Evening Star Newspaper, March 5, 1933, Page 23

SMALL NATIONS LOSE FAITH IN LEAGUE AS PROTECTOR Failure to Enforce Its Will in Manchuria Against Japan D estroys Hope of Physical Aid in Case of Need. BY FRANK H. SIMONDS. HAT has happened in Genevn mn respect to the Japanese action in Manchuria will be variously interpreted and on the whole the interpretations will divide themselves into liberal and realistic views. The liberals of the world will say that the League, after desperate and long-continued effort, has succeed- ed in arriving at a judgment which rep- resents the public opinion of the world and amounts to the mobilization of the moral forces of the world. They will say this is an achievement of incal- culable importance. By contrast, the realists everywhere will say that the Leegue has failed in the first real and significant test of its | power. They will say that it has failed because it has been unable, in the first place, to prevent a war; in the second place, to arrest a war in progress, and in the third place, to persuade other countries to go beyond the limits of a putlicly expressed and concerted ver- dict of disapproval. Now in practice what has the Man- churian affair demonstrated in terms of contemporary conditions? First of all, it has proven to the satisfaction of the Poles, the Czechs, the Bulgarians, the Hungarians, the Rumanians—and all other nations which, with justice, fear aggression—that they cannot hope for any physical protection from the League. 1If the Germans go to Brom- berg, the Hungarians to Kassa or the Czechs to Budapest, the Yugoslavs to Sofia or the Soviets to Bessarabia, the maximum of League activity must, in the light of the Manchurian episode, consist of a year-long debate, with the aggressor followed by verdict of guilty, unaccompanied by any form of effective punishment. Collective Method Fails. Obviously, for any nation which fears nvasion this will not do. It will not serve to persuade the people of exposed and menaced countries to reduce their armaments, to refrain frem making mil- itary alliances or to trust their security in the hands of a League which, even if it be the exponent of the moral judg- ment of mankind, cannot accompany its words with any deeds. What is vaguely described as the collective method of preventing war has breken down in this great, initial test. Concomitantly, the inability of the League to clothe its words with force must have its bearing upon the opinions of the elements of every nation which urge violent action abroad. The Nazis of Hitler, who are for forcible revision of the frontiers of the treaty of Ver- sailles, perceive at once that their op- posite numbers, the Japanese National- ists, have been able to carry the war far into Asia without any form of hin- drance from the League. Here, then, at the outset is the bank- ruptey of the first assumption on which the League was originally based—the assumption that as a result of the World War there was a new spirit in the world and that, as a result of this spirit, it would be possible to deal with international differences in a new way. Obviously. there is nothing new about the spirit h today dominates rtrary, it is the iden- pirit which dominated all the imperialistic countries in the last cen- tury. ‘The Japanese have gone about doing an old familiar thing in a new way. But there was yet another assumption in the League idea.' And that was that, even if one nation should, be-| cause of reasons peculiar to itself, re- vert to the methods and mentality of a pre-war age, the rest of the world | would be there to restrain, to admonish and, if necessary, to coerce. But it is clear that the British, French and American peoples, who would have to, do the coercing, flatly reject the task. They are willing to agree that what Japan is doing is wrong and to publish their opinion, but that is the limit. Want Fight for Peace. What does this mean? Gen. von Seeckt and vari soldiers and nationalists ve been say- ing: Neither nations nor people will | fight in order to preserve or restore | pcace in the abstract. The German, people might fight at the behest of the League of Nations if, for example, the Poles invaded the Danzig Free| State. And the French might act if the Germans invaded the Corridor. But both act. would be dictated for par- ticular inter 10t by concern for peace and j ian episode has demon- r of the moral opinion | t restrain an im- om an aggressive action. similarly revealed the | fact that the member nations of the| YLeague, or, if you please, the signa- | tories of the Kellogg pact, which lets| the United States into the picture, will not resort to force to praserve or re- store peace. On the contrary, these nations will not even go to the limit of placing an embargo on goods or| arms in the case of the aggressor. All they will do is record their moral Judgment of disapproval. And in the| Japanese case what will be the result of this? 1In the first instance and un- mistakably, the verdict of the League will produce a violent explosion of the alreedy infizmed nationalistic spirit of the moment. Feeling themselves iso- lated, the Japanese will, beyond de- bate, do more and do it with greater haste and violence, as a result of the introduction of the elements of passion and resentment. On the other hand, this verdict of | nomic and financial fields. | make Geneva, while not brinfi% to the Chinese the smallest phy: aid, con- stitutes the uitimate incitement to re- sistance. If Japanese nationalism is inspired to greater aggressiveness through a sense of isolation, Chinese nationalism, conscious of world sym- pathy, will now go forward in all di- rections—to the boycott, to the mili- tary resistance to the degree presently of declaring war. But in the present condition of China, while conquest in the ordinary sense is impossible for the Japanese, victory for the Chinese is out of the question. Thus the immediate aftermath of the League decision must inevitably be the beginning of a period of intense disor- der and anarchy, which can last irsfi- nitely. It can have but one outcome, | and that the ultimate exhaustion of the Japanese and the consequent