millions of farm and city homes throughout the | United States? In these days of great national stress it seems to me that the first obligation of the Government is toward those | whose need is the greatest. There can be no doubt as to who they are. than 5,000,000 American families have depleted all their private resources, outworn the generosity of their friends and neighbors and now lead a day-to- day existence only through the grace of ublic relief. ¥ The plight of these victims of the depression was not brought about through any fault of their own. It is the consequence of a national calamity. Almost a year ago Congress recog- nized that the burden of providing for these inmocent victims of the depres- sion had become much too heavy for the local communities to carry with- out assistance. It therefore passed a bill I had introduced making $300.- 000,000 available for advances to the States to be used for the relief of dis- fund has been . virtually exhausted. To meet this situation I introduced a bill, during the present session on behalf of Senators Costigen, La Fol- lette and myself makin available out of the fun construction Finance Corporation to granted to the several States for the relief of needt and dhtry&s arising out of the present emergency. ‘The %rfll provides that the fund is BYito be administered under the single- headed responsibility of a Federal re- lief admi nd is to be distrib- uted to the States in the following For every $1,000 of public within a State for relief during the months of January, Febru- ary and March of this year the Fed- eral Government is to contribute $333. Similar Grant Quarterly. A similar grant is to be made every three monzhs‘rthemlkr. but altogether not more than $200,000,000 may be dis- tributed in thi¢ fashion. Should a Pederal assistance. al it rests on the principle that not only must actual starvation be prevented, but that standards of relief must be on a level of adequacy and de- cency in order to preserve the growing generation from the disastrous conse- quences of - prolonged undernourish- passed the Senate and, as I write, 1s pending in the House of Representatives. It constitutes an im- t part of the President’s program tional defense and recovery. the emergency problem which to s EDITORIAL SECTION he Sunday Star, SUNDAY MORNING, APRIL THE VICTIMS OF THE DEPRESSION IS NOT DUE TO ANY FAULT tofore has been largely neglected. My | tional parks. Food, shelter, clothing, reference is to the conditicn prevailing and medical attention will be provided among so many young men, who, dur- | for them. In addition. a moderate cash ing the last four years, have emerged 'cliowance will be made to each man, from the schools full of ambition and | the largest part of which will be made courage, only to be balked at every turn | available to his dependents, by the utter impossibility of finding| The first mrs in the launching of jobs. In local relief programs these this program siready have been taken | young men are, for obvious reasons, the | and on April 7 the first 25,000 men |last "to receive consideration. Most were selected for the Civillan Conser- often they are compelled to shift for | vation &:rfs. themselves without any assistance| The indispensable next step in the whatever and several hundred thousand | program of relief is the inauguration | of them have daken to the highways K through the co-operation of the Federal | in an eager but futile search for op- | Government, the States and municipal- | | work to be done in the United States, More | portunity. ‘Their inability to find anchorage at self-respacting employment—their con- served through public or private relief —has been playing havoc with their morale. It has been undermining the very men from whose ranks must come our leadership for the next generation. The program of the Civilian Conser- Robinson of Arkansas and myself. into operation. plan. Each State will be assigned a quota in proportion to population, and the men will be selected through co- States. For two weeks they will be housed in Army camps and prepared for the work they will do in the na- tional and State forests and the na- | ities of a large enough program of con- | | struction to start the wheels of industry | revolving once more. Part of that tinued idleness even when life is pre- | program is represented by the legisla- | tion I have introduced to liberalize the | terms_under which construction loans | may be made by the Reconstruction physical and spiritual sturdiness of the | Finance Corporation. The balance of | highways, schools and hospitals to be | Ithe legislation required to initiate the| buiit. Altogether these projects can necessary volume of construction is still | in tke drafting stage. | people and at the same time enlarge the permanent wealth of the Nation. By reason of the low costs now pre- | and home mortgages and for the re- operation with relief agencies in the | vailing it is good business and sound | duction of the burden of indebtedness | economy to proceed immediately with | the construction of projects heretofore | planned and deferred or of projects | planned for the near future. BY FRANK H. SIMONDS. URING the next few weeks and even months in which the European situation is bound to be both complex and critical no single detail can call for | closer attention than the Italian. Not at any time since the moment in the ‘World War, when Italy was considering & belligerent, has the Italian role been so important. And once more, as in 1915, Italy occupies a middle position. Neither her sympathies nor her interests are wholly with either of the two groups of powers. If one is to understand Italian policy it is necessary in the first place to consider its major circumstances. Thus it can be assumed from the start that | open and violent opposition to Great m exll: l’ld!'lh[ n.