Evening Star Newspaper, May 11, 1924, Page 41

EDITORIAL SECTION EDITORIAL PAGE NATIONAL PROBLEMS SPECIAL ARTICLES Part 2—14 Pages AGREEMENT OF NATIONS ON DAWES PLAN IS SEEN Operation of German Financial Rehabil- i BY FRANK H. SIMONDS. seems possible now to forecast with reasonable accuracy that the Dawes plan for dealing with German reparations is al- most certain to be put into operation and that any clash which can be ex- Pected will come after the application \&nd not before. The decisive gesture, that gesture which at all times was bound to be decisive, has come from the British prime minister. The declaration of Ramsay MacDonald to his own Welsh comstituents that so far from seeking the isolation of Framce it was the Precise thing which he desired to avoid, and his appeal for Anglo- French co-operation mark a complete and final break between the Lloyd Georgian and so-called “liberal” school of thought and the present , Premier. Underlying all the criticism of France which has been in general circnlation both in Great Britain and in America in all the years since the Paris conference has been the double assumption that the French position was inherently wrong and that by some curious process of isolation France could be subjected to the co- ercion of the popular sentiment of the world at large and thus brought to heel. Lloyd George Policy Falils. This was the last phase of British foreign policy under Lloyd George and it went down to final disaster at Genoa two years ago when the Brit- ish prime minister discovered that, so far from achieving the isolation of France, the combination of his avowed policy and the sudden publi- + catlon of the German-Russian treaty at Rapallo had consolidated around France the smaller central European states, notably Poland, Czechoslo- vakia and Rumania. Genoa represented something like an open break between France and Great Britain and the consequences were disclosed when Turkey, in part through French and TItalian encour- agement, succeeded in breaking the military strength of the Greek forces \ in Asia Minor and came back to the straits with a victorious and intran- sigent army. The Lloyd George pol- icy having leq Britain to the edge of 2 new war in which she was almost certain to find herself alone, its au- thor was overthrown and the Bonar Law tory cabinet succesded the Lloyd George coalition. Hard on this came the occupation of the Ruhr, which was an inevitable consequence of the divergence of British and French policy and of the French resentment at Lioyd George methods. Bonar Law, himselt a dy- + ing man, had striven to prevent the occupation, but failing saw quite clearly that short of a war with France, which was unthinkable, noth- ing could be done to procure French evacuation. Britain merely stood aside, declined to participate and in due course of time challenged the legality of the occupation. False Hopes in Baldwin. Baldwin succeeded Bonar Law. Curzon in the foreign office strove earnestly to get Germany to make proper peace proposals, but failed. And the Ruhr war continued until it ended through the collapse of Ger- many, which had Wwrecked her cur- rency and shaken her economic ma- chine in the hopeless practice of passive resistance. Finally Germany was forced to surrender uncordi- tionally. Meantime the visit of Stan- ley Baldwin to Poincare in Paris had for a moment suggested an improve- ment of Franco-British relations, but the hope had come to nothing. Then Baldwin went to defeat over the tariff proposal and the general clection which followed his appeal to the country suddenly took the control of foreign affairs out of the hands of the Tories, who had been divided between friendliness with France and opposition to the whole French pro- Y gram. Like all the other heirs of Lioyd George, Ramsay MacDonald in- herited a gravely compromised situa- tion. Measured by the past record of the Labor party and even judged by some of his own statements, MacDonald !t geemed bound almost at once to an- tagonize the French. A duel between Poincare and MacDonald, even fiercer than that which had ended in the fall of Lloyd George, seemed inescapable. But no sooner had he taken office than MacDonald turned not to Ber- lin, but to Paris and began that serles of gestures which, in the brief period of four months, have certainly totally transformed the atmosphere of discussions between these two countries. French Are Recognized. Now the interesting and significant fact about the MacDonald policy so far, was and is the recognition on {. the part of the Labor prime minis- ter of the fact that France could not e coerced and did occupy a position from which she must be either turned out by force or by persuasion; and persuasion involved cnncessions to the fundamental French demands, above all to the French insistence that—having taken guarantees and sanctions as a result of willful Ger- jnan default—she would not relin- quish them until such time as she was Insured against the consequences of any new German default. Mr. MacDonald, in his York ad- dress, seemed