Evening Star Newspaper, November 13, 1921, Page 47

EDITORIAL PAGE = [ NATIONAL PROBLEMS - SPECIAL ARTICLES Ol ke ErbA s .EDI TORIAL SECTI ON ] Stat. Part 2—16 Pages WASHINGTON, D.. C, SUNDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 13, 1921 e Prospect of Success at Parley . Something More Than Mere Hope BY N. 0. MESSENGER. RESIDENT HARDING, in his address at the services at Ar- lington in memory of the un- known American dead in.the _great war, presented in a few sen- tences the most logical and convinc- ing brief in support of the contention that the outcome of the arms limita- ted. The atmosphere of tha_dcouncil room should be clearer, therefore, and:con- * x %% It is pointed out that another ele- ment ‘Which. shouldicontribute to the tion must be a success. He had been | syccess of this.supreme test of civili- describing 2 mock battle he had re- zation is the fact that the conferees cently witnessed and sald this: are not taking their places at a table “As the panorama of unutterable|wnere territory. is to be carved up destruction visualized the horrors ofland divided, with the attendant modern conflict, there grew on me the | wrangles and bitterness. inherent in sense of the failure of & civilization | such an undertaking. And, as Secretary which can leave its problems to such|of State Hughes once said in his|Senate, which has the last and the de- illumianting talks on the purposes of |cisive word. on treaties, is opposed to cruel arbijtrament. “Surely, no one in authority with|the conference, no one is to be on human attributes and a full appraisal | trial. of the patriotic loyalty toghls country- men, could ask the manhood of king- dom, empire or republic to make such sacrifice until all reason had failed, until appeal to justice through under- standing had been denied, until every effort of love and consideration for fellowmen had been exhausted, until freedom itself and inviolate honor had been brutally threatened.” In the fage of such a suggestion, appealing alike to common sense and the highest humanitarianism, would it not be.a frightful responsibility which an individual or a nation would assume in defeating the object of the conference? * k ¥ ¥ In that utterance in which he sug- gested war only after “freedom itself and inviolate honor had been threat- ened,” did he not establish the max- imum limitation for excuses to main- tain armament and give justification for the maintenance of means of self- defense up to that point? * K * % To be sure he was addressing him- self to the prevention of war, but it must be remembered that one of the objects of the conference in addition tg the limitation of armament is the settlement of questions existing and likely to arise In the Pacific and the far east which might lead to war, and it is also a fact gemeralfy conced that lessening of ~warlike prepara- tions tend to reduce the possibilities of war. . All the nations participating in the conference are agreeable to reducing armaments if it can be done by com= mon consent and in a way which will not place any nation at the mercy of another. Practical people of every country are likewise determined. to keep their nation in a condition to preserve its safety agaifst aggres- sion. Armaments therefore can be reduced, but not done away with, and this fact the President recognizes. But it will probably impress the or- dinary reader that the President had in mind the other objective of the conference, the settlement of disputes by resort to the dictates of common sense and humanitarianism. * x K X Well, the idea Is going to have a try-out at the coming conference, at any rate. The countries fhoat inter- ested in the Pacific and the far east propose to gather around a council board and see it civilization is indeed a failure. It will be a supreme test. The trusting millions who have sent their statesmen and leading thinkers ta the conference evidently have faith that it can be done. If the statesmen and the leaders fail they will have to supply & mighty good excuse or they would better not go home. It is a significant augury of suc- cess that.the undertaking to settle these questions proceeds before the questions have become acute, and to that extent there should be an absence of passion engendered by a semse of wrohg or injustice alfeady commit- canery in or behind it. as a plkestaff. Neither was the call- Brought down to its simplest analy- sis, the object of one branch of the conference is to visualize obstacles threatening to arise in the path of the future and to-provide for their removal before:they take aétual and threatening form. To any reasonable man that ought not to'seem an insu- perable undertaking, especially when all are agreed in the wisdom and necessity of it, it is contended by offi- clals. * ok Kk Officials of this government are not |eXPression of enthusiasm been reflected in sympathy with the impression |on members of ‘the United States Sen- sought to be conveyed in some quar-|ate, Who will be watchful throughout ters of the presence of an element of the conference for any move tending mysteriousness or deep|to commit this government to the aid chicane in the purpose of the United|of