Evening Star Newspaper, February 8, 1925, Page 37

EDITORIAL PAGE NATIONAL PROBLEMS SPECIAL ARTICLES Part 2—16 Pages EDITORIAL SECTION he Sunty Stad WASHING' ' GENEVA PROTOCOL HELD BEST HOPE FOR PEACE Observer Sees Conflict Inevitable With-| out Offset to Conflicting Interests of France and Germany BY FRANK W. T pr aue: clse tion SIMONDS. is a single tion which dwarfs all in the Buropean situa- It is the question which has dominated all else since the close of the hostilities and the making of the treaties of peace. It is the problem of peace or war, not fmmediate but eventual war, which ds almost entirely upon the so- ion of the present duel between 1ce and Germany, solution in the sense of the finding of s compro- mise which will permit both great people to abandon policies and con- ceptions which must lead directly to a new collision IT vou should ask the average | <ent there American when German defeat took place he would almost certainly ply that it was a certain e or dates in the months of August, Sep- | tember and October, 1918, He would | be moved to add, probably, that the evidence of this defeat was disclosed in the surrender of Germany as indi- cated by the terms of the final armi- stice. In a word, the answer would be that (¢ iany was defeated in the | war and by military force re- “Loxt™ In Parix. | 1f, by contr you were to the German when the war was lost | he would, with equal certainty, reply | that it was lost, not the field of tle, but at peace conference of Paris. He would that the real | German defeat lay mot in the loss of | battles and positions, but in the| terms which compelled Germany to | surrender provinces, military = re- Fources, the right to any arms., or freedom to fortify her frontiers, and the ability to act in a Europe which were he free, would offer him the chance to realize all of his fondest war-time aspirations. Then, this same German, beyond much doubt, would give expression to a qualified denunciation of France and perhaps to heavy threats for a fu- ture reckoning. In a word, the Ger- man would pass very lightly over the military events of the last phase of | the war, he would show little real re- sentment over the part played by American or British troops, or for that matter French troops, in bring- ing about the situation which led to | the armistice—and he would do this without any real absence of frank- ness—but on the contrary his wrath, his passion would begin at the mo- ment when he discussed not merely or mainly the peace terms, but the en- forcement of those terms French Mastery Hated. German hatred of France at present moment rests not upon any passing bitterness, growing out of the occupatfon of the Rhine or even of the Ruhr. although these are in a sense symbolical of the real thing The cause of his passion is to be| found in the fact that while all the allies in common council fixed terms of the of peace, all the others went home and left France to enforce them and that, if France abandoned the task. most of the por- tions of the treaty which really count would ‘be wiped out over night. The reason that Polish flags fly in Posen, in Pomerania, in Upper Silesia, that German flags do not fly in Prague and Vienna, that Germany has not re-occupled Danzig, that Ger- many has not become, in fact the dominating force in all the middle of Europe, is not that certaih decisions were taken in Paris, but because, for Blx years, French armies have backed these decisions and French policy has Insisted upon the maintenance of the declsions. st, ask | say the iermany Could Conquer. 1t tomorrow break out in France nece recall of French troops from the Rhine, the whole edifice of Central Furope, as created at Paris, would go down in a heap, because, while both the Poles and the Czechs would fight desperately to defend themselves and their libertics, they could not long make head against Germany, thus freed from any French menace. Moreover, it axiomatic that in puch a situation neither Great Britain, the United States nor even Italy would lift a finger. German aggres- sion would doubtless be roundly de- nounced in London, Washington and even in Rome, but from a new war %o block German aggression all three countries would inevitably shrink. Tt is not merely that, for the Ger- | man, French power is standing in the | way of his recovery of the lands he | regards as lost provinces in the east, this is only one count; in addition it is French power which prevents him from reclaiming the Germans who constitute the minority in (‘zechoslo- | vakia, in annexing the Germans of | Austria. But for France he could | carry out a new partition of Poland | with Sovict Russia, he could bind to| his side=tne Hungarians by the res- | toration of lands lost’ to Slav and Rumanian. In « word that whole grandiose structure of Mitteleuropa, which for a moment was realized dur- ing the war, could be briefly restored in a far more viable state and Ger- man influence might shortly be es- tablished as supreme in Salonica and Constantinople itself. Sole Barrier Exists. In the Europe which existed before the World War Germany was beyond debate the strongest single power, but there were France, Russia and Italy to be reckoned with, and Britain in the background. Even her Austrian ally was a fact. But Russia has di appeared, Austria has ceased to ex Italy is sunk in her own domestic problems, Britain is far from any. wish, perhaps from any power, to in- tervene n European affairs \\’i!h forc here remains only France, herself supported by group of smaller powers, all of which lie in the German pathway and are, save for ¥rance, inevitable victims of German might. German hatred of France today, then, is based not upon the facts of the last war, but upon the present pnd immediate circumstance that It fs the French veto which alone pre- vents Germany from turning the actual results of the World War into a supreme victory. Europe, middle Furope, would be ‘at her feet if only for the briefest time French support | could be withdrawn. If France could be driven back to her own frontiers | ail the structure of central Europe | would collapse as certainly if not as | suddenly as the Napoleonic structure after Leipzig. Parallel In Cited. 