to indicate that Britain would not consent to any preparation in sdvance against German default. \ rhis speech was interpreted in Paris g. meaning that Britain would insist that German good faith be assumed and French trapsfer of actual posses- sion of German industries in the Rubr should take place without any agreement In advance between the { itation Scheme Expected Before End of Present Year. allies as to steps which would follow new German evasion. The York speech seemed to bring all the fat into the fire again. But its evil effects were promptly lessened by assurances sent to Paris by MacDon- ald that while Britain did abt wish to do anything to suggest a formal chal- lenge of German good faith in ad- vance, she was prepared to act and act energetically if Germany should default. This speech was followed very closely by that in Wales, which I have already cited. Takgn together with the conversa- tions Which attended the visit of the Belgian premier to Chequers, it would seem quite clear that we are not menaced by any new conflict be- tween two wholl irreconcilable poli- cies, but simply that there is going on a pretty open and frank feeling- out of positions, and that MaéDonald has not the smallest intention of un- dertaking to impose British views| without regard to French. | Of course, when all is said and| done, the most important cards re- | main tn French hands. They do hold the Ruhr and they are exploiting the coal and railway systems. Moreover, they maintain garrisons all through the Rhur, and the Dawes report did not suggest the withdrawal of these, although it did insist upon the return to Germany of control of all of the economic instruments of production. Troops Will Remain. France will not withdraw her troops, that is understood. The Dawes report did not, and could not, deal with this question. But the mere presence of the troops did not interfere with German exploitation of her own resources, as the German occupation of Eastern France well demonstrated after 1871. On the other hand, nothing is possible un- less France does agree to surrender economic control. And as the situa- | tion stands, the bargaining promises all to turn around this point. You must see then what a compli- cated series of negotiations are to come now. Negotiations between Great Britain and France which must be had and must end in agreement | before anything can come of the Dawes report. Then negotiations be- | tween the allies and Germany through the reparations commission, ‘which must cover the general reor- ganization of German finance and the carrying out of the Dawes report recommendations generally—the most important of which, in certain phases, is the transfer from French to Ger- man hands of the Rubr industries. Key to Situation. But always the key to the situa- tion will remain the relation between Great Britain and France. If these two powers cannot work together, neither can impose its will upon the other and the paralysis of past| months will continue. But if this paralysis continues German fiscal col- | lapse is imevitable and a similar French smash can hardly be averted. | The collapse of both France and Ger- | many financially, with all the inev- itable repercussions upon the conti- nental nations generally, would have grave consequences for Britain, still cursed with immense unemployment. Both France and Germany want in- ternational loans. World finance and particularly American capital js pre- sumably available at the precfse mo- ment when the political obstacles can be removed. But it is almost axio- matic that no American or other money will be available for France or Germany until the proposals of the Dawes report have been accepted and translated into fact. Obviously then, France, Germany, Britain and Belgium have large immediate stakes in the restoration of something like order in the situation. What remains the single danger point is that there are limits beyond which no country can or will make concessions even to insure settlement. Needs Money Desperately. France needs money desperately, but she will not, merely for small loans now—comparatively small— jeopardize her whole future prospect of collecting reparations and into the bargain expose herself to a new attack from a Germany economically restored and politically and militarily dangerous. Britain, by contrast, will certainly not go beyond a fixed point in giving assurances to France. As for Germany, she will do nothing save as she finds France and Britain agreeing in demanding her perform- ance. The hope in the sitnation lies in the fact that we are getting much near- er to realities than ever before. Ger- many has well-nigh wrecked herself by her policy of evasion and the ruin would be complete if her rejection of the Dawes report brought, as it in- evitably would, a recurrence of the chaos which followed the protracted struggle over the Ruhr. There must be a point at which Germany would prefer payment to suicide; perhaps the Dawes report marks that point. France has gone through illuminat- ing experiences of her own. The cri- sis over the franc was significant. Her occupation of the Ruhr has, doubtless contributed to bringing about the situation which exists, Gen. Dawes himself indorsed it as an essential step toward the end which has now been reached. But France realizes that she cannot collect repa- rations by the bayomet. The best she can do is to procure a state of mind which might lead to payment, provid- ed the bayonets were sheathed. Foresees Agreement. 