France. The French delegates are States or its policy in this confer-|sald to be armed with a mass of data One writer recently used a|to prove that Germany's spirit of mili- this | tarism has not been crushed and that, occultism, ence. striking expression to cover point. He said that the advantage |moreover, of the United States lay in the sim-fact, not diminished but could be read- plicity and the strength of its policy. He might have added that the strength of the American position was derived from the very simplicity of its policy. And there is no chi- It is as plain ing of the conference the result of any deep-laid plan or purpose of overreaching a neighbor. It was in response to a world-wide movement | Pased upon compromise and mutual con- which was gathering daily momen- ocessions. If it was thought at first that tum. President Harding saw it and took |ton in & mood of suspiciousness, or of the leadership in fit.' It was ‘fitting | apprehension of not getting just treat- that the United States should take |ment at the hands of the nations of | the initial step, because of the fact' the western world, they have not man- recognized by the world that this government has’ mo selfish’ national interersts to serve. The United States is not a weakling, either, seek- | ness to compose differences. The head The action’ to- be ‘taken 8 tofest. military nation In the world ul watd ‘off possible wrong' of.injustice. [ tnat is to be the order of the times. ‘ One of the big problems of the con- ducive to calim consideration in the, ference, the resolution of which is not spirit of comproniise and concession. yet visualized by any one, is what shall * Xk ¥ be done and what can be done to en- able France to carry out her sincere de- sire of- reducing her, land _military forces and Yet preserve'that minimum of national safety. which is claimed by all nations to be the first essential for each’to consider. American domestic politics, as has been pointed out, enter Into the equa- tion. An element in the United Statcs participation by the United States in any plan to underwrite the safety of any Eugopean natlon for the future. _ Yet, the past few days have witnessed | the outpouring of Americany sympathy and friendliness for France in the visit | of Marshal Foch to the middle west. Seldom has a foreigner come to this country since the days of La Fayette and received a mort enthusiastic wel- come than the great soldier of France. | How much of the demonstration was admiration for the man and soldler and how much an expression of suppart | for France is the question; and, has the warllke resources are, in fly matertalized. . * x % t In diplomatic circles there is favor- | able comment upon the spirit of inter- national amiabllity manifested by the Japanesoe delegates and their obvious aim to impress the conference with their | willingness to “talk things over” and | endeavor to reach an understanding the Japancse might come to Washing- ifested it. All of the utterances of their leading | men are in the same vein of willin ing protection, for if there must-be |of .their naval delegation even adopted a race in armament, this country is|an old-world phrase in his statement well able to hold its own with sny |the other day, the motto of “live .and land .on_earth. - The United States is in position . to make itself the strong- iet liver / (Copyright, 1921, by The Washington Star.) —— OVER 1,000,000 BUILDINGS NEEDED TO RELIEVE SHORTAGE IN GERMANY BERLIN, October 16.—More than 1,000,000 dwellings, apartments or . rooms are needed in Germany to relieve the housing shortage, which has been steadily increas- ing for the last six months, espe- cially in the eastern citles, which are crowded with Russian refu- gees, says an-official statement of the housing office. In.Prussia alone 585,000 rooms are {n . demand, an increase of 50,000 fn thres months, and reports (from” every large city in.the re- public declare the housing. situa- tioni' Is growing. serious with thQ advance of the wintar. 'he need in sixty-two of the larger cities is described as urgent. ‘The government had indicated its intention of abandoning the “rationing” of rooms within a short time, but the fact that build- ing operations, abandoned during the war, have not caught up with the demands has necessitated a continuance of control of dwelling space. Families, as well as indi- viduals, are permitted to occupy only such rooms as are absolutely essential. This regulation has forced many families with large houses to take in lodgers. In such cases the families are permitted to choose their lodgers, fix the charges and make such “living” regulations as are deemed essential. The space, however, must be occupfed, and so it has come about that home-ow: ers have invited relatives, friends or acquaintances to share their houses, many being averse to giv- ing accommodations to strangers, -On the other hand, a number of house owners, formerly wealthy, have found the increasing cost of living so burdensome that they are making an active effort to se- cure foreign tenants, particularly Americans, English, Hollanders and Scandinavians, who are able to ' pay well. State and city governments