1f, on the contrary, French power yemains for a period of time, if ¥French armies stay on the Rhine, then it is beyond debate that slowly put surely the new states may con- golidate their positions, may become rmanent as the Lurope of 1815, which the Congress of Vienna tended should sitating the a revolution is | suppose to solidify, while France remained impotent to test the decisions which had followed her imperial disasters. And the paraliel is at once exa fatal for German hopes, for never after the Europe made at Vienna had | consolidated did France have the power or the opportunity to restore the empire of Napoleon If at any moment before this con- solidation takes place France can be shaken off, forced to retire from the Rhine: if Germany can get her hands free. she will not have lost the World War: she will have won it, and all the enormous convulsions ahd changes in the middle of Europe wil prove but preparation for the cre tion of her own great empire, for the practical absorption of much of the old Hapsburg empire, with its Ger- man majorities and~ minorities in Austria But, to take the opposite side. for a moment that did retire behind her own frontiers abandon her watch on the Rhine recall her support of the treaties: suppose, for a consequence, assured. Germany organized swiftly and surely and crushed Poland and Czechoslovakia and annexed Austria, binding the Magyars %o her car would be inevitable, there thing to suggest that this new Ger- many. become a state with thric the population of France, would ulti- mately rest untit she had recovered not merely Alsace-Lorgaine, but areas which she marRed down for annexatibn while fortune still smiled upon her arms in the World Would Antwerp cease to beckon her? Would she finally accept the British control of the seas. or count on a new occupation of the shores facing England and a new trial of the submarine arm which nearly won her last war? Germany Grows Weaker. But today time German. Hundreds his race brethren, Posen and Bohemia, are being forced out of Poland and Czechoslovak even in Vienna German influgnce is declining—that is, the influem the German Reich. The situation. which is fluid, impermanent toda may, with the passage of two d ades, harden fatally for him. Russia may return ms a great power, re- suming her influence in Europe. The Europe organized at Versailles against him, like the Europe or- gunized against France at Vienna a century ago, may become consoli- dated. If this happens the chance of the great German will be done. Ruhr occupation, “black horrors, on the Rhine” reparations—these are merely eyewash and minor details. The German hatred and passion to- runs against the of thousands of the minorities of ward the French today rest upon the | fundumental fact that Germany lost the last war because France under- took, after the Paris treaty of guar- ant those decisions which lished material loss for Germany. It is French ¢ now which alone prevents from being great- er at this living moment than she was before the war, and may exer- cise that veto long enough to see the present opportunity vanish. No Desire for Annexation. As for the Frenchman, he has no desire to hold German territory, to annex it. His ambitions for .the future in Europe do no go beyond the limits fixed by the treaty which re- stored her frontiers of 1370, save for the matter of the Sarr, which was partly his before 1815, and even here he is ready to surrender his claims for an assurance of continued posses- sion of the coal. His future opens for him, not in Europe, but in Africa, and every European drain upon his energies and resources lessens his ability to develop his great colonial empire. He holds Germany to the treaty now lest, if he let go, Germany would at no distant date turn and destroy him. His hope, his sole hope, for the future is that revised Europe will presently become a fact, various states will in time become strong enough and umitgd enough to guarantee the continuation of what is and prevent Germany from recon- quering a dominating position by the extinction of several adjoining states. But uniquely concerned with his own security, the Frenchman finds no other way to insure it than to stand solidly in the pathway dearest hopes of Germany. his garrisons on the Rhine actually wound rmany grievously; it is his presumptive garrisons in Poland and Czechoslovakla; it is the fact that his military power blocks the road to Prague and Warsaw and Vienna. It is because French power akes it impossible for Germany to It is not reform her armies, leaves her power- | less now to deal with the Pole and Czech, before they have become in fact considerable and consolidated nations Viewpoints Are Different. For many Americans the present and past bitterness between France and Germany is explicable simply, and by reference to relatively minor in- cidents; for Europeans, on the con- trary, the facts are otherwise. They appreciate that the gravity of the situation