1 believe that all European indica- J he Sundiy Stae WASHINGTON, D. C., SUNDAY MORNING, MAY 11, 1924 apanese “War Perils” Held Baseless; Military Activities Termed Defensive Editor's Note—Japan’s military and naval develop- meat s for protebting hemelf and mot for aggression, says E. R. Egger, special staff correspondent in the far east, of The Star and the Chicago Daily News. Mr. Egger gives a_picture of many phases of Japanesa life todey. which have a dircct hearing upon purported War desires. This article is a reflection of the viewpoint of the friends of Japan and adds to the sum total of knowledge of the whole far eastern situation BY E. R. EGGER. HE persistent agitation of certain publi- cists and groups in various foreign countries regarding the “Japanese war peril” is much to be regretted. More- over, those living in Japan and having the opportunity to know and talk with those lead- ing the armed forces of this country are well convinced that such talk is without founda- tion. A calm survey of Japanese affairs and the relation of this country to other nations should lead all sober thinkers to discountenance the possibility of Japan becoming an aggressor. It is well known that when the “black demons” of Commodore Perry boomed forth their demand that Japan open her doors to the “foreign devils” Japan had no semblance of a navy. Since that day the main object of Japan in building a navy has been to place herself on a par with other nations and ins her shores against invaslon. Continual talk of possibile wars and the persistence in naval construction competition naturally spurred Japan on to greater efforts in this regard. When the Washington conferenee was call- ed fear was expressed in many quarters that Japan -would mot gracefully submit to cur- tailment of her naval ambitions. However, the results speak for themselves. Not only did Japan refute the insinuation that she was plotting foreign aggression, but her hearty response proved her desire to end*the never- ending competition on the high seas. The writer, while visiting the Yokosula naval base following the September disaster, has visible evidence in dismantled warships that Japan is living up to her Washington pledges. Effort to Cut Expenses. There is a tendency to belleve that Japan re- garded the proposed Singapore nayal base as a direct menace to her national safety; hence her opposition to the project. However, as a result of personal conversation with the highest naval and military authorities, the writer is in a position to say that the great motive back of Japan's opposition to the Singapore base is to eliminate the additional expendi- tures for national defense which that ambi- tious British project would necessitate. It is but another phase of competitive armament, which leads only in an international circle. Wars today are decided by resources, and not by the strength of the contending forces at the outset of the conflict. Thus a survey of Japan's resources should convince any one of the powers around her. That Japan, with her large and efficient afmy and navy could deal a staggering blow at the outset of ag- gressive action is an undisputed fact. How- ever, as the conflict dragged on her lack of resources in food, oil and other needed sup- plies would ' cause her own downfall. It is safe to predict that should Japan ever en- gage in another war it would be as the ally of another nation which could furnish the, re- sources which she lacks. Second Rusaian War Foreseen. British and American jingoists have been persistent in their cries that the strengthen- ing of Japan's armed forces during the past two decades has been aimed at one or the other of these powers, or their possessions. But the writer knows differently. A well posted Japanese recently told me that ever since the Russo-Japanese war Japan has look- ed forward to the day when Russia would seek revenge for what she considered an ig- noble defeat at the hands of a puppet nation. This same Japanese declared that the red revolution was regarded by Japanese leaders as the only thing which prevented, at least temporarily, an eventual second Russo-Japa- nese war, with the odds greatly against Japan. The war preparations beforehand had been made with an eye to possible Russian aggres- sion, In connection with the declaration of war against Russia, the writer recently was told a most interesting story which reveals the true spirit of the Japanese. When the fatal decision was reached at the imperial Japanese conference it was the unanimous conviction of those thus deciding that Japan faced de- feat. A prominent official