and civic organizations are co-operat- ing to solve the problem by a gen- eral and energetic construction program which would comprehend the erection of nearly 1,000,000 homes. | feeling of the country. Léaders of G. O. P. Concerned [How Arms Conference May Call Over the Results of Elections BY WILL P, KENNEDY. EPUBL!CANE. beware! That's what the elections 1ast Tuesday said to the party in power, according to ronuh- lican. party leaders. x AS a result, the republican cam- paign committees are getting active to stem the tide of popular reyolt because readjustment legisiation h not been passed and because éam- palgn promises have nat been kept. Up to now the criticism has-been directed toward the Semste for mnot taking final action on the pressing questions of tariff and tax, refunding of railroads, foreign loans, etc. But criticism is rising also against Pres! dent Harding for not assuming. di- rection of the legislation for which he- specifically called Congress Into! extra session. Those In.charge of! the party organization realize -that action must be taken now to allay the sweep of criticism and censure. * ¥ ¥ X Since the results of Tuesday's elec- tions became known the conferences of party leaders have been anxlious, irritable, impatient sesslons—with the cold, blunt truth spoken therein as { seldpm before. There isn't any doubt about the The party leaders admit this. The correspond- | ence received by practically all mem- bers of Congress has been shown. among party leaders as evidence that there Is general dissatisfaction with the manner in which the Senate is dallylng with big measures. Com- ment is running along the line that | time is being consumed, not for leg- islation, sjnce few mubstantial amend- | ments are assured. Take the case of the anti-beer bill, which reached the Senate monthe ago. It is now in the stage of conference adoption, where no amendment can! be made and where, when a vote is taken, it will carry by a substantial majority, as it did in the House. In spite of the fact that there is no possibility of any amendment and an assured majority, the bill is being delayed indefinitely. The public without regard to the merits of the question, are becoming impatient with the manner of preventing final action That's what' the r&Publican leaders are hearing from communities every- where throughout the Unlon. On the other hand, take. the other class of legislation, such as funding of rail securities, which to amendment—there 8 no doubt | about their passing if it is possible to get them to a vote.' P President Harding is averse to any suggestion of interference with the legislative functlon. -He is funda- mentally opposed to one department of gavernment extending its func- tions over a co-ordinate department. He thoroughly believes in the entire separation of the co-ordinate depart- ments of government. In the Senate he displayed some impatience with his predecessor's habit of executive influence over legislative functions. Today the fnactivity of one of the legislative bodies on the fundamental and constructive measures looking to readjustment is provoking a wide demand from the country that the Presoldent become sctive in direct- ing the legislative program. Con- gressmen's mail shows a very wide- spread demand throughout the coun- try for expedition in legislation through executive pressure. Quite naturally the friends of the "Pres dent in Congress appreciate his view and sympathize with his desire not to assume direction. ) Recent utterances indicate that criticism, which heretofore never in- cluded the President, is beginning to touch him because of the lagging of the program, for which he called Con- gress into extra session. Republican committeemen, charged 1ascertain the b Is sublect |y gituation in the increased activity with the responsibility of republican success, are becoming somewhat un- easy over what appears to be a hope- less situation in one branch of the leglslative body—tp speak bluntly, in the Senate. Rk k% ‘While last Tuesday's election did not involve national issues, but were local. in character, the committees do not overlook the number of erst- while republican cities which have elected democratic mayors. They are now making exhaustive surveys to s of the results last Tuesday. The republican national committee has for weeks been perfecting its publicity organization to convey to the public the real situation regard- ing legislation. While the next year jis regarded as an “off year” during which the national committee is or- dinarily not active, the: committee will take vigorous measures for ef- fective work. This is planned for the reason that any slump in 1922 would be interpreted as adverse t6 the President and his administration. The pdtty in power is always sub- -Ject to the complaint of the dissat- isfled, who make up a fairly large percentage of the elctorate. This ele- ment can always be counted upon to be against ‘the administration. It will be necessary to show to the thinking element of the electorate that no necessary leglislation for readjust- ment fails of passage either by Inat- tention or indifference of the party in power or by an organized filibuster