lies, not in any minor or superficial phase, but in the fact that two great peoples are engaged in a| duel in which not only does the issue for both seem one of life or death, but so far no solution has been found which seems to insure either of that irreducible minimum which would alone be aceeptable. At the moment the continent Europe Is. in fact, divided into two groups, a fairly well organized sys- tem of alliances centering about France and including Belgium, Poland and, Czechoslovakia, the nations im- mediately menaced by any German aggression, to which, too, are joined by more or less definite ties Jugo- slavia and Rumania, as members of the little entente, these latter not directly menaced by Germany, but having thelr own needs to support the status quo created at Paris. Over against this group is another, which lacks any definite form now, but would naturally consist of states drawn to Germany by a eimilar desire to upset | the European settlement of 1919 and re- gain their lost provinces. These states are Hungary and Bulgaria, while Rus- sia would seem at some time likely to join with Germany in a partition of Poland, as she might seek to reclaim Bessarabia from Rumania. Britain Stands Aloof. Outside both groups measurably stand Britain and Italy, although it is not an unfair assumption that Britain would come to the assistance of France in case of a new German aggression which seemed likely to bring Germany again to the channel snd to threaten the integrity and independence of Belgium. The essential fact, however, which’is ct and | France | which is | the | War?| e of | estab- | estab- | that the| of all the| which | of | BY OLIVER OWEN KUHN. ANY times_ since the World War it has fallan to the iot of Great Britain to interfere in intolerable political con- ditions and hinder prolonga- constantly arising ous and enmities hetwec many and France, thereby the continental fabric together the general reconstruction proc i be permitted to reach logical | ends, W, at a time when the atmosphere surchurged by light- ning shafts between Berlin and Paris, Foreign Minister Chamberlain has stepped into the breach wmid given such encouragement to amicable scttlement of contentious questions that there is every reason to believe that recalcitraney will become a dead | isiue—at least until another issuc hall arise which shall permit the Germans and the French once more | to vent their antagonisms. Security During the conference of pea Paris Foth Lloyd George and Wood- | »w Wilson, beset on every hand by the contrary attitude of Clemenceau | of France, in bringing about adjust- ment of the myriad questions arising before the leaders of the confercnce, noomised that they would influence [ their respective governments in favor | of a treaty which would pledge these | o at al' times to uphold the curity of France against treach- o cighbois. This in addition to the League of Nations plan, which would have provided a meed of | curity for the French. But the best laid plans of mife and men oft times ®0 awiy and notwithstanding the promises of the great British and American leaders these treaties guar- | anteeing the security of France never have been acted upon In the interim France has been beset many times in the formulation {of her intérnational policies. In pro- | ceeding against Germany in the repa- ations issue, which brought to pass {occupation of the Ruhr and the {tightening of her grip upon the | Rhineland, France has insisted th |all such measures were m: | sary by the refusal of either America | or Great Britain to guarantee France's | security. Without guarantess it mat- urally was expected thet - France would insist on maintaining gigantic armies and would use theni, further- | more, in forcing fulfiliment of the i treaty of Versailles: | tion of N is Pact Promised. s Poxition of America. America has, officially speaking. | { been disinterested in the actual prog- Iress of the French effort to make! | Germany pay, though unoffic | Government circles there always | prevailed the belief that France was | proceeding beyond the limits of pru- dence and always against the best interests of eventual amicable set- | tlementx designed to bring perpetual | peace and prosperity to the continent {In so far as this peace might affect the ! financial future of America there has been little thought of the French ac- tion. Most certainly has America |gone further and further away from | the treaty of guarantee, This has been particularly true, owing to the { French failure to meet her obligations | to this Government arising out of the last war. France's continued propa- ganda against the payment of her | $4,000,000,000 debt to America has ened the breach Furthermore, | the cultivated wave of ill will that ! has swept France from one end to | the other has tended to widen sym- | pathies also. Americans know that | this bitter antagonism in France which has been growing since the war has in large measure been fos- 1 |Withdrawal Serves N i | BY DAVID LAWRENCE. | America's withdrawal from the opium conference was a dramatic ef- fort to arouse the public opinion of the world against the materialism which permits the trade and revenue imade out of oplum production to |block a humanitarian movement. | There was nothing sudden about | the decision of President Coolidge in | {approving the recommendation of Stephen G. Porter, head of the Amer- ican delegation, that the United States withdraw. The step has long been inevitable, the only question to be deduced from these circumstances is that the present duel between Ger- many and France, if