called into the pres- ence of one of the military leaders after the decision found him bowed in solemn medita- After he had announced the fact that the war chief said: tion, war had been declared “It is terrible to lead our people into this conflict, but rather go down to defeat on the battlefield than be eventually vanquished otherwise.” The “samurai” spirit of defying defeat or death remains alive in the hearts of the Japanese, but it is a defensive rather than an offensive spirit. That Japan has a highly organized and effi- cient army is a well known fact. Conscrip- tion is rigidly enforced, including all able- bodied men between seventeen and forty years old. Approximately half a million youths are liable to conscription each year. Thus a huge reserve is being built up. However, a similar system is in vogue in the United States, through the National Guard and Reserve Offi- cers’ camps. The facts regarding resources hold good in personnel as well as material; hence what have America and Britain to fear in this respect? Figures regarding the peace footing of the Japanese army submitted to the Diet in 1920, by Gen. Tanaka, then minis- ter of war, showed a total standing army of 272,731, While the total has increased since then, large reductions have been made in the recent retrenchment. According to 1922 fig- ures, there were twenty divisions in the Jap= anese army scattered over Japan proper and her possessions. The reduction of Japan's navy, through the Washington conference, is well known. The famous 8-8 program was done away with, but as the conference did not reach any definite agreement regarding cruisers and other aux- iliary ships excepting airplane carriers, the Japanese navy decided upon the following pro- gram to be carried out by 1927: Construction of twenty-five crulsers, with a total tonnage of 150,000; of these seventeen were under construction or ordered at the be- ginning of 1923, and eight had not vet been ordered. Destroyers, eighty-one, with a total tonnage of 89,600; of these fifty-seven were completed or ordered at the beginning of 19623, with twenty-four not vet ordered. Submarines, sixty-seven, tonnage 28,166, of which forty-five were completed, under con struction, or ordered at the beginning of 1923, with twenty-two not vet ordered. Thus by 1927, the strength of the Japanes navy In modern fighting craft will be as fol- lows: Capital ships, ten: tonnage, 301.220 (includ- ing six battleships; tonnage, 191,320, and four battle cruisers, tonnage, 110,000). Cruisers, twenty-f tonnage, 157,700. Destrovers, cighty-one; tonnage, 89,000 Submarines, sixty- seven; tonnage, unknown. In addition to these modern warships, Japan about forty cruisers, coast defense ships and gunboats of older type representing a ton- nage of 150,000 and about 100 torpedo boats also of older type with a tonnage of 27000, according to latest available official figures. When the recent agitation over another dis- armament pariey was started during debate on an appropriations bill in the United States House of Representatives, the writer di cussed the with the minister of war Lieut, ¢ “Japan entered upon the first disarmament conference, und is carrying out her part of the agreement faithfully,” he said. “We stand ready to act with the other powers in fur- ther curtailment of the armament race, in- cluding the army as well.” The same spirit of mutual co-operation to rid the world of competitive armament and rumors of war was evidenced by Vice Ad- miral Okada, acting minister of the navy. That Japan is continuing here warlike preparations only to keep pace with the other world pow- ers, and with a purely defensive objective, is evident when all facts are taken into consider- ation. (Continued on Twelth Page.) of the futility of Japan seeking to conquer any VICTORY FOR POINCARE IN ELECTIONS CERTAIN Nationalist Success in Germany Sure to .Strengthen Premier’s Cause in Elections Today. BY OLIVER OWEN KUHN. ERMANY, unless the absolute unforseen . transpires, soon will have a nationallst gov- ernment. That Nationalist government will procrastinate and seek eventual non-fulfillment of the treaty of Versailles and attempt to dodge the Dawes method of settling reparations accounts. Thezefore, France cannot afford to make changes in her government and must be ever ready in carrying forward a policy of en- forcement, at whatever cost. This is the keynote of the Poin- care campaign in France to be der cided in elections today. The tem- per of the French people in regard to enforcement of reparations and treaty terms without modification will be determined again. If Poin- care wins a majority of the seats in Parliament, then Poincare will have been re-enforced, not only in his present position in so faras’ it per- tains to Germany proper, but he will be able to go into conferences with allied statesmen and press home France’s Nationalistic courses. Most certainly the chance of modification of the French viewpoint will be min- Imized. Most certalnly will Poin- care be better able to insist that France must