of the minority party. The country knows that the party In power controls both branches of Congress by enormous majorities. It will be difficult to satisfy the country that the majority camnot put through a program in spite:of the minority. Party leaders are aware of fais basisq af decision on the part throughout the country. * % ok ¥ ‘What is the answer? ing to be done about it? of the voters ' What is go- Confidential- 1y, the republican leaders will say— “There has got to be a concentrated public opinion to expedite in the Senate necessary legislation which has long Bince passed the House." It is very obvious that the House is now only marking time and flirting with dribs and drabs of legislation, wait- ing for the big measures to come back from the Senate. There 18 an Interesting sidelight on of the friends of those senators who are to come up for re-election. It is a foregone conclusion that every one of them will be put on the gridiron by the people. Friends of those sen- ators who have to fight for their seats appreciate that it is' mot erough to say to the people that the democratic senators are thwarting these meas- ures, because the country—whether right or wrong- holding the repub- lican ‘senators responsible. Protests coming from all parts of the country and particularly from the states where senatorial elections are impending say that if lack of legislation Is due; to the lack of rules it s up to the re- publican majority to put through such rules as will enable ‘them to enact legislation. % This direct pressuré ,against sen- ators seeking re-electlon will come trom the public if reliet does not fol- low soon by final action on ‘the big measures now delayed. EARTHQUAKES RECORDED. Two earthquakes were recorded Friday afternoon on the ' sélgmo-~ graph at Georgetown University, \one beginning at 1:65 o'clock, estimated at 2,600 milea from Washington, in South America, and the second begin- ning at 2:54 o'clock, about 1,600 miles away, place uncertain. The dis- turbances mingled, ceasing at 4 o'clock. Monroe Doctrine Into Question BY EDWARD N. DINGLEY. 2 HAT about the Monroe doctrine in the arms con- ference? It is not included in the agenda; but since { the far east problem Involves “special interests,” “spheres of influence,” “paramount control” and the “open door,” the question has been raised not infrequently: “Is*the Monroe | | doctrine to be involved?” It is an open secret that since the end of the war in 1918 a school of| economic, and political thought has deyeloped insisting that the Monroe doctrine was abandoned when the United States entered the war; or, as Prof. Hiram Bingham puts it, is an “obsolete shibboleth.”” In a recent ad- dress in London Ambassador Harvey, replying to certain criticisms, said that the arms conference “is no more a challenge to the league of nations than to the Monroe doctrine.” Did he mean by this that it is a challenge to both or & challenge to neither? Definitions Differ. Much has been written and spoken aboit the Monroe doctrine. 'The late Prof. Edward J. Phelps, once Ameti- can ambassador to England, said levery leading statesman had attempt- Ted to define the Monroe doctrine, but “no two of them agree.” This may be| extravagant, but certainly it is true | that recurring misapprehensions as to the underlying principle of that fa- mous doctrine have met with unfa- vorable comment, not to say open op- position. 1Is the doctrine in danger? Has it outlived its usefulness? What is the Monroe doctrine? For- mer President Taft says “it is a pol- icy, not an obligation of international law; it does not contemplate inter- ference with the self-development of | any Central or South American coun- | try: it has promoted the peace of the world; its extent is a matter of our own judgment. We are concerned that their (South American) govern- ments shall not be interfered with by European governments: that this hemisphere shall not be a field for land aggrandizement and the chase for increased political power by Euro- pean governments such as we have witnessed in Africa and in China and in Manchuria; and we believe such a condition would be inimical to our scfety and interests. * * * It is sald the doctrine rests on force. That is true if its enforcement is resisted. Its ultimate sanction and vindication are in our ability to maintain it. * * ¢ It 1s a national asset *.* ¢ for those who would promote the peace of the world. If abandoned, a situa- tion would be created much more dan- gerous to the peace of the hemisphere than our continued assertion of the doctrine properly understood and limited.” ‘Theodore Resscvelt's View. The late President Roosevelt de- clared the Monroe doctrine gives the| United States “no sovereignty over South America; does not prevent the collection of debts, provided there is Do attempt to take over the ownership of territory. The doctrine is not a part of international law, but a funda- mental feature of our entire foreign policy. When we announce-a policy such as the Monroe doctrine, we thereby commit ourselves to agcept- ing the consequences of the policy. We mean what we say and are pre- pared to back it up, %o recognize our obligations to