it went to its ulti- mate limits—that is, if it finally pro- duced a new war—could not be set- tled between France and Germany alone, would inevitably invclve most of Europe and mean a general con- flagration equal in proportions to and probably more terrible in circum- stances than the last. Therefore it is manifest that the su- preme European task is to find some fashion of terminating the present Franco-German situation which shall be accepted by both. And at the moment two solutions are plainly diécoverable. The first is the guarantee of French se- curity by the British, which might or might not suffice to satisfy the French and lead them to abandon their position on the Rhine and their championship of | the existing order in Europe, and the second is the adeption by the British of the protocol recently adopted at Gemeva, ich would commit the British, along h all member nations, to the defense of any country attacked by any other, without regard for the provisions of compulsory arbitration inclyded in the protocol. Some Suggested Courses, The first solution, if it may be re- garded as a solution, which I ven- ture to doubt, would amount to an exclusive regional agreement, to a British guarantee of France and Bel- gium against Germany. It might at the same time exclude any possibility of British participation in a war, re- sulting from French commitments to ! Poland or Czechoslovakia. And in/ this way it might provide a tacit con- sent to German recovery of lost terri- tory in the east at the expense of Poland. or to the annexation of Alus- tria. But it is manifest that so far| from insuring peace it might lead to war, for Poland would defend her- self and Germany be led to increase her own military strength to limits which would certainly disquiet the French. As a result it seems to me unmis- takable that any real escape from the present Franco - German _situation, T (Continued on Third Page.) Ty wi Pledges S | terea by AUSTEN CH Foreign Minister of England, who i AMBERLA reported to have promixed France a security guarantee treaty. the French government to way for internal support in resisting payment of international wartime obligations. But events have proven that America will go no fur- ther in the question of security for France, as the temper of the Ameri- can people is not such as to permit it now, if ever. England's Po The position of pave the tion Differ: England, on the other hand, is different. England is too closely bound up with conti- nental problems to witness continued disorganization occasioned by per- petuated differences between France and Germany. A hundred and one other continental séttlements of minor nature, now giving promise of grow- ing into major questions, prevail, and their settlement is contingent upon understanding and future good will of France and Germany. Premiers Lioyd George, Baldwin and MacDonald all have striven at various times to bring France and Germany into line. That they have not gone further in plegsing Britain to perpetuation of peate is due to the vigorous-and per- sistent opposition of the British do- ions to certain proposed settle- ts, most notably the protocol to ague of Nations committing the British empire to apply its resources in settlement of any and all problems that may arise on the gardless of whether British interests were at stake. Naturally, with the composition of the British empire being it there has®been great hesitancy and some equivocation in formulating British policy. Britain at no time has viewed French actions in regard to Germany with 'AMERICAN OPIUM STAND " PROTEST FOR IDEALISM otice on World That United States Does Not Consider Prob- lem of Drug Evil Solved by Agreement. , being what form of protest would be most effective. The opium problem is complicated. Twenty-eight nations have lined up with the American point of view. Great Britain and nine others are opposed. The British" have India as their great obstacle to an agreement with America. For the sake of India the British are fighting against the control of opium production. From the British viewpoint it is an internal matter, just as the Irish question was for so many years until the public opinion of America and other countries entered the fortm. Undoubtedly some of the strict na tionalists in America will agree with Great Britain that domestic matters are domestic matters after all, and that the United States would be the first to resent the recommendations of an international conference that trade between America and its pos- session, the Philippines, be subject to outside control. Yet there comes a time when the mere regulation of external commerce is not sufficient to stop at the source an evil that knows mno frontiers. And this has been the argument of Mr. Porter for the American delegation. Two -Bloes Formed. The opium “bloc” in the conference at Geneva consists of Great Britain, France, Holland and Portugal, while those sympathetic with America in- clude Japan, China, Canada and the South American countries. From the first it has been apparent that the subject would not be solved by a majority vote. Iach sovereign na- tion can withdraw from the confer- ence and refuse to be bound by the agreements. For many weeks the United States has been the aggressor and it has seemed as if a forcing of the American viewpoist would simply break up. the conference and compel the opium countries to withdraw. The United - States bided its time instead and when it was time for the agree- ment to be signed withdrew. The other nations will unquestionably ap- prove the comprowise pact which has