collapse of the present control and the substitution of Red violence for military national- ism. In this way one might perhaps reason that the Japanese are going to be punished. As a mere abstract theorem, it will be proven that aggres- sion does not pay. But the World War proved that. Sought to Avoid War. ‘What the world was looking for as a 1t of the creation of the League was some method other than that of war and exhaustion to avoid the clash be- tween peoples. The League was de- signed to prevent war, and now it has demonstrated that it can go no further than to record the disapproval of peo- ples of an aggressive action by one nation. But world opinion got that far in the case of the invasion of Belgium. It got that far and stopped, just as it has stopped now. It is no use to say that the Man- churian affair was peculiar, remote and complicated by the absence of any real Chinese government or state. The point: is that Japan was organized, was & member of the League, had signed the covenant like the Kellogg pact, broke its pledges and launched a campaign destined to have consequences all over Asia. What Japan did could be done by many other nations today. The spirit which moved the Japanese exists in a score of countries who today lack only the opportunity or the means. These nations know now that while the Japanese adventure may end in disas- ter because Japanese resources cannot stand the strain, the failure will not be the result of League activity. The old saying of Pitt, made after the great Napoleonic victory of Auster- litz and so often quoted, must come to mind at the present moment. “Roll up the map of Europe for at least 10 years,” said the British statesman. He saw instantly that this tremendous vic- tory would insure the Napoleonic em- pire for a long time. In the same sense one might well say, “Shut up the doors of the League of Nations for at least a decade.” Like Austerlitz, Manchuria has produced results which will con- tinue to influence events for a long time, But it would be idle to imagine that the influence will be restricted to war and peace. On the contrary, the Man- churian affair carries with it the almost certain doom of all forms of interna- tional co-operation for a long time to come. It sounds the death knell of dis- armament and it also raises a well-nigh impassable barrier to progress in eco- For nations attending international conferences called to deal with questions of trade, like those of armaments, will still ap- proach them from the political angle. Refuses Polish Agreement. Germany, for example, has refused for a decade to make a tariff arrange- ment with Poland—even more profita- | ble to Germans than to Poles—because such a bargain would, by aiding Polish trade and finance, help to stabilize | Poland within her present frontiers. And the major German purpose is to obtain revision of Polish frontfers. All over Central Europe nations refuse to > mutually advantageous tariff treaties because of their irreconcilable political differences. The latest sensa- tion, the Franco-British “ultimatum,” dispatched to Austria over arms ship- ments, is an indication of present European circumstances. The Manchurian episode has fired the soul of every dissatisfied and in- transigeant nationalism on the Euro- pean Continent. The failure of the League to restrain Japan has stimu- lated the hopes of ail these national- isms. The unwillingness of the mem- bers of the League or the signatories! of the Kellogg pact to act has been little less than an incitation to ag- gression. But, correspondingly, the peoples who fear aggression are aroused. Hope on the part of potential aggres- sors, fear on the part of probable victims—these are the emotions which dominate Europe today and will domi- nate any international conference which may assemble. On the eve of a new international conference it is at least worth while to recall that all others have failed, in so far as any forward program was concerned, because of the political ob- stacles. And since the latest of these conferences—namely, the arms meet- ing of last Winter—assembled, the po- litical obstacles have been tremendously increased. In fact, the very worst aspect of the Manchurian affair is not that it has produced a new war, this time in Asia, but that it has provoked a state of mind in Europe which for the present makes every form of inter- national co-operation, or even agree- ment, well-nigh impossible. (Copyright. 1933 ¥ “New Deal” Promised by Roosevelt Is Facing Test in First 9 Months (Continued From First Page) losses in future years make it, by and large, a “bankable” proposition. He has hinted that, if successfully begun, it will be followed by the similar development of other watersheds. Per- haps the entire project is only a day dream, but more grandiose ideas be- came actualities under the stress of war. One of the last phases of the proposed project—the return of un- employment workers with farm experi- | ence to the land—is a movement which Mr. Roosevelt has urged for several| years. Whether good or bad, it is his| solution for the future of the large Tesidue of workers which technological | improvements make superfluous even at the peak of the boom. Bad Judgment Charged. The votes in the November election had hardly been counted before Mr. Roosevelt was compelled to take a stand on pressing foreign problems. By opening the door to immediate review of the war debts he filled many of his followers with trepidation. Years of agitation have charged the war debt problem with political dynamite, and by normal standards Mr. Roosevelt could be accused of had judgment for risking a conflict with Congress over the question at_the very outset of his administration before driving through his domestic program.