foreign peoples no less than our rights. It is in no wise in- tended as heing hostile to any nation of the old world; has nothing to do with commercial relations of any American powers. It is watchful fig- | 1lance on the part of America.” Mr. Elihu Root says: *“We wish for o victory except those of peace; for no territory except our own: for no sovereignty except the sovereignty over ourselves. It (the Monroe doc- trine) is founded on the right of every state to protect itself by preventing a condition of affairs in which It will be too late to protect itself; it does not cause the fundamental conflicts in national interests that lead to war, but secures to America important syrategic advantages should it become necessary to battle for our national defense.” Senator Lodge said in 1916. “They speak of the Monroe doctrine as a foreign policy. It 1s not a foreign policy; vation. We wish to be at peace and we wish to be secure.” Hague Agreement Reservation. The two Hague agreements ®f 1899 and 1907 contained a reservation in- serted by the United States Senate declaring against departing “from its traditional policy of not entering upon, interfering with or entangling itself to the political questions or in- ternal administration of any foreign state, or relinquishment by the United States of America of its traditional| American | attitude toward purely quéstions.” The whole world knew this meant the Monroe doctrine. Has the Monroe Doctrine be=n ex- tended beyond the original intention of its framers? Some say it has; and there may be ground for this asser- tlon. It is generally conceded that Secretary of State Olney in 1895 went beyond the limits of American public opinion when he declared that “today the United States is practically sov- ereign on this continent, and its fiat is law upon the subjects to which it confines its interposition.” Secreatry Root did much to explain the real American doctrine and to dis- | sipate the “false conception” of that American policy. Mr. Root said the mischief was done by those who could not distinguish Letween “clamors for national glory” and “a sense of na- tional duty.” In meeting this same situation John Barrett said in 1916: “The Monroe doctrine is just as nec- | essary togay as in 1516; Latin Ameri- ca does not object to the Monroe doc- trine, but to its interpretation. If haphazard interpretation can be sup- planted by responsible and reasonable judgment, the majority of arguments| against it, describing it obsolete, will fail absolutely. Presldent Angell's Appeal. Perhaps the most eloquent and sane illumination of the Monroe doctrine as understood in America, is the state- ment of the late President James B. Angell of Michigan University, in an address at Harvard University in 1905, “Standing here,” he said, “on ground made sacred by the presence, the life, the teachings of that great Harvard statesman, John Quincy Adams, to whose matchless courage and far- sighted wisdom we owe the declara- tion which we all the Monroe doc- trine, but which might more justly be called the Adams doctrine, I for one cannot understand how any American ! citizen, and especially how any Massa- chusetts man, can recall except with a thrill of gratitude and admiration that the brave Becretary of State was able to inspire the slow-moving and lethargic President, to fling out the challenge of 1823. James Monroe held the trumpet, but John Quincy Adams blew the blast. The notes have never died upon the air.” The so-called Lodge resolution of 1612, declaring the occupation of any harbor or other place on the American continents for naval .or military pur- poses constitutes a matter “of grave concern,” was pronounced by some an enlargement of the Monroe doc- trine. It will be recalled that an American company wzs about to sell to Japan a large tract of land on Magdalen bay, Mexico. Secretary Knox interpreted the project “as in- imical to American interests.” In de- fending the resolution Senator Lodge it is a mere law of self-preser- | sald the justification is on “much troader and older ground than the Monroe - doctrine—on the accepted principie that every nation has a right to protect its own safety; and, if it 1eels that the possession of any given harbor and place is prejudicial to its safety, it is its duty and right to in- terfere.” Mr. Taft said “this is not an enlargement of the Monroe doctrine. it only calls special attertion of an indircet way by which it can ve vio- lated” In this connection it is in- teresting to recall that Prof. Hart says “the Monroe doctrine is as good agFinst Asia as against Europe.” However, the Lodge resolution caused {a stir, particularly in the orient and the far east, Bulwark of American Independence. Thus the Monroe doctrine up to the end of the European war was a bul- wark of American independence. 