been drafted. America is in sym- pathy with all that it contains, but insists it doesn't go far enough. From a practical standpoint the co-opera- tion of the United States for what the agreement does cover is assured anyhow, whether or not signature is attached later. The important fact is that America lets the whole world know that the question of opium con- trol is still unsolved and fixes the re- sponsibility plainly on the nations which have consistently blocked reg- ulation. An interesting thing is .that both Japan and China are as eager as America to have the drug evil stopped. . (Copyright, 1925.) continent re- | equanimity. the greatest suspicion in view of France's extension of political influ- ence in the smaller nations of eastern Europe and France's offensive and defensive agreements with lesser powers, notably the little entente. England has persistently viewed with alarm France's maintenance of tre- mendous standing armies and _ex sion of France's alr fleets. England rather would have had France pursue more moderate and less provocative courses against Germany. England has regarded offensive and defensive agreements between France and the smaller countries with apprehension, owing to tremendous raclal and po- litical hatreds running counter cur- rent among the peoples of eastern Europe, all of which, at any juncture, might plunge France into struggles of far-reaching proportions. At least they could do no other than disturb the general equilibrium of the con- tinent at a time when thoughts should be directed toward recon- structive processes. Repeatedly during critical hours French governments have been prone to remind England that Britain had failed to act upon the security pledge promised by Lloyd George. Repeated- ly England has dodged the issue, be- cause of dominion opposition. Promise Again Made. Now with France and Germany once more at odds and with anything likely to grow out of continued dissention, just at a_time when it appeared that sane heads and careful hands would set Europe on the high road to com- plete economic, financial and social | recovery, England, it is declared, has Decline of Wortham Rather has there been | 0 ON, D. C., SUNDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 8, 1925 England, Seeing Continental Dangers, ecurity Pact to Aid Peace promised France that she shall have a security pact Indorsed by England Several proposals have been made, but in the background of all is the tacit consent of France to abandon ambitions of Poincare and Foch and others of the militarist school in France in regard to perpetuation of France's position in tHe Rhineland and the Ruhr. England realizes that France must give up pretentions in this direction if there ever is to be any degree of concord between Germany and France, According received in Washington, the proposed security pact would be between England, France and Belgium, with possible in- clusion of Germany. The French are not yet ready to consider Germany in such arrangement, not being satisfied with the condition Germany has laid down in regard to joining the League of Nations. Likewise the government is not yet ready, for local political reasons, to surrender all pretentions in the Rhineland, but it is confidently be- lleved that if England presses the is- sue France reasonably will be content and foster arrangements which would provide her security. One thing is certain. If France should prevent the formulation of any such pact at this Jjuncture, her sincerity in regard to in- tentions on the Rhine would remain forever in question. Security is near and dear to the heart of France, which has suffered grievously because of unwanted ag- gression in decades past, and it is be- lieved that should the premiers of the four nations get together something might be achieved that would satisfy all and promote the general settle- ments €0 necessary to continued peace and order throughout Europe. to advices Justification of Pacts. One of the questions immediately arising in connection with the Britis policy in regard to a security pact is that as to how the British home office can justify security pacts with the op- position in the dominions’ This is an- swered by the purported British in- tent not to embrace the colonial pos- sessions in such pact In the mean- time, it is declared that the British government will not further oppose a modified League of Nations' protocol at Geneva. The protocol very much desired by France, but it is believed that if Britain can give further life to the aspirations of the league, modi- fy the protocol to such extent as to satisfy her dominions and then pledge France such aid as may be necessary to give her security, the problem can be surmounted. France would be sat- isfied, It is believed, to surrender pre- tentions in regard to the Rhine in case of a British, Belgian and French ac- cord on the question of security. Should Germany stand firm behind the protestations of Chancellor Luther and commit herself to such pact, then it is believed the political atmosphere will be much more conducive toc settle- ment of further differences, and some serious attempt to perfect very essen- tial financial and economic arrange- ments will be made. For some weeks there have been re- ports that Germany would approach France with a vlan to bring a guaran- tee treaty to pass, but the French are suspicious of any such arrangement with Germany alone, they citing Ger- many’'s readiness to tear up treaties and proceed along nationalistic lines during the World War. England, be- lieving somewhat in the sincerity of Germanic