be ready to act against Germany single handed if necessary, and that unless the allied powers give compensating guarantees against possible future German agsression and refusal to abide by allied edicts France must not reduce her demands | one whit. French Uampaign Bitter. The French campaign has been a bitter one, but outside of the strenu- ous opposition brought to bear against the Poincare regime by the Communistic elements of French political life there has been little if anything to impede the march of the premier toward a new lease on poli- tical control in France. ‘The Com- munists, however, in their extreme activity in the more popular centers of France, may be expected to make gains in their representation, but, inasmmuch as the present National bloc is sustained by the present vote, pre- ponderantly heavy in France, no change of political control may be expected. It is doubtful.if the Com- munists make enough gains to ma- terially impede any and all measures thought necessary by the National bloc to the preservation of the French viewpoint in foreign affairs and in settlement of internal prob- lems, Issue Is Clean Cuat. If there were wider choice in the tions now combine to encourage the belief that before the summer is over and as a consequence of long, laborious and probably temporarily depressing discussions. the Dawes report will re- sult in some actual agreement and (Continued Third, 4 IS on *PIG\) election campaign, Poincare might be defeated through coalitionist ef- forts, for there Is extreme dissatls- faction in many quarters with the government's handling of several in- ternal issues, particularly the fall of the franc. There is a large element in French life that insists Poincare has been too strennous in carrving forward enforcement of the treaty of Versailles. are many who declare that Poincare has not gone far enough. This group is represented by Clemencean and Tardieu. Briand and Herriott would compromise and bring France's posi- tion more in line with the viewpoint of other allies. ‘When it comes down to an actual test in the voting, the opinion of the French people will be voiced on one or two questions—shall France mod- erate her policy ar shall she re-elect Poincare, who will give little quarter in this direction. No er how many of the smaller parties win seats in Parliament they will be forced to aid and abet the National bloc in the face of Communistic en- deavors should radicals win many more seats. Poincare's defeat is extremely un- likely. The German elections have given him a battle cry that the French people are ready to accept. That Poincare himself feels certain of victory is indicated in his plans for proceeding with the allied conferences looking toward the carrying out of the Dawes plan and a general work- ing out of schemes whereby the reparations issue may be solved and perplexing political issues, long im- peding European progress, settled once and for all time. Situntion in Germany. The German situation naturally. has a large bearing on any solution of the general European problem. The Na- tionalists representing—in the cam- paign at least—the revolutionary view- point involving as {t does resistance to the treaty of Versailles and the Dawes report, coupled With the Voelkischen group, will compose the largest single unit - of the forthcoming Reichstag. Normally President Ebert would be forced to call Dr. Oskar Hergt, leader of the Nationalists, to form a new gov- ernment. But neither Ebert, Strese- mann or Chancellor Marx desires this contingency. At least they so profess. Stresemann, leader of the Peoples par- ty, “which more nearly ascribes to the principles of the Nationalists than any other, representing as it does a great part of the industrial and financial in- terests of the nation, might align his group with the Nationalists and the elear working majority would thus be ob- tained to the exclusion of all others. But Stresemann believes that the fu- ture of Germany rests in fulfillment of the treaty of Versailles in its broader aspects and that the advantages to be ‘gained through acceptance of the Dawes report are essential to the well being and advance of Germany. Consequently he does not desire coalition with the Nationalists unless they in turn fore- swear antagonism to the treaty and accept the Dawes report. Union, how- ever, is always possible, and if such eventuate then Lbert would be forced to ask the Nationalists immediately to ERERY (&nunned'on Third Page) On the other hand, there | BY WILL P, KENNEDY. HE delay of the joint congres- sional committee on Teorgani- zation of the administrative branch of the government, headed by a personal representative of the President, to make recommen- dations to Congress has prevented an important provision in the budget and accounting act of 1921 from be- coming operative and has postponed a regular, continuing co-ordination of the various agencies of the fed- eral government. Since this reorganization commit- tee was appointed various government departments have been reorganized from