1t {was 8 part of the great doctrine of |self-preservation. In times of inter- jmational strain America has turned instinctively 1o it as the basic prin- ciple of our foreign policy. It came down from Washington's farewell ad. dress and Jefferson's “no permaneni {foreign entingling alllances.” Itg mission has heen “the protection of American interests” and the “kecping alive the flame of liberty.” While there have been differences as to the doctrine’s applicability to different situations, there can be little doubt that Americy has always regarded a palpable violation as an {unfriendly act. It has saved America from the dangers menacing the dex- tiny of the United States. Around it |has been woven historic glamour, | American idealism and pride of jachievement. | Has the war and-its results changed all this? Are we facing the aban- donment of the Monroe doctrine? Are the problems of the far east—the “open door” and “special Japanese interests” threatening the American doctrine? Will it irresistibly be drawn into the arms conference? Are we willing to act west as we require others to act east of us? Is the “open door” a contradiction of the Monroe doctrine, a8 some claim? These are important and vital questions. What is the setting of the picture today? Hay's “Open Door” Pelicy. In September, 1899, Secretary John Hay sent instructions to the six na- {tions having special interests in China, obtained by treaty and lease, urging mutual co-operation, (1) not to interfere in any treaty port or vested interest within any sphere of Imnuem or leased territory, (2) agreeing to no tariff discrimination. (3) no discriminating harbor dues or railroad chargee. Its purpose was un- trammelled development of commerce and industry in the Chinese empire. All the nations agreed to this “open door” policy. Secretary Knox's fail- ure to secure international neutrali- zation of the Manchurian railwa) suggests that the “open door” wa often shut. The “open door” commerclally dates back more than a century, to the day: of “clipper ships” and tales of orienta riches. This was in 1784. In 1898 Eu rope entered the field, then Japan, and teday the “Monroe doctrine” and the “open door” stand face to face. Ja- pan obtained Korea, and now with Shantung has what she calls a “spher. of interest.” On the one hand, the United States maintains that the “open door” simply means equal opportunity under the “most favored nation” rule It is denled that America is the god- father of China, but is endeavoring t preserve, the Independence and integrity of that power and her safety from partition after the manner of Poland it is claimed to be purely altrulstic ai. economic. | _Japan's_original_program._apparer - (Continued on Third Page.) By Philip Kerr LLOYD GEORGE-The Man and His Times—% % (His Secretary, 1917-1921) III—The War, the First Phase EFORE 1914 Lloyd George had generally been reckoned among the ‘pacifist sec- tion of the liberal. cabinet. That he was & fighter by nature and did" not shrink from conflict was obvious from his whole career. But he was preocoupied ;m. the in- ternal problems of his country -He was con- cerned with the overthrow of piivilege and the amelioration of the conditiofi of the poor.. &nd resented the ever-growing demand for the'ex- , penditure on armaments to keep pace with Ger- many instead of on social reform. None the less he was by no:means blind to the German menace. In'1911 he made the:fa- mous Agadir speech, in which he told* G'rn-”' plainly that if she Ihunde@ to settle interna- tional disputes by the sword she would find Great Britain ranged against her. He was bit- terly attacked by his pacifist friends for spéak- Jng In this candid way, but hg always main- tained that by doing so he prevented war lll 1911 * ¥ %k X JPrussia was trying to frllhl!n Eutlp. into subservience by persecution. As Lloyd George satd: “The world, cannot. be -carried on-along these lines.” . So he made his speech and the Prussion bully retired. It is curlous, too, that Lloyd George, despite his opposition to expendi- ture on armaments, was. one of the few minis- ters whom the German diplomats did not at- tempt to ensnare by blandishmeént. Count Met- ternich once tried it on. Liloyd George imme- diately replied that if it was really Germany’s intention to have.both the greatest navy and the greatest army in the world, he would him- =elf come forward with proposals’ for do\lblln‘ the British navy. During the crisis of July, 1914, Lloyd George took up a neutral position. Germany was mak- ing such wonderful progress in commerce and industry, in sclence and arts, that he could not bring himself to believe that awy German gov- ernment could really intend to force & war. By Saturday, August 2, he had made up his mind. chn.uy' Belgium was to be the test. If Belgium thag would be the tarist’ madmen were on - the lndml“llfld'vuldh‘ maomv-hofllnu violating the. neutrality of Btl‘lum l.horo Was hope of 2 pueefnl settiement. * % k % So Lloyd George supported the dispatch of the ultimatum to Germany requiring her. to re- spect the'neutrality of Belgium. The ultimatum expired at 11 pm. on Monday, August 4. Lloyd George has often-told me of the scene in the cabinet room at 10 Downing street on that even- ing when Asquith’and his more important col- leagues sat: waiting after dinner, waiting to know whether there-was to be any reply from the Garmaty embassy. ‘The conversation turned -from - one -triviality to another. None would . 