§ But the war debt problem would not wait, and Mr. Roosevelt must find a formula acceptatble to the dominant opinion in this eountry, which holds that the war debts are just obligations | and should be paid, and the dominant | opinion abroad, which holds both that | they are not ordinary obligations and | that they cannot be paid. The war debts are only one of the phases of the fundamental problem of stabilizing the world price level amd Feopening the avenues of world trade. ‘The flight from the gold standard abroad threatens to leave this country marocned on & price level which can- be maintained except by complete thdrawal into’ a self-contained na- tional economy. The Democratic party is committed to the alternative policy of reviving and expanding interna- ticnal commerce. Mr. Roosevelt is fac- ing the unpleasant fact that all that he does at home can be only temporary in its benefits unless the principal cur- rencies are stabilized to afford a base from which the world price of com- modities can rise. The return of the principal nations to the gold standard and a truce in tariff warfare as a be- | ginning toward the reopening of trade channels through reciprocal agree- ments are necessarily the chief objec- tives which this country must seek at %‘l“lfle\-h In dhls conversations with the itish and French nfl{n&sadon prior to his inauguration, Roosevelt re- vealed his determination to begin at once the attack upon these interna- tional economic obstacles which bar the way to world recovery. Other Problems Wait, An imposing multitude of other for- eign problems, economic and political, are walting on Mr. Roosevelt’s door- step. The grave situation in the Far East led Mr. Roosevelt in January to announce that he supported the Hoo- ver-Stimson policy of non-recognition of territorial changes wrought in violation of existing treaties. The diplomatic position of the United States was sub- sequently strengthened by the report of the Committee of Nineteen of the League of Nations and a change in the British and French positions. The Jap- anese invasion of Jehol and the deci- sion of the Japanese Cabinet to with- draw from the League presented a new. crisis. ‘The Far East is without doubt one of the most ticklish problems befare the new administration at its very out- » THE SUNDAY STAR, WASHINGTON, D. C., MARCH 5, 1933—PART TWO. The Men Behind Hitler - Three Unofficial Advisers Have Directed the German Chancellor’s Campaign for Toflxf’s Election. HITLER'S CHIEF ADVISERS—ERNST F. S. HANSFSTAENGL (LEFT), DR. WILLIAM FRICK (CENTER), AND HERMANN GORING. BY EMIL LENGYEL, Author of “Hitler.” “The Cauldron Bolls,” “Cattle Car Express,” Etc. NCE more Germany is going to the polls, but today’s elec- tion has a new significance as compared to those of the past. At last year's elections the ob- ject was a working majority in the Reichstag. Chancellor Adolf Hitler has declared that the election today will be the last for four years. This state- ment may express merely a wish; nev- ertheless, the chances are that an in- conclusive verdict of the electorate will give Hitler an opportunity to dispense with even the semblance of a parlia- mentary regime. After this election Germany may openly become a Fascist state. The stage has been set for a Hitler- ite super-show. The press and speak- ers of the opposition have been muz- zled. Public officials whose loyalty to the Nazi-Nationalist regime cannot be doubted have replaced the Republican officeholders. If Germany does not take the hint that the, rulers of the hour want a Hitlerite Parliament, so much the worse will it be for parliamentary democracy. Who are the men behind the effort of Hitlerism to capture the control of the state? Hitler is a spellbinder and not even his intimates believe that he is a constructive statesman. His elo- quence catches the votes and fascinates the imagination, but in the movement which he heads there is an intelligence higher than that expressed in his pom- pous phrases. One cannot understand the Hitler movement without trying to understand the other National Social- ist leaders who with less publicity, but with more talent, have stamped their characters upon it. Has Staff of Experts. Hitler has a staff of experts, and two of them occupy important positions in his government, Hermann Goring and Dr. Wilhelm Prick. A third of these —a man of special interest for Amer- ica because of his descent and train- ing—is Ernst F. S. Hanfstaengl, partly American, and wholly Americanized publicity agent of Hitler. These three men have been ghost writing history for the Nazi chieftain, and they are the authors of many ideas published under his signature. The two minis- ters, Goring and Frick, supplement each other, the one has driving power and the other has political cunning. These two possess the qualities that charac-| terize the Nazi movement. As minister without portfolio in the reichscabinet, federal commissioner for aviation and Prussian minister of the room would not be out of place in the palace of an Italian soldier of fortune of the Middle Ages. Goring spent some of his youth in Castle Veldenstein near Nuremberg and there he let his ation run riot with the heroic deeds of medieval knight errants. In his life castles have played an important role. It was near a castle transformed into a fleld hospital, that he landed in a miraculous escape dur- ing the war, after his body and his craft had been riddled by scores of bullets. He was decorated for this exploit, which almost cost his life. This was not the end of his uncom- mon experiences with castles. After the armistice he left Germany and found work with the Swedish airways com- pany, the Svenska Lufttrafik, in Stock- holm. Overtaken by a blizzard one day, he was buffeted out of his regular route and had to make an emergency land- ing. He happened to come down in the vicinity as Castle Rockelstad, the coun- try house of Count Rosen. Invited to the house, he made the acquaintance of Freiin Karin von Pock, sister-in-law of the master of the castle, and this act of his life had a happy ending in the village church, where they were married. Goring’s young wife was a Nordic goddess, a woman of beauty and charm. But she contracted lung trouble and they lived a retired life in an Alpine hut. He had to find action and means of livelihood, however, and so he went to Munich, the headquarters of former army officers who were still looking for places in the sun. He was fascinated by Hitler's eloquence and joined the National Socialist movement. Next we see