‘- u.u.; H e advantages of neul %or belligerency on the Allled side, but | sentiment in favor of joining the cen- | tral powers outright was practically 1ml-:sxmnt at least outside of court Break Would Be Suicide. Mediterranean and Italy must import foodstuffs and raw materials to live, a break with Britain would be suicidal and would not be thought of. It was the clear evidence of the British op- position which brought Mussolini to withdraw from Corfu early in his career as dictator. Over long years Anglo-Italian relations have been ren- dered difficult the hostility of Lib- erals and Laborites in Britain to Fas- oad, the situation has changed materially, as Ramsay MacDonald’s re- cent visit to Rome indicated. If Italy must not quarrel with Brit- ain, she just as plainly has to watch her step in co-operating with Germany. Neither the Italians nor the Germans at bottom either trust or like each other. Any partnership between the simply a marriage of convenience. At hotmnch"'fihnm:.wotm; tice, regards other seeking ae:ion it. Nevertheless Rome and Berlin are agreed on certain points and within certain limits, ot & at no point will Italy place herself in | th Since the British fleet dominates the | di TTALY IN MIDDLE POSITION BETWEEN EUROPE’S CAMPS {Rome’s Aim Is to Break Little Entente,| but Rapprochement to Germany Is Merely Union of Convenience. Both are eager to put a limit to French influence in the center and east cf Europe. Poland is to Ger- many the chief obstacle to the restora- tion of the lost provinces, beginning with the Corridor. The Little En- tente on the one hand bars German advance down the Danube and for- bids the Anschluss—that is, the union of Austria and Germany—and on the other sustains Yugoslavia against Italian challenge. Directly Italy has no interest in German quarrels with Poland and Germany no concern with Italian disputes with Yugoslavia, but both would like to see the Little En- tente smashed. Yet Italy not only would like to end French influence in the Danubian area but would also like to replace France ere. Rome is at bottom just as hos- tile to the project of Austro-German union as France and far more directly menaced by it. For if Hitler's Third Reich extended its frontiers to the Bren- ner and the Karawanken, the next push might be toward the Upper Adige, with its German population, and to Trieste. So Prance and Italy, which disagree about so much else have a common ground in the matter of Austria, as was lisclosed two years ago when the Aus- fimc"""f.’r’m’]‘m"" by th C] efforts. 4 Italy wants to see the French system of alliance dissolved, the Little Entente cism. Now with the far more violent | p existence and with German regime in wil the steady development of Mussolini’s | sympat 1, ent toward a conservative pol- fé'; abre ‘The Italian program envisages the restoration of a large part of the terri- tory lost by the Hungarians, the cre- -mnd-tgxevuganumnmmn(u- f | two countries would be purely and |Little I am confident | 2nd enough indirectly to break the back vation Corps was designed to deal with | that the President will proceed with it.| of the depression. this situation. The legislation was in-| By no other method now known can | next legislative step must be the adop- troduced in the Senate by sennwrl we provide the prime necessity of the! tion of a plan whereby that kind of It | present moment—employment for mil-| enterprise can move forward with the | has already become law and been put | lions cf men and women who have been | necessary expedition. About 250,000 young | vainly looking for jobs during the last | men who are unmarried but have de- | four years. By no other method can | ures in connection with the program pendents will be cared for under the | we preserve the spiritual morale of cur| of the administration for ng ed | interest rate the bonds of irrigation, levée and other improvement districts | the benefit to 23, 1933. Relief—Jobs—Lower Debts Three-fold Purpose of Program Now Being Developed—Held Offset to Social and Economic Chaos. OF THEIR OWN. —From an Etching by Diana Thorne. ‘The most valuable asset of the Amer- | ican people is the time and energy of its many millions of men and women eager to work. It is an irreplaceable | asset. Today it is being frittered away. In ccnsequence of that we are suffering | poverty and hardship when we should be enjoying plenty