protestations of desire for peace, has leaped into the breach and her statesmanship yet may steer all nations clear of the momentary dan- gers. FURTHER PRICE BOOST IN GASOLINE EXPECTED Pool Is One Factor. Heavy Demand Cuts Into Surplus Stocks-—Crude BY HARDEN COLFAX. The price of gasoline, already one- third higher in many localities than it was 90 days ago, is destined to rise to still greater heights in spectacular fashion as the motoring season ap- proaches, in the view of leading factors in oil activities. With the promising Wortham pool in Texas virtually collapsed, no new source to take its place is in sight. Prices will step up rapidly, the trade believes almost as a unit, until new gushers, unfound to date, drag it down. The writer recently went into the innermost circles of the oil industry in New York with these questions on his lips: “Why is the price of gasoline so high? What are the reasons for its recent sensational advances? What is the prospect for the Spring and Summer?” Expert Explains Advance. He was given his answer in the form of a stutement over which some four hours were spent in preparation. The man who replied is international- ly known as an oil expert. He con- sented to make the statement only on the correspondent’s promise that his name and connection would not be revealed. Here is what he says and what the trade, almost without excep- tion, Indorses: “The boom in general business, stimulated consumption and buying, &ood weather In.gasoline consuming territory and a rapld change in the supply and demand position of the oil industry account for the rise in crude oil and gasoline prices. For many months prices of crude oil and of gasoline have been on a below-cost basis, due to overproduction and competition. The oil industry was in the throes of a prolonged liquidation, and prices were dragging on the bot- tom when the change in general busi- ness conditions occurred. “Looking at the oil situation itself specifically, the recent advances in the price of gasoline are due primarily to the increase in the price of crude oil, caused by a competitive struggle among refiners and great purchasing companies to obtain a current produc- tion of oil sufficlent to meet their present and probable future demands. In addition, the relationship of the demand to the supply of gasoline has vastly improved in the past few months from the Industry’s stand- point. Big Pool Declines. “The situation has also been pro- foundly influenced by the violent decline in the newly found Wortham pool, in Texas. A month ago pre- dictions were current in oil circles. that this field would produce 275,000 barrels of oil per day by the middle of February. It did attain 167,000 barrels per_day on January 15, but 0Oil Advances. since that time its decline has been precipitant despite the drilling of many more new wells The field is now producing only 83,000 barrels per day. “For many months the demand for gasoline and petroleum products has been strong. Fuel oil, constituting in volume approximately one-half of all the crude oil produced in this country, has been steadily advancing in price. In the Summer of 1924 it was selling for as low as 73 cents per barrel at the independent re- fineries in the midcontinent field. Despite a subsequent decline in crude, fuel oil continued to advance, and before the recent increases oil prices fuel oil had attained a level of $1.35 per barrel, or more than the posted prices of the highest grade of midcontinent crude oil. Pre- miums over posted prices were com- mon. In all parts of the country fuel oil was strong and in great demand. Surplus Is Used. “The official Government report containing the statistics. of produc- tion and consumption of crude oil and petroleum products shows the profound change which has been taking place in the relationship of supply to demand. Not long ago the oll industry had difficulty in taking care of surplus oil. However, the bulletin of the United States Geo- logical Survey shows that in Decem- ber, 1924, 6,762,000 barrels of crude oil, or more than 200,000 barrels per day, were withdrawn from pipe line and tank farm storage. “This draft on stocks, the Survey states,'was the greatest ever record- ed for any month. It was the culmi- nation of drafts on pipe line stocks that started in October and that prob- ably will be continued. An .even greater significance is the fact that of this total more than 5,500,000 bar- Tels represented drafts on crude oil stocks in the 'midcontinent fleld, which is the area on which the coun- try depends primarily for its gasoline supply. “Although the quantity of gasoline in storage at refineries on January 1 last was larger than it had been at any previous new year, it was smaller in relation to the consump- tion than it had been at any time on the first of the yvear since 1920. In Kansas and Oklahoma, the heart of the gasoline producing field, the stocks of gasoline in the hands of refineries January 1 was smaller in relation to shipments than it has been at that season of the year for several years. For three ye: in crude | | i | | I { would {is no constitutional | States at any time. jan amendment jsuch that the SETBACK FAILS TO ROUT FOES OF CHILD LABOR Amendment, Rejected by More Than Fourth of States, Still Can Be Approved Will Fight On. and A. F. of L. HE child labor amendment to the Federal Constitution has been officially rejected by the present Legislatures of 13 of the States, one more than | enough to prevent ratification of the amendment unless these States later change their stand. The action of both houses of the Legislature