the two men, Hitler and Goring marching in the streets of Munich on the first and last lap of what was to have been their march on Berlin in November, 1923—the famous ‘“beer- hall putsch,” which was to have ended in Hitler's assuming the dictatorship. They had not gone more than a mile when the Reichswehr fired a volley. Goring fell, seriously wounded, but was ‘whisked out of sight by his comrades. Spirited Into Austria. A warrant was issued for Goring's arrest when physicians were not yet sure whether he would live or die. Still in_hiding, he recovered and with the help of the “underground railway” oper- ated by the Hitlerites he was taken across the mountains into Austria, where political refugeees were thought to be secure. But the government of | Vienna, seeing the danger of giving a haven to so many anti-republicans, de- cided to extradite Goring. When word of this decision had reached officials of | the “underground railway,” they took him to Italy and the government of Il interior, Hermann Goring is Chancellor | Duce made no fuss about his stay. Hitler'’s' strong-arm man and liaison | officer with the outside world. Four years later, after the republic He is|had pardoned its enemles, Goring re- | called 8 “man of steel,” powerfully | turned to Germany and he was among buil, with a sarcastic smile playing | the handful of Hitlerite deputies to be around his lips. torrential military staccato. His words come in |Sent to the Reichstag. He became Hit- Twice he | ler's personal representative in Berlin has been so seriously wounded that td | fter the Nazi chieftain had extended him life must truly appear a gift of | his activity to Prussia. the gods. Yet he challenges fate with Since Goring is Germany’s best army perilous climbs in the Alps and is a | Pilot, nothing was more natural than reckless leader of ski expeditions. In liberal circles Goring is called “the | terrorist,” because it is he who has muzzled the opposition in Prussia. It was his hand that cut ofi—figuratively speaking—the republican heads which Adolf Hitler once told the Supreme Court of the Reich would be rolling in | the streets of Berlin when he came into | power. traitor. In Goring's eyes a liberal is a Ordered Use of Arms. Less than a fortnight before the election Goring gave his instructions to | - | istered the other day to a_Swedish Prussian police not to antagonize the German Fascist Stormtroops but to use their arms ruthlessly against the Com- | munists. “I will protect every policeman,” he wrote, “who makes use of firearms in the exercise of his duty regardless of results.” If Herr Goring had not already si- lenced the liberal press of Prussia it would no doubt have pointed out that his order was an open invitation to political massacre, the consequences of which cannot be foreseen. Although Goring has a dictatorial temper, he knows how to give unqus tioning allegiance. He is a hero w shiper, and since he sees himself in a heroic role, he worships himself. He has no conception of danger, and he also 1s reputed to lack foresight. Dur- ing the war he won fame as an ace in Freiherr von Richthofen’s redoubtable flying squadron and as its commander after Richthofen was shot down. He has compared to a medieval Italian condottiere, to a tight-rope walker and to_a gambler. ‘The paintings on the walls of Gor- ing’s living room tell of his day-dreams. There Bismarck keeps company with Napoleon, Mussolini is staring at Hitler, the crown prince looks up to his im- perial father, Wilhelm II, and Richt- hofen salutes Frederick the Great. Be- hind Goring’s desk there is a headman’s sword, the symbol of German fascism as he is reported to see it; and on his desk there stands a massive candelab- rum in which candles are burning. This set. If the times were prosperous, the Far East alone would be considered a situation to engage the coolest judg- ment and most skillful talent of a new administration. The recognition of Russia, which is Intimately “connected with the Far Eastern situation as well as with the quest for new trade outlets, has its own complications. The Phili e ques- tion, which hes its internatfonal as well as its domestic aspects, probably will present many difficult situations before it is finally solved. Emtrance into the World Court, to which the Democratic party is pledged with the existing reservations, and the St. Law- rence waterway treaty are contentious matters with which Mr. Roosevelt will have to deal in the early months of his administration. In two phases of American foreign policy, in additions to the Far East, Mr. Roosevelt has already made known his intention of pursuing the path marked out by the Hoover administra- tion. He has indorsed Mr. Hoover's approach to disarmament through ef- forts to restrict offensive weapons, and Mr. Hoover’s proposal that the Presi- dent be endowed with the authority to join with other nations in preventing the shipment of arms. ‘To thread his way through the in- terlocking arrays of problems which demand immediate Mr. Roosevelt must move with hreath-taking sureness and Even with large ting of legislative red tape. cal economic condition of the world dic- tates that the New Deal must stand or {all on its achlevements during the next nine montha that he should be placed in charge of training a Nazi flying corps. Hitler designated him as the president of the Reichstag after the spectacular elec- toral gains of the party last year. From the presidential chair Goring led the Nazi attacks on the government. He helped the Communists get in a motion of non-confidence before the Papen government could read the dis- solution decrees of President von Hin- denburg. Germany had a good laugn at the Papen cabinet. Characteristic of Goring’s rough- shod manner is the rebuke he admin- newspaper for attacking Chancellor Hitler. In this rebuke there was an open threat which, coming from a member of the Reich government, was strongly resented by Sweden. It was now the turn of the anti-Nazis to have a quiet chuckle, reflecting that if Gor- ing was going to punish with his own hands all foreign attacks on his idol, he would have to live up to his own heroic view of