8peak of what was really in his mind. Still no reply, and’ then the slow deep tones of Big Ben began to .toll out .the strokes of eleven through the night. The die was cast. England ‘was at war, the world was at war. Scarcely & word was %ald, the event was too great for speech, and the cabinet dispersed one by one, feeling that they had passed into s new world. Once war was declared Lloyd George had no further hesitations. He often used to say: *“I can’ understand- the _pacifist, the m2n who be- leves that all war is wrong. But I cannot un- derstand the man who wages war ialf-hearted- IJ." threw himself into the task with every ounte 6f his energy and his mind. It s literaly ;true that,. save for the minimum of time necessary for recreation, he thought, lived and- worked for nothing save victory from the first day of-the war to the last. * %k X % Dauring. the first few weeks he was occuvled with dealing with the financial crisis caused by the outhreak of war. Once he had solved these - ‘by'a few swift and unconventional decisions, he sat down to make up his mind as to how the. ‘war was to be won. Within a very few weeks he. had seen through the optimism which prevatled during 1014, The myth of the Russian “steam réllec” like the myth thet Germany 'flul‘ col- And until at the end of nearly four years he had put Marshal Foch in supreme command of all the allied forces he never got an answer which fully satisfied him. %* %k %k ¥k In the spring of 1915 came the staggering news of the shortage of shells. The tales of the - German atrocities in Belglum had destroyed the last lingering doubts in the minds of the British people, and they had responded.-to Lord Kitchen- er's appeals for men with a totally unexpected avalanche of recruits. Over a million men had voluntered in a few weeks, and conscription be- came a necessity in order that men might be withdrawn from the national industries- with more regard to justice and their relative im- portance for war purposes than was pouibla un- der ‘the voluntary system. But on the top of the problem of recruiting men with the minimum dislocation ofthe ma- tion's efficiency for war came the prgblem of equipment and supply. The pre-war, machinery had_proved inadequate. Terrible stories began to filter back from the.front of British batteries being only abls to fire four shells a day to the Germans’ fifty, of thé. men having to go ‘over the top” without proper . mmury pr-untlun to destroy the enemy wire, Lk Kk ok k- The situation was so grave that it: pmdnzml a governmental erisis. Lloyd GloP‘O. who had already been converted to conscription, now of- fered to organize the nation’s resources for the supply of munitions.- It was a tremendous task in an unknown field, and he did not start with much popularity among the great industrial leaders—after his limehouse day: But his heart was in his work. He longed with all his might to put the “boys’~—among whom were his own two sons—in.as good a position: ‘s the enemy, . Bo, that ‘they no.longer: had. io sit dn mud-filied ; treiiches listening for the. shells. :to burst and ki, without being alle to hit bauk. He meant; that, they should be in such a posifion that when the day of attack should corie they would be. able,to.go forwird st any rate in the cértain’ ktiowledge that e g had “peen 1 " done; that ‘the industries and efforts of. those at * home could do to protect them and make their um less costly in Hves and nflnfln‘ LR 5 8o’ bln’d George took his seat in hiz ‘hew effice in ‘Whit week, 1015, with three secre- - taries, 'a table and a chair, and nothing ‘more, Within anincredibly short time he had sur- rounded himself with the great captains of in- dustry, with the best military brains and with the trades union leaders. He mapped, he planned, he pleaded, he commanded until some order be- gan to come into the plans for diverting the whole “industrial production of Great Britain to,the one supreme purpose of the war. Then he be- gan to tour the country, speaking in all the great-centerd, appealing, as only he knew how, to masters and men to forget the habits and rivalries of decades, to share their trade secrets, to limit their .profits, to suspend their trades unfon regulations, to give up strikes, to set a strict 1imit on drink, to put everything they had —energy, leisure, knowledge—into the common Pool, so that their sons and brothers and friends at the front might have shells and helmets and guns .a little sooner. And every time, by the ” directness and eloquence of his appeal, he won his point. Then he turned to the women and called upon them .to forget the customs and limitations of at-time, and to come out and do the work of men, so that the manhood of the nations should be free to fight, while the women tolled for their sons and sweethearts in the fac- torl. at home. Tk X ¥ % " “It 18 & war of munitions,” he said. “We are fighting against’'the best organized community in' the world, the best organized whether for war ‘or for’peace, and- we'have been employing too. much the haphazard, leisurely, go-as-you- please ‘methods, which, believe me,.would not have enabled us to maintain our place as & na- tion even in peace time very much longer. The nation now needs all the machinery that is capa- ble of being used for turning out munitions or equipment, all the skill that is available for that _purpose, il the industry, all the labor and all " th lmllnh power and resource of every one 1o 'the utmost.. Everything that would help us 0 overcoms our difficulty and supply our ghort- ‘uges we want to mobillze in such a way as to produce in the shortest space of time the great- .