of Utah Tuesday in rejecting the amendment | placed the thirteenth State on record | as opposed to the amendment The action came late Tuesday aft- ernoon, closely following similar de ions earlier in the day by the Con- necticut Senate and the Nevada | House. Toward the end of the week | the Montana Senate and one house in Indiana also voted to reject the| amendment. | The States iy addition to Utah that had taken a stand against Federal regulation of the hours of labor of minor children prior to Utah's action are Delaware, Georgia, Kansas, Mis- souri, North Carolina, North Dakota. Oklahoma, Ohio, South Carolina, South | Dakota, Texas and. Massachusetts Louisiana has postponed action, as has Wyoming. Gov. Nellie Ross, first woman governor, has recommended in her message to the Legislature of| Wyoming that the amendment be | ratified | Little Progress Is Made. Opponents of the amendment have | made far more progress in their fight | in the States than supporters of the effort to limit the employment of children. Only twe States have gone on record as favoring ratification, the two being Arkansas and California, and toward the end of last week the Senate of the former reconsidered and voted against the amendment. Or house in Arizona has voted for| ratification, while the other has not acted as yet. Following the action of TUtah, offi- cials at the headquarters of the| American Federation of Labor, prin- | cipal supporter of the amendment, | declared that the fight for ratification be carried on until favorable action is taken by three-fourths of the States. | They pointed out that the action of the States opposed is not final, as there provision to de- | clare an amendment defeated, even | though all the States go on record as | opposed. Once the amendment has been enacted by Congress it can be | brought before the Legidlatures of the | The Constitution { provides that after ratification of an amendment by three-fourths of the States it shall be declared in force, | but provides no alternative to declare | defeated when more than one-fourth votes in opposition. i “Defeat” Held Tmpossible. | Bills have been introduced in the House and Senate to bring about an amendment to the Constitution pro- viding that the Secretary of State shall be obliged to announce that an | amendment has been defeated when more than one-fourth of the States have rejected it. At the present time there is no such thing as defeat of an amendment, labor officials assert This power to change a stand on an amendment works both w of course, and States favoring an amend- ment can vote for rejection any time prior to the favorable action by the three-fourths necessary to bring adop- tion of the amendment, the action of the Arkansas Senate being a present illustration. The Federation of Labor has fought for child labor prevention ever since its organization in 1881. The first declaration of purpose included one to | prevent the employment of children | under the age of 14. First results were obtained in New Jersey, which, in 1883, adopted a law prohibiting the'| employment of infants, and in Maine, which barred children under 12 from working. Federal Laws Unconstitutional. Federal action was first obtained by the passage of a law on August 8, 1916, which was signed by Presi- dent Wilson, who expressed his grati- fication at its enactment. Two efforts were made to prevent or seriously re- tard the employment of children b the passage of two Federal laws, one prohibiting the transportation in in- terstate commerce of products of in- dustries employing children below the age of 14 and the other placing an ex- cise tax on the products of these in- dustries. Both were declared uncon- stitutional and the drive for the | State | the employment of ch | fice, present launched. This amendm gress June 2, 1924, proposes that “Section 1. The Congress shall have the power to limit, regulate and pro hibit the labor of persons under 18 years of age. Section 2. The power of the sev- eral States is unimpaired by this ar- ticle except that the ration of laws shall be suspended to the extent necessary to give effect to log- islation enacted by the Congress Officials at the Federation bor pointed out that this does not p hibit the employment of any chil- dren but gives Congress the right enact such laws as it sees fit gover: ing children up to the of 18 1,000,000 They point out t there ar than 1, children betweer ages of 10 to 16 emploved in factorie mills, mines, agriculture and other pursuits and that rly 400,000 o these are below 14. In some States the of ch dren employed as 25 per cent. Efforts laws enacted have always been im paired by the argumsat that indus- tries in the individual States enacting laws would suffer becausc similar dustries in other States were ted to employ cheap child tatistics gathered on disclose that 13 of the States measure up to the Federal standards as d ed in the first and second laws enacted, but held uncon proposed amendment was it enacted by Con- of La Are Employe the perc runs age of ntage hig to get satisfactory Stat permit- labor the Federa- | stitutional. Nine States are d laws preventing employm children under the age of 14 three States have laws pr ldren under weakened the laws by pro- viding exceptions to the regulations A common school education required of children ente ment in 37 States, to raise a physical standard teen allow children under 16 to wor from 9 to 11 hours a day despite efforts of the K foster the eight-hos regulatio but have 1 employ- and 18 th ral Government to general adoption of r day. Two States mak s as