and prosperity. It is utter nonsense to assume thltl there is a fixed or limited quantity of and that at the present time there is not enough to go around. There are slums to be eradicated and rebuilt with adequate housing; thousands of com- munities require water supply and sewerage systems for the protection of health; more than 10,000 railroad grade crossings on the important highways of the Nation constitute a menace to life and a hindrance to traffic and await elimination. There are bridges, tunnels, put millions of men to work directly I repeat that the One of the most far-reaching meas- national | rehabilitation is embraced in the| legislation for the refinancing of farm which rests upon the farmers and home | owners- of the country. The farm | mortgage legislation already has been | introduced by Senator Robinson of | Arl . It has been considered and | favorably repcrted by a subcommittee of which I was chairman. It probably | will have passed the Senate before this | is in print. During the three years ended March 15, 1931, 366,000 farm mortgages were | foreclosed. Since then the pace of fore- closure hes quickened. The reason for | this serious situation is not only that land values have been greatly deflated; | the: most important cause is that the | prices of agricultural commodities have shrunk to such low levels the farmer cannot recover his cost of production and cannot pay the interest upon his debt or the installments of principal that may become due. Gross farm income has declined from $17,000,000,000 ‘I;‘l 1;2'1'9 to less than $5,000,000,000 Problem Squarely Met. ‘The farm mortgage bill meets that problem squarely. It authorizes the| Federal Land Banks to issue up to| $2,000,000,000 of 4 per cent bonds upon | which the Government will guarantee | the interest. These bonds are to be used by the Federal Land Banks pri- marily in acquiring farm mortgages at a discount, the benefit of which will be passed on in full to the farmer. The bill thus will accomplish a reduc- tion of the principal of the farmer's mortgage. In addition, it provides for the reduction of interest during the next five years upon all Federal Land Bank mortgages to a rate of 4. per cent; it suspends the payment of in- stallments of principal for a period of five years and in deserving cases even the payment of interest may be de- ferred. Under the terms of the bill a farmer el e p of T ore- closed home. The bill also ides the necessary means whereby the Joint Stock Land Banks may avold fore- closure of farm mortgages for & period Special Articles MANY OBSTACLES RETARD ANGLO:U. S. AGREEMENT British Long Have Sought Accord, but Differences on Navies, Debts, Far East and Other Issues Crop Up. BY PAUL SCOTT MOWRER. ARIS.—The meeting of President Roosevelt and itish Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald in ‘Washington places Anglo-Amer- ican relations once more in the spotlight of world politics. Both peoples undo:btedly are pro- foundly desirious to co-operate-for the common . Both, however, are great, powerful and highly competitive in their instincts and have, therefore, through most of their parallel history, met many difficultics in the course of their sincere and continuous efforts to get_together. The British sought g close under- standing with the United States even before the World War. Afterward, when the United States was the world’s richest country with potentially the world’s greatest navy, they wanted American friendship even more, and in the Irish question and in the question of the Anglo-Japanese alliance made what they considered real sacrifices in order to get it. Naval rivalry, however, proved a seri- ous obstacle. Following the failure of the three-power conference at Geneva in 1927, the relations became frankly bad. The so-called Anglo-French naval compromise agreement, which the United States interpreted, rightly or wrongly, as directed against it, made the tension worse. But the advent of the MacDonald and the Labor government in England. followed by the election of President Hoover in the United States, opened new prospectives. Both peoples were alarmed. Both wanted somehow to come to terms. New Frictions Crop Up. Exactly what President Hoover and MacDonald agreed to in their historic talks at Rapidan was never revealed. Judging from circumstantial evidence, however, they seem to have reached a sort of personal alliance or understand- ing under which the heads of both gov- ernments _successfully co-operated thereafter, first in the London Naval Conference and later in all sorts of ways. The outbreak of the Far Eastern con- flict, however, and the abandonment of the gold standard by Great Britain led to new {rictions. Gradually it reluc- tantly dawned on the United States that, whereas it had been steadily sup- porting Great Britain in its rather pro- German and pro-Italian rather than anti-French and anti-Russian European policies, Great Britain was opposing the United States on the currency and war debt issues and was tending to back Japan in the Far East. The American Government, on com- ing to realize this about a year ago, be- gan to adopt a somewhat more inde- pendent line at Geneva, and Anglo- American co-operation, which President down to, say, a tenth of their nominal value, without compensation, simply for the general good and before even dis- cussing other economic problems. 