himself and prove him- self a Heracles. Crusades for World Fascism. Goring is now the crusader of a world-wide Fascist idea. As an antti- dote to the Marxist slogan, he is pro- Cross-Word Puzzles BY BRYCE BARTON. l customer. and it was an emphatic No. When I reached the hotel a little later I was hot, tired and discouraged. Imagine my surprise tb discover my older associate, his coat off, his collar loosened, sitting under an electric fan, doing a cross-word puzzle. As serene as though nothing had happened! I began to understand why he carries his years so gracefully and shows so few marks of worry and care. This trivial circumstance is reported as a prelude to some comment on the new President of the United States, Hon. Franklin D. Roosevelt. I did not vote for Mr. Roosevelt. I have been a life- long Republican and, along with a handful of my fellow countrymen, I voted the Republican ticket even in 1932! Roosevelt is now the President of my country, and the better he succeeds the better it will be for me. So he can have any tiny bit of help I can offer at any time. I have never even met him, but I did talk one afternoon with his close friend and associate, Col. Louis M. Howe. The colonel said two interesting things: First, “Mr. Roosevelt likes problems, all kinds of problems. He plays a good game of bridge. He likes cross-word uzzles. When you find a man who likes cross-word puzzles But Mr. usually find a good politician. | with a free hand to establish the ONCE made a business trip with an older and wiser man. We went to Chicago, where we hoped to close a contract. All day long we battled with our prospective yWe wgre treated none too courteously; our arguments were unsuccessful; at 5 o’clock we got our answer, claiming from the platform and from the minister's chair: “Fascists of all countries, unite! He is popular in the Palazzo Venezzia of Rome and in the Var of Budapest. He is in closc connection with the Austrian Nazis and his finger is also in the Czacho- slovak pie. His proselytizing zeal would like to see the Teutonic nations, in- cluding Holland and the Scandinavian countries, united in a Nationalist Con- federation. While Goring represents the nervous impetuosity of the younger war gen- eration—he is only 40—Dr. Wilhelm Frick, minister of the interior of the Reich—a man of 55, stands for Nazi statesmanship. Gray-haired and astute looking, he lacks Goring's athletic ap- pearance and exuberant vitality. It is| one of his greatest sorrows that on account of his physical condition he could play no part in the World War. He was a government official, cold and efficlent—* Ge enemies call him. ‘When Hitler staged his {ll-fated beer- hall revolution nearly 10 years ago, Dr. Frick was a high police official in Munich. It would have been his duty to prosecute Hitler, but he followed the inclination of his heart rather than the call of duty—he joined the conspira- tors. FPrick was placed on trial and sentenced to 15 months in a fortress, but was released shortly after his con- victlon. For years Frick has been Hitler's parliamentary expert and leader of the National Socialists in the Reichstag. Hitler thinks so much of his states- manship that he made Frick the first Nazi minister when the political con- stellation in the State of Thuringia made it possible for the National Socialists to have a representative in the govern- ment. Dr. Frick became a minister of Thuringia in 1930, and stayed in office for 14 months—a stormy petrel of Ger- man politics in spite of his dignified appearance. As Thuringia's Minister of the Inte- rior, Dr. Frick made an attempt to show the Germans what the Reich would be like if the Nazis came into power “Third Reich,” their ultimate goal. He | issued a decree banning jazz music from public places in an effort to purge his state of “Verniggerung,” or Negro influence. He led a crusade against what he called “cultural Bolshevism,"— modernisin in art. He had some valu- able paintings removed from the Wel- mar Museum, which he called a “cultural torture chamber,” because they were made by moderns, Jews,| French and other spiritual untouch- ables. He created a chair of social anthro- pology at the University of Jena, where a National Socialist professor made re- searches into the qualities of the human blood 2nd declared that only the Teu- tons were unconttminated. He had a conflict with the Reich when he began to select his police officials from the stalwarts of Hitler's Brown Army, and | was rebuked by the Supreme Court of Germany when he made children in the schools of Thuringia say the “treason and shame prayer,” in which they asked heaven's punishing hand on traitors— by whom the Nazis mean liberals and republicans. At the end of his ad- mnistration in Thuringia Dr. Frick had | to admit that it was a fallure. But Hitler has not lost faith in him, and he now occupies an important ministerial position in the cabinet of the Reich. ‘The third man, Ernst F. S. Hanfs- taengl, is Hitler's ambassador to the foreign press. He is 48, but looks younger, a Teutonic god, very tall and! very blond. Through his mother, an| American woman, he is a zreat-ne'phew‘ of John Sedgwick, of Mexican and Civil | War fame. Studied at Harvard. At the age of 18 Hanfstaengl came to the New York branch of his family's well-known art gallery. He stayed four | years in this country on that occasion, | studying art, history, literature and| philosophy at Harvard. Like Goethe’s “Faust” he had set out in search of the elusive essence of knowledge. America | gave him also a consciousness of his physical power, for which he found good use in several sports. He was popular in his classes and if it had not been for his father’s illness, which proved to be | ou That man looks on a problem not as a worry but as a game.” Second, “In all the man; years I have handled Mr. Roosevelt’s personal correspondence I do not remember that he ever received an abusive letter. Many people disagree with him, but no one ever hates him. He likes people. His and have them leave the room greatest pleasure is to sit down in a room with two or three dislike him liking him.” Regarding the istration I have no cies