within, including the Post Office, Agriculture, Commerce and Interior Departments. Legislation has re- cently passed the House reorganizing the foreign service of the State De- partment. It is proboble that the joint com- mittee when it does report will not make recommendations covering any very extensive changes in the ex ing scheme of governmental activ ties. The question of transfer of certain activities from one depart- ment to another is the principal chance ‘that the joint committee has to propose changes. It is believed that a new Department of Education and Welfare will be recommended. The proposal to consolidate the War and Navy Departments into a single Department of National De- fense is not likely to be included in the committee’s recommendations. Such a change could not be effected without praetically a unanimous agreement in the committee and an overwhelming majority in favor of such a change among the members of Congress. But whatever the committee does, or whatever action is taken by Con- gress following the committee's re- PoRt, the movement for reorganiza- tion of the government in the inter- ests of economy and efficiency will not stop. The budget and accounting act expressly provides that: “The bureau, when directed by the President, shall make a detailed study of the departments and establish- ments for the purpose of enabling the President to determine what changes (with a view of securing greater economy and efliciency in the conduct of the public service) should be made in (1) the existing organization, ac- tivities and methods of business of such departments or establishments, (2) the appropriations therefor, (3) the assignment of particular activitiés to particular services, or (4) the re- grouping of services.. The results of such study shall be embodied in a report or reports to the President, who may transmit to Congress such report or reports or any part thereof with his recommendations on the matters covered thereby.” The bureau of the budget has never done anything under that provision but the budget officers realize that proper administration of the law re- BUDGET BUREAU TO HAVE CHARGE OF REORGANIZING When Joint Congressional Committee Re-| ports and Retires, Budget Will Make ‘f Changes in Departments for Econom quires that they shall carry out the directions given clearly in that para- graph, and that it is high time they got ahout it. The bureau of the budget. when created, found that there was already in existence the joint con committee to which had spe been assigned the task of investigat- ing the zovernment organization and | reporting whatever changes might become nccessary for economic and eficient conduct of federal business. Therefors, the budget bureau post- poned action until after the congres- sional committee should make its re- port and go out of existence. Upon that event occurring the bu- reau of the budget will be confronted with the duty imposed upon it of recommending what changes should | be made in the assignment of activ-| ities to bring about increased economy | and efficiency through the elimination | of duplications, overlapings, etc. For example, when considering es- timates, if the budget bureau finds two services working in the same field it will investigate and report that in its opinion economy and effi- ciency would be promoted if the two services were consolidated and that all activitles of the same kind be in- trusted to a single service instead of dividing them among two or more | departments. . In other words, the budget and ac- counting act provides for a continu- ing agency to keep a watchful ege for efficient organization. That is some- thing which the United States govern- ment has never had previously. As the budget bureau is an agency of the President the result of its studies will be reported to him and on him will fall, and quite properly, the responsibility for recommending any change that may be found de- sirable. The budget bureau is in a peculiar- Iy favorable position to do this work as its scrutiny of the estimates of all the government's services gives it information that could not be secured by any other agency except through very expensive investigation. j The budget bureau can hardly dodge this responsibility, because it cannot fairly and justly recommend appropriations for the continuance of a service when it believes that economy and efficiency could be se- cured by abolishing that service and intrusting its work to some other agency. It could not well recommend an appropriation for performance of a given activity by a specified bureau when it believes that such activity could more efficiently and economi- cally be performed by some other agency. That there is a general move to- ward perfecting the organization of the government, seen in what has ac- tually been done over a period of years. is the conviction of most men who have made a close study of the When Senate Votes BY BEN MeKELWAY. ARLY last winter two women came to Washington and ob- tained cards admitting them to one of the Senate galleries. With