2. Tariffs. After long crying out against the American tariff system, Great Britain at Ottawa last year, just when it was apparent that the American system was likely to change, adopted a discrimin- atory protectionist system of its own which seems to make subsequent Anglo- | American tariff discussions extremely difficult. |73, The gold standard, | Great Eritain was fcrced off gold de- | spite itself by the Germ:n events and {after then has been trying to persuade | the United States to get off also. Finally, |it organized the great bloc of pound | sterling countries, which, because of | their depreciated currencies, could | undersell the United States in the | world markets. 0 With the gradual improvement in Grezt Britain’s situation and the spread of fears about inflation in the United States, gold began to flow back toward London. To keep the pound from rising the British bought dollars, which there- after they converted into gold to swell their own gold reserve. Monetary War Seen. The United States, after trying vainly for months to get Great Britain to agree to some plan of stablization, has finally countered by itself going to_fl gold. This makes it almost impos- | sible to hold the pound to the present |levels without stabilizing. |, The European countries see in all | this the beginning of an Anglo-Ameri- ican monetary war, wherein not only the two combatants, but eventually all | the rest of the world, is likely to suffer. | 4. The Far East There is every indication that despite the treaties Great Britain would be willing to see Japan keep its hold on Manchuria and “give China a lesson.” It is possible that Great Britain even |favors the policy of spheres of interest in China, which are directly contrary {to the traditional American policy of | the open dcor. __Throughout the Far Eastern crisis in the League of Nations at Geneva, it is Great Britain which has always taken the lead to slow up the League in trying to keep it from acting—such, at least, is thé impression of most im- partial observers. | . Great Britain and Russia are seem- ingly irreconcilable opponents in Asia. The United States, it is being in- creasingly said, has an interest to keep on good terms, if possible, with Russia, at a time when not Russia but Japan |seems to be the principal menace to |the territorial and administrative in- | tegrity of China. | 6. Disarmament. | Great Britain wants more and Hoover and MacDonald had so pains- | smaller ships and guns and the United takingly built up, slowly broke down. States wants fewer and larger ones. MacDonald personally seems to have Great Britain is proposing that the deplored this, yet, with a preponder- United States should cut its air force antly conservative cabinet of which he | down to the British level at a time is now prime minister. he was perhaps | when the American Navy has been al- powerless to prevent it. | The question now is, what next are the United States and Great Britain go- ing to be rivals or partners? ‘Want to Restore Co-operation. ‘This is for President Roosevelt and MacDonald to ascertain. Both certainly ~ant to restore Anglo-American co-oper- ation. But how? On what terms? For there is no gainsaying the formidable list of differences of interest or opinion now once more tending to separate the two great English-speaking peoples. The main differences may be summarized, more or less. as follows: 1. War debts. . The United States thinks these are justly due and can and should be paid, or, in any case, the United States is entitled to economic compensations for any further reductions consented to. Great Britain maintains that they are one of the chief causes of the world de- | pression and should be canceled or cut lowed to fall below even the treaty levels. 7. Peace policy. Great Britain seemingly is desirous of weakening its own engagements un- | der the League covenant or even the | Locarno treaties, and gives the impres- | sion of trying to use the United States | as an excuse for arguing that hereafter | Great Britain, although a European | power, will be unwilling to assume any | engagements in Eurcpe unless the | United States takes similar responsi- bilities. This attitude on Great Britain's | part is believed to have been one of the main stumbling blocks in the disarma- | ment conferences. | , It is perhaps unnecessary in all of | these differences to try to say who is right and who is wrong. It is enough | for the present that the differences ex- | ist. How they shall be reconciled is for President Roosevelt and MacDonald to decide. (Copyright. 