to hours of employ- | ment for children Variety Brings Drive This great variety in & visions is cited by the labo in their effort to obtain action upon the amendment Of the state opposed to the Carolina leads in the percentage chlidren between the ages of 10 15 who are employed, 24 per cent her children, or working, a Georgia is second 20.8 per or 88 The ate pr leaders favorable so far on record amendment Souti with cent leration of carry the fight back tures of all the States who have against ratification. The endeavor to get a recons fore the present but failing Labor pla to the Jegisla- leaders will tion be- legislators leave in this will election of men pledged to vote in favor of adoption and will bring the question up in new legislatures They are backed in their the following organizations: Anieri- can Association of University Wom- en, American Federation of Teachers American Home Economies Associa- tion. American Nurses' Association, Commission on the Church and cial Service of the Federal Council of Church of Christ in America, General Federation of Women's Clubs, Girl's Friendly Society in America, National Child Labor Committee, National Con sumers' League, National Coungil Catholic Women, National Council Jewish Women, National Council of Women, National Counc of Parents and Teachers, National Education As- sociation, National Federation of Business and FProfessional Women's Clubs, National League of Women Vote ational Wome Christian Temperance Union, National Wom- en’s Trade Union League, Service Star Legion, Youiig Women's Christian As- sociation. The legislatures States which have taken no action yet are meeting this yea Colorado, Florida, Idaho, Illinois, lowa, Maine Michigan, Minnesota, Nebraska, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, Oregon, Pennsylvan Rhode Island, Tennessee, Vermont Washington, West Virginia, Wiscon- sin and Wyoming. fight by of the following U. S. Failure to Back Loans Abroad Cost BY WILLIAM BIRD. How far will American foreign pol- icy follow American investments in Europe? In other words, how far does the flag follow the dollar? This, in the opinion of —eminent American banking authorities who have been abroad negotiating the ba- sis of future American relations with Europe, is the most acute problem the American Nation will have to de- cide in the years immediately ahead. “America today has so much sur-| plus investment money,” said one American banker, “that the banks are finding it difficult to place it in the United States at 2 per cent, and yet before this money will go abroad, even into apparently safe invest- ments, it demands 7 to 8 per cent. This wide difference represents noth- ing but insurance against loss. In other words, the American investor who is satisfied with 2 per cent on a cocksure thing regards the best European paper as so risky as to re- quire a § to 6 per cent insurance pre- mium.” The reason for this, In the opinion of the same person, is not so much the ' intrinsic ‘unsoundness of European placement as uncertainty as to the attitude the United States will take politically in event any European country defaults. Which means that, in American banking estimation, Eu- rope is a good fleld for investment 8o far as ability to pay is concerned, but there is uncertainty about Eu- rope's willingness to pay without haggling what she owes. “The rate for European loans would “all tomorrow from 8 to 4 per cent if America's political situation were investor felt reason- ably certain the Government would back him up in case of default or threatened default,” the banker add- ed. “But as yet, unfortunately, there is re-|no sign of any such attitude. Yet finers in. this field have been suffer-| this bas always been the traditional ing from overproduction of varying —_— i (Contiawed on Third Page.) attitude of the British empire and is responsible for Great Britain's tre- mendous- financial power today, which, s Europe High despite its war debts, is stronger than America’s. “American banks and investors have already ventured very far in Eu- ropean investments, largely because our money surplus is so large that Europe can get loans on much better terms than the facts of the situation warrant. We can only hope and pray that we shall come out all right. We would feel much safer if the gov- ernment, by its foreign policy, would back us up.” The same banker is watching with interest France's efforts to stabilize its currency. He believes the principal obstacle to this is the French in- vestor's own tendency to flee from the franc at the slightest sign of in- stability. - “Foreign speculation may, at one time or another, have had a depress- ing effect on the franc, hut there are enough solid assets in France to back all the currency now outstanding if holders of French bonds would stand solidly behind it. Unfortunately they themselves do not feel confident enough to do this, and the result that nowhere is there so much pes- simism concerning France's future as in France itself.” New German Cruiser Christened Emden The first unit of the German Repub- lican Navy has been launched at Wil- helmshaven. She is a light cruiser named Emden, after the famous raider which did so much damage among shipping in the Pacific and Indian Oceans during the war until she met her fate in a duel with the Australian cruiser Sydney. The ship, appropriately enough, was christened by Frau von Muller, the widow of thé first Emden's com- mander, in the presence of many members of the old ship's original crew. The new cruiser is of 6,000 tons displacement and will have elght pix-inch gups,