time off for necessary food and sleep and visits to the lobby and Senate office building, they've been there ever since. And as the time draws near for the Senate to wind up its business these women lean a little | further out over the gallery rail and watch a little closer the actions of | the performers below. For any day | now will see the success or failure of |a mission intrusted to them by their | menfolks at home, who sent them to | Washington to accomplish what they | had come near giving up in despair. Representing the chamber of com merce of the Isle of Pines, Mrs. Har- | |riet Powell-Wheeler, Mrs. Minnie | Drake Heeren and Mrs. Marguerite | Gardner-Fetter came to Washington last winter to do what they could to keep the Senate from ratifying a treaty with Cuba which relinquishes 11 claim by the United States to the | |1sle of Pines. Mrs. Heeren went home | some time ago, but her two compan- | ions have remained to see the thing through. They've interviewed every member of the Senate. They've pre- sented their claims to the President |and to the Secretary of State. They | interested women's clubs and ha them pass resolutions indorsing theiry ;aland. They've produced pamphlets | and documents and given such litera- ture widd circulation, and now they waiting for the final test. For the treaty, already reported from the | foreign relations committee of (hn‘l Se e, will be called up in a few | days. They say the Senate will re- | fuse to ratify the treaty—provided “men don't lie.” But what a senator | says to an attractive and earnest lob- t in the Senate office building and what he says when the clerk is calling for the ayes and the noes do not al- ways agree. The vote will tell the story. To Determine Future. Meanwhile, are these same menfolks | at home who Washington are kee; touch with the cable offices on the | Isle of Pines. The decision of the| nate will mean a lot in determin- their future welfare. If the Sen- |ate ratifies the treaty their represent- atives in Washington say they will il out for what they can get and | try their fortunes elsewhere. If the “enaln refuses to ral the treaty they will set about obtaining legis- lative determination of the Island's status. The action of the Senate, one way or another, will affect from 700 to 10,000 Americans—according to who is counting them. A pamphlet favoring the Cuban cause and cir- culated by the Cuban embassy l.xre[ | states about 700 Americans reside permanently on the island. The Americans fighting the treaty's rati- fication claim that more than 10,000 American citizens have made their | homes and purchased 90 per cent of | | the prqperty on the island. The ownership of the Isle of P nes | has been disputed more or less seri-| ously for the last twenty-five vears, when Spain, under the treaty Paris. relinquished title and sover- | eignty to Cuba and other islands in |the West Indies. Under the Platt |amendment to the Cuban constitution a few years after ratification of the | treaty of Paris Congress declared that “the Isle of Pines shall be omit- ted from the proposed constitutional boundaries of Cuba, the title thereto being left to future adjustment by treaty.” In 1904 the treaty, now pending, was prepared. It proposed to relinquish the Isle of Pines to Cuba in return for coaling and naval stations, and it has been reposing in certain pigeonholes in the Capitol ever sent the B women to in close af | since. Claims of Americans. Those who are opposing the treaty’s o produced docume: Congress Make . To Clear Up ONGRESS is now making an earnest effort to improve an unforiunate situation regard- ing the permanént classifica- tion of U. S. government employes not | only in the National Capital but | throughout the entire country. In the appropriation bills now be- ing passed by Congress for the fiscal year beginning July 1 mext salaries for the employes as fixed by the al- locations made by the personnel classification board are being carried. The House during the past week approved the Lehlbach bill to abolish the personnel classification board and transfer its duties to the Civil Ser- vice Commission. The administration of the reclassi- fication act had been intrusted to a board mnot all the members of which were sympathetic toward the law. They had disagreed among themselves ever since they took office. This presented an impossible situation, detrimental to the interests of those for whose protection and welfare the law was passed. Congress has procceded to correct this condition in the Lehlbach bill, which has passed the House and been favorably reported to the Senate. _ This action was taken on the theory that It is desirable to concentrate in one office responsibility for one district branch of work instead of having it distributed among a number of agencies. This would result if an independent board were set up to re- government, its organization and functiona place the personmel classification board as proposed in amendments to | integral part of Cuba. | overnm, | Americ " of a 'WOMEN WORK TO MAKE . ISLE OF PINES