and program of the new admin- ormation. But, these two small items, gleaned from my visit with Col. Howe, seem to me to contain a good germ of hope. I am glad we are to have in Washington a man who regards a problem as a game and attacks it with a smile. And one who works with to use them, but because e e really likes them. not merely because he wants I never have done a cross-word puzzle in my life. But keep on doing them, Mr. Roosevelt. And continue to smile. (Copyrisht, 1033, New York Tribune, Ine.) fatal, he would have remained in this country for a longer time. After having assisted in liquidati the affairs of his father in Munich an after having served in the army, Hanf- staeng] came back to the United States in 1911. He was to have stayed here only a few years, but the war came and he could not go back, despite the efforts of friends to smuggle him out of the country. The New York branch of his firm was seized as allen property and Hanfstaengl found American life less amusing than on his previous visit. He sailed for Germany in 1921, after a stay of 10 years. A year after his arrival in Europe he met Hitler and became his press representative. It was Hanfstaengl who coached the young National Socialist leader in the introduction of high- pressure American advertising methods. ‘The cult of perscnality until then was almoet unknown in German political life. The principle was the thing, and not its spokesman. But now Hanf- staengl began to “put Hitler across” as he had seen the thing done for Ameri- can politicians. Masses Rally to Hitler. At first the parties opposing Hitler could not suppress supercilicus smiles. What could the uneducated little Austrian with the funny mustache do to them? But gradually the magic of a name'’s constant repetition began to exercise its influence. Many who would have found national socialism abstract and uninteresting found Hitler an in- teresting man. The Germian masses, whose political maturity had been overestimated, rallied around him. Hitler's publicity was unrivalled, and unheralded politicians sank into ob- Jivion, eclipsed by this new star in the political firmament. How much of this was due to Hanfstaengl and how much to Hitler's native genius is & question. Hanfstaengl now specializes in the foreign press. Hitler gives him credit for having made his name a by-word in the English-speaking countries. While Hitler's publicity in the United States is far from favorable to him, the articles published about him are abundant. Hitler has used his Ameri- can publicity for bolstering his reputa- tion in the Reich. When he was still one of the prophets crying in the wilderness it was his custom to take around full-page American articles in an effort to convince the skeptics that even in the matter-of-fact United States he was accepted as the coming man. Known Little Among People. 8o good is Hanfstaengl as a publicity sgent that even today people know very. little about him and know much about his hero, Hitler, although many are inclined to believe that his person- ality is more colorful than his chief’s. For one thing, Hanfstaengl is an artist of some ability, if the whispers of his intimates can be trusted His water colors are said to show talent. He also is musical; one of his ambitions is to compose & stirring Hitler march, some- thing in_the nature of the *“Marseil- laise.” He has composed a military march, dedicated to Hitler, which had its official first performance cver the Bavarian radio, but it is far from the ideal he had in mind. Under the title, “From Marlborough to Mirabeau,” Hanfstaengl has written a historical booklet in which he tries to elucidate 18th century German history through its reflections abroad. In this the theory is set forth that Germany’s river of destiny is not the Rhine, but the Danube, along the banks of which some of her most de- cisive battles took place. Through such works Hanfstaengl, the Americanized personality salesman, pays homage to his Germanic past. It was in Hanfstaengl's house in the | Bavarian Alps that Adolf Hitler took refuge after his unsuccessful attempt in 1923 to seize the reins of Germany. In that house he was captured, to be taken to Munich, placed on trial for high treason and sentenced to jail. In one way or another, each of the three men mentioned here had a part in the beer hall revolution of Munich. They are the old guard, Adolf Hitler's coufidential men, the witnesses of a long struggle which led him from jail to the chancellorship. |Backsliding of Girls Worry to Clergymen . LONDON.—Twe flight from the church of young women is now a greater source of concern to many Eng- lish clergymen and religious workers than the backsliding of young men. According to Canon Barry of Oxford, the proportion of women to men in the Church of England had been for a cen- tury or more about 3 to 1. But this ratio is changing. Among the student population of England the young women, he says, are further away from the church than the young men. (Consright. 1933.) New Merchant Fleet For China-Russia Trade SHANGHAI, China—A regular steamship schedule with a large fleet of merchant vessels is to be one of the results of the resumption of diplomatic relations between China and Soviet Russia, it is reported here. Already a $3,000,000 local dollar cargo of furs, oll and timber is reported en route from Vladivostok to Canton. Regular sailings from Vladivostok to Canton via Tsingtao, Shanghai, Amoy pl fined its dumping of goods to North Manchuria may now extend the prac- tice over China. (Copyright. 1933.) Lost Dog Recognizes Master Over Phone|fon 3 LATINS WATCH ROOSEVELT STAND ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS Hope Radical Changes Brought About by Hoover and Stimson Will Be Upheld by New Regime BY GASTON NERVAL. 