1935 World’s Largest Medical Center Planned by PARIS—Paul Daniel Nelson, Chica- go architect, has completed the plans for what is to be the largest charity medical center in' the world, the new “health city,” at Lille, France. The munfeipality has adopted the plans, which will be put into execution as soon as financing of the enterprise is completed. . Mr. Nelson's plans have already at- tracted widespread notice throughout the world in hospital and medical cir- cles because of their novelty, modern- ity and thoroughness of detail. Thousands of Beds. The principal buildings will be the medical center proper, including the free hospital, clinics and medical col- lege, with 1,700 beds: the private pa- tients’ hospital, 200 beds; the old peo- ple’s, incurables’ and convalescents’ home, 2,900 beds: the retired city em- ployes’ home, 200 small apartments; the nurses’ and midwives' home and school, 650 beds, in addition to which are quarters for 450 employes and at- tendants, and all the various services, such as electrical plant, storerooms, vast garages, kitchens and administra- tive offices. Two of the buildings will be 27 sto- mortgage bill now being drafted has that as its first objective. ‘The legislation I have outlined rep- resents action in the fullest and most satisfying sense of the word. It means relief; it means jobs; it means the reduction of the burden of debt; it means the rehabilitation of the spirit of our people and the restora- tion of their morale; it means that with the continuation of public co- operation and support the United States may hopef look forward to e day when it will have emerged the | definitely from under the dark clouds years. larmer | Already there that have rained sorrow uj American people during the last four is a new confidence the | apparent throughout the land. There is & new convi we have the | crossed the bottom and that as a peo- be 5 feel confident, however, that it will make possible a reduction of mortgage interest for the home owner, a reduc- tion in the principal of his mortgage, assurance against foreclosure for a period of five years and new financing we are now directed toward goal of recovery. This transfor- mation must be credited to the ex- traordinary leadership asserted by the President in numberless ways during the last month. ‘What I have said thus far applies to the policies of the Government; but Federal action alone is insufficient. In the -ast analysis, whether we shall re- cover and how fast we shall recover depends upon the faith and co-opera- tion of the American people as a whole. W8 can succeed only if those who are in a position to act bring into phi in their own local communities, businesses and their homes the same spirit of initiative, enterprise and ac- tion which now atmosphere in Washington, the | 5cene onto a mirror screen. lominating the‘ American in France ries high and thus will be the first sky- scrapers ever to be built in France and probably the highest in Europe. All the buildings are linked together by a vast terrace, under which are the main lines of communications and many of the services. The center thus forms an organic whole. When neces- sary 6,500 meals can be provided. There are accommodations for 15.- 000 visitors on visiting days. The tof population served by the center is 400, 000 in Lille proper, or 1,000,000 if other nearby municipalities be included. Chil- dren from the public schools will be brought regularly to the center for in- struction in hygiene, special treatment when needed, and also to enjoy the swimming baths and hydrotherapy in- stallations. The theater and the church alike will seat 1.000 people. There is garage space for 200 cars and for 1,000 bi- cycles, for bicycles are much used by the workers in this region. At the main entrance, rcached by an auto- strade, is the information office and & vast lobby. with flower and book shops, as in a great rallway station. ‘The kitchen arrangements are such that individual trays can be delivered from the stove to the patient’s bed- side in three and one-half minutes. No Floors Alike. No two floors of the medical center are alike. Each is carefully adapted to its special use. The arrangements of the wards are such that visitors or patients never see or meet nurses, doc- tors or students except at the pa- tient's bedside, thus insuring the pa- tients a maximum of seif-respecting privacy. Operations are to be witnessed by students without entering the operat- ing room, by means of a reflecting and enlarging device which projects the Patients suffering from contagious diseases may nevertheless receive visitors who can look and talk through the transparent wall from an outside gallery. New Construction System. ‘The buildings will be built either of reintorced concrete or welded steel. The total cost per bed to the city of Lille will be 18 per cent less than its pres- ent 17 scattered institutions are cost- ing the taxpayers. The walls will be constructed -accord- ing to a new system invented by Mr. Nelson, by which they can be rendered transparent or opaquely translucent or lightless at will and in any pattern de- sired in any room or ward at any time. There will be no windows, hence no drafts, but only conditioned air ev- erywhere, thus adapting the climate of each room to the patient’s needs. The work of cunfl.rucdun:m huetumsud to last three years, an ive employment to thousands. (Copyright, 1933.)