AMERICAN Long Struggle With Officials Here to End on Old Treaty With Cuba Deciding Nationality of Island. tary evidence to support fthetr clafm that after the Spanish-American war and the treaty with Spain Americans invested in property and settled on the island on the strength of assur- ances from various government de- partment that the island was ceded to the United States by Spain and was therefore United States territory. There is no doubt that such was the case under the treaty of Parfs, bat whether the Isle of Pines thereafter became Cuban or American territory is the point at issue. Cuba claims the island is geographically, and alwaye has been considered such. a part of Cuba. Maps and charts prepared by T'nited States government agencies are shown by proponents of the treaty to support their claim that the Isle of Pines has always been considered an The trea opponents come back with the asser- tion that President McKinley ordered that the Isle of Pines should be noted | upon the cession maps of the United tes. Elihu Root, as Secretary of ate, contended that the Isle of Pines was Cuban territory and subject to the and control of Cuba ns on the Isle of Pines, how ever, quote other government officials to show that the island has never be considered geographically or political a part of Cuba. Cuba Has Control. Whether the United States or Cuba owns the Isle of Pines, Cuba has had control since her independence. Wher Wood turned over Cub: to her own people he over the Isle of Pines with Cuba has rcised control. undis puted by this government, for tk last twenty-odd years. 1In the mean- time Americans came to the islan attracted by its fertility and fine ¢ mate, and set about establishing the plantations of citrus fruit, building roads, schools and otherwise provid- ing for their welfare and comfort They bought and now own 90 per cent of the property on the isiand and their ulation about eq: that of Gov. Gen. turned it | the The Americans on the Tsle of Pines make no attempt to conceal the oper. friction that has always existed be tween them and the Cuban govern- ment. They are picturesque in their deseriptions of conditions unde which they have lived as aliens. The; claim to have suffered humiliatio and indienities for over twen vears. Having no voice in the gov- ernment under which they live—hay ing retained their American citizen ship—they claim to have been unjust ly taxed and persecuted for minor or imaginary infractions of the law Mrs. Gardner-Fetter called on th State Department a week or so ago to protest against the imprisonm of her husband, who, she claims, was arrested and tried for a failure comply with health regulatior which had never before been en- forced. She saw in her husband imprisonment, she said, an attemp on the part of Cuban authorities to “get even” with her for her activitic ere. May Block Ratifieation. Cuba undoubtedly has a stronz arnd just claim to the island, as the treat and the events leading up to its ne gotiation will testify. Senator Leds and the foreign relations committc favor its ratification. The partment considers the matter s from an international point of view The valiant fight waged by the d gation of women since they came i Washington may block ratificati when the matter comes to a vote, bu! that is rather doubtful. Should t American inhabitants of the isl lose and the tre s ratified the will feel that their government mis led them into the belief that the were settling and investing their property in American territory, oni to be expatriated later and homes and lands placed at the merd foreign government Real Effort Reclassification the Lehlbach bill by Chairman Mad den of the House appropriations com mittee and Representative Tom 1. McKeown of Oklahoma. It has been argued that on the general theory of concentrating the {distinet branches of government wo a great mistake made have the Civil Service Commissi dealing with one phase of personncl and the bureau of efficiency with an- other. The bureau of the budgct. which has the third representative on the personnel classification board, h really no part in the task of saying what a man should be paid or regard- ing the title of his job. The concera of the bureau of the budget is witly the number of emploves for any given service and in checking off any una balanced condition in regard to the number employed on certain work in comparison with the number em= ployed on some other work. was As no law, no matter how good i? may be, werks out well under un- sympathetic administration, entirely aside from the merits of the case aw between the burcau of efficiency and the Civil Service Commission, Cun- gress believes it is acting wisely m taking the administration of the re- classification act out of the hands of the commission in which the bureau of efficiency, which had worked for a different reclassification act, had a powerful if net dominating influence. Reclassification legislation has been pending for many years and it is very desirable that a definite determina- tion be made by this Congress.