8 Franklin Delano Roosevelt is inaugurated Chief Executive of H the United States, the eyes of political students from the five parts of the globe are centered on Washington. Latin America is no exception to the rule. Down on the other side of the Rio Grande lie 20 independent re- publics which, because of geographic propinquity, historical antecedents and economic factors, are intimately con- cerned with the political destinies of the United States. For obvious political and economic reasons, these 20 American republics of Latin origin are particularly inter- ested in the answers to certain ques- tions in the fleld of foreign affairs which the presidential inauguration has breught to the limelight. Three Major Questions, As far as the relations of the United States with Latin America are con- cerned, such major questions are three: First: Will the new administration uphold the radical changes intrcduced in the State Department’s Latin Ameri- can &)hcy by Hoover and Stimson dur- ing the t four years? Second: How will the Roosevelt government tackle those Latin Ameri- can problems standing out today which, because of their immediate seriousness and their emergency nature, require at once the attention of the State De- partment? Third: Will the new administration carry out its promises of more equitable customs tariffs, and thus restore inter- American trade, almost extinct today? As for the first question, only time can tell whether the new administra- | | tion will follow in the footsteps of the Hoover-Stimson record, which has de- parted completely from the traditions and principles of previous Republican and Democratic administrations. Or whether it will revert to the old pa- | ternalistic attitude of Woodrow Wilson, | who, as I have said before, had much in common, in this respect, with Theo- dore Roosevelt, William Howard Taft angrcalv!n Coa{i:n, course, tin _Americans hoj that the former be the case. For u‘;g first time in many years they have seen their views recognized, under Sec- retary Stimson, and they have had a chance to welcome certain changes in the Latin American policy of the State Department which revealed a greater respect for their sovereignty than pre- vious administrations had shown, Four Major Innovations. ‘The major innovations introduced by Hoover and Stimson in the Latin American policy of Uncle Sam, to which I have referred repeatedly in the past few months, are four. The first was recorded when Bec- retary Stimson, confronted by the re- currence of rebel activities in Nica- ragua, issued a communique announc- ing that the United States would not protect with armed forces the safety or property of American citizens in the interior of Nicaragua, and recommend- ing “all Americans who do not feel secure under the protection afforded them by the Nicaraguan government, through the Nicaraguan National Guard, to withdraw from the country.” This announcement, a complete de- parture from the “big-stick” policy of ‘Theodore Roosevelt or the protection- istic theories of Calvin Coolidge, was a concession to the Latin Americans’ aim of non-interference with their do- mestic affairs. The Secretary added “There is today an established gov- ernment in Nicaragua, and it is the exclusive task of this Government to avoid and punish the attacks coming from a small group of rebels.” Later on, in accordance with this view, and carrying out his own pledge, Secretary Stimson withdrew the last U. S. Marines, who had been asked to remain on Nicaraguan soil to supervise the 1932 presidential election. Abandoned Wilson Theory. The second change was recorded when Secretary Stimson announced the reversion of the State Department to the old Jeffersonian principle of rec- ognition of de facto governments. This meant an abandonment of the so- called Wilson theory, which implied more or less a passing upon the in- ternal problems of Latin American countries by the United States. ‘The Wilson theory—denying recog- nition to governments born of revolu- tion, that is, denying the Latin Ameri- cans the right to revolt—was consid- ered by them as tantamount to & de- nial of self-government. Instead, Secretary Stimson announced that now “any government which is the expression of popular will, even if born | of revolution and which is able to assure ; internal order and protection to foreign lives and property. will be recognized by the United States.” 3 In accordance Wwith such policy— much more in harmony with accepted principles of national sovereignty and self-government—a number of de facto regimes have been recognized during the past four years. ‘The third change was in the State Department's new interpretation of the | Monroe Doctrine, most outstanding of all inter-American problems. Twice, official representatives of the depart-| ment presented the Monroe Doctrine in its true light, stripped of all the corol- laries and misinterpretations which have transformed the original defensive policy of President Monroe into an ag- | gressive weapon to cloak the excesses of | the “big brother” in the Caribbean zone. Repudiated Old Theories. Secretary Stimson, first, and then Undersecretary Castle, repudiated the theories of Theodore Roosevelt, Lansing, Taft, Coolidge snd Kellogg, justifying the intervention of the United States in Latin America as an outgrowth of self- imposed rights and duties inherent in | of international trade. in Washington. the Monroe Doctrine, The new inter- pretation holds that, as originally in- tended, the Doctrine “states a case of the United States versus Europe, not of :.he United States against Latin Amer- Finally, the fourth innovation came about wheu the State Department, in conjunction with the Latin American diplomatic representatives at Washing- ton, announced the extension to the Western Hemisphere of the theory of ;\on-recognmon of territorial gains by orce. Although the occasion chosen to make this announcement was a very untimely one, the far-reaching consequences of this policy are not difficult to foresee whenever it is appropriately invoked. ‘There is no reason to believe that the Democratic administration which has Jjust come into power, will abandon these changes, so cheerfully welcomed by Latin America. The Democratic plat- form specifically pledged “no interfer- ence in the affairs of other nations” and “co-operation with the nations of the ‘Western Hemisphere to maintain the spirit of the Monroe Doctrine.” These pledges of the Democratic party, and the liberal and progressive ideals of the new Chiet Executive, seem to give sufficient guaranty that the new administration will not only safe- guard the salutary changes mentioned, but will also carry them further and fill the gaps and imperfections still outstanding. As for the second question—how will the new administration deal with the Latin American problems pending to- day?—can only be mentioned by name. In two previous articles, only a few weeks ago, they were discussed at length in this column. Briefly, they may be summerized as follows: War in the Chaco. For almost eight months the armies of Bolivia and Paraguay have been battling for the possession of the vast, almost unex- plored Chaco lands, with the United States playing an important role in the so far successtul peace negotiations. The latest peace formula failed two months ago because of Paraguay's flat rejection and the withdrawal of her representatives from Washington. New Doctrine at Stake. War in Leticia. Since the seizure of the little Colombian port of Leticia by Peruvian irregulars, the controversy between Colombia and Peru has been growing more and more serious. To- day, in spite of efforts by the State De- partment, the League of Nations and the governments of other American re- publics, regular troops of both countries are in open hostilities. Here the Hoo- ver-Stimson doctrine of non-recognition of territorial gains by force is at stake. Em| of arms and munitions to belligerent nations. This question, given unusual significance by recent de- velopments in the two conflicts just mentioned and in the Far East, is com- plicated by stern opposition in Congress. Renewal or abandonment of the Central American treaty of 1923, bar- ring revolutionary governments. Two of its signatories have just denounced it. The United States is not a party to the treaty, but it has followed the policy embodied in it and declared its intention to abide by its provisions, in 50 far as the Central America countries are concerned. Recognition, in this_connection, or non-recognition of the Martinez regim> of El Salvador, in power since Decem- ber, 1931. The Haitian problem. Withdravs of Marines and & new settlement of the debt owed to the United State. which 1s responsible for the presence in the small island republic of the last remnants of Uncle Sam’s armed interference. Legal and political differences wil Panama, growing out of the 190 treaty, which gave the United Sta: the right to construct the Cana! o has of late been sharply criticized b: Panama. ’ ‘The Cuban situation. Maintenance of the non-intervention policy adopted by Becretary Stimson or acceptance of the intervention pleas spansored by op- ponents of the Machado regime. Finally, the third question has to do with the larger, and more practical, problem of tariffs, which is justly blamed for much of the unprecedented decline in inter-American trade during the last three years. Their exports be- ing, almost in every case, their major source of income, the high rates of im- port duties sanctioned by the Hawley- Smoot tariff act, caused the Latin American eountries much harm and provoked widespread resentment in their financial circles. Latins Are Confident. But now the Latin Americans are confident. The Democratic platform condemned the high protective policy now in force and advocated “reciprocal tariff arrangements” to revive the flow And Mr. Roose- velt, in his campaign speeches, included promises of tariff revision. A proof of the sincerity of his promises may be found in the appoint- ment of Senator Cordell Hull, Congres- sional champion of low tariffs, as his first Secretary of State. This appoint- ment, and the earlier pledges of Demo- cratic leaders, give the Latin Americans assurances of a fairer treatment in the customs houses of Uncle Sam. ‘The good will of Latin America to- ward the new administration will hinge, then, on these three major issues: 1. Preservation of the “new Latin American policy” of the State Depart- ment; 2. Co-operation in the solution of pending and immediate Latin American emergencies; and 3. Revision of customs tariffs. By the manner in which these issues are confronted, the Latin Americans will be able to decigde whether the “new deal” has been exwnded south of the Rio Grande. (Copyright. 1033.) English Money Is Declared Ugly In Nation-Wide Beauty Campaign LONDON.—With “fitness for pur- pose” as its maxim, the Design and Industries Association of Great Britain is endeavoring to stimulate s national revolt against the unlovely, whether it is to be found in the cottage or the palace, the kitchen or the drawing room. For 1t is contended that ugliness and inefficlency are very near relatives. The association is meeting with power- ful support from many directions. According to Sir Stephen Tallents, secretary of the Empire Marketing Board, English ey is ugly, and foreigners are be! invited to this “under cover of postage nicely calculated to keep them away.” From lay as well as ‘pm(l;m;l:l come protests about ugly urban wmeets and buildings, mushroom bun- and countryside. The cult of beauty prob- ably has never had more advocates, but to take mlwo‘r&:’t those whout.r: campaigning in terest there urgent need for strong The Design and Industries Associa- tion, which was founded in 1915, and cvrr:gvnd: to similar bodies in the United States and on the continent of to open easily but never do, and print that is troublesome to read. In the opinicn of Miss x.ael Pheysey, secretary of the association, Britain is still suffering from the blight of Vic- torian bad taste. In the last four or five years in Great Britain there has been much promotion of the idea of better designs in such industries as pottery, furniture, glass and textiles, but it has been hampered, declares Miss Pheysey, by the apathy of the consuming public and its recon- cilement to unattractive designs. (Copyright, 1933.) stamps| Burglars Make Tea In Victims’ Houses LONDON.—How to do a burgling job in comfort and in a well mannered way demonstrated recently in Lon- rts of the country by breakers have lingered to make & cup of tea, or regaled themselves with a cold collation and beer or wine. In nearly every instance where food or drinks