&st quantity of the best and most efficient war material. That means.victory. It a M saving of national strength ‘and ‘resources, l will shorten the war. It means: an enormous saving of life. I should #iy to workmen and to masters: _‘When you turn ‘out uhcn-'m are not turning out some- thing® ‘merely to kill'the enemy, you are out _something which Ix to save the life of a comrade.” ..utlum o! them’ are nl.n; to face . - 5 the foe, a large number of them from working clgss houses. Every shell you turn out is a lifeguard for some of those gallant fellows who are leaving our shores to risk their lives. You have only to read the story of these battles to find out how well an abundant supply of heavy explosives and shell destroy the machine guns, ‘which would otherwise destroy the lives of our fellows, mowing them down and mutilating them as they tear up the barbed wire entangle- ments, I ask engineering firms of this country, I ask masters, I ask men, I ask everybody, put your strength into this task in order to save the lives of the most gallant set of fellows that- ever quitted our shores.” * %k ok k And then he turned to the doubters and croakers and in one characteristic phrase he called upon them to stop their eternal debating and come into 1iné: “You cannot haggle with an earthquake.” More than a year passed at this ceaseless work. Lloyd George has often told me how he used to watch the tale of production in the statistical tables furnished him every week end. All through 1915 he was in dread. If the Ger- mans had turned back from Russia nothing could have saved the allies. The necessary shells and guns were simply not there. But there was a date in the autumn when the dis- aster point would be passed. By then the allles would have buiit up some small reserves and the Germans would not have time to utilize thelr superiority in munitions before winter set in. It came. It passed, and Lloyd George breathed freely again and went on to prepare to turn the tables.in the coming year. And turned they were. The French resistance at Verdun and the smashing blows on the Somme in the summer of 1916 were possible because the allies were able to fire two shells for the Germans’ one, and from larger and-better guns. * % %k X On June 5, 1916, Lord Kitchener was drowned on his way to Russia to co-ordinate plans.for the military campaign of 1917. Lloyd George, ‘who had won public confidence as the one man who seemed _to have gripped the war problem, was with universal consent appointed to take his place as minister of-war. He did not stay there long, though in the time he was thers he - realized that the rallway system was bresking down, and placed the whole of transportstion both i France and in Great Britain under one man, and that an experienced railway man— Sir Eric Geddes (brother to the present British ambassador in Washington)—so that the new mobllized national resources both in men and material might move with the maximum of speed and efficiency to and from the front. Once he was freed from the pressing problem of making munitions, Lloyd George's mind turned back once more to the fundamental prob- lem: How was the war to be won? For long he had been Increasingly anxious about the way things yere going, both at home and among the allfes. * * X ¥ A very short experlence s war minister confirmed his anxiety. The course of the war up to date showed no certaingictory for the allies, save by the terrible process of attrition. In 1914 the allies had stopped the German rush to Paris. In 1915, however, Germany had prac- tically broken Russia, and then, turning south, had destroyed Serbia and broken through to Turkey during the winter. In 1916 she-had tried to finish the war by the attack on Verdun. She falled, thanks to the herofc resistance of France, but the allles, in turn, failed to break through on the Somme. During the summer negotlations had been proceeding for the entry of Rumania into the war. Lloyd George op- posed it. It was useless, in his judgment, to induce Rumania to declare war unless the allies were prepared to support her effectively, and this they could not do. If she entered now she would be destroyed. If she delayed, her added weight during a general attack might be de- cisive. But his advice was disregarded and Rumania went to her doom. This decided Lloyd George. He would no longer be responsible for a, war conducted in this slip-shod way. He demanded a reorganiza- tion of the machinery for conducting the war. After several days of crisis Mr. Asquith re- signed, and Lloyd George became prime minis- ter. Thus in two years from being tie leader of the democratic radicals in their assault on wealth and privilege Lloyd George had, by his practical energy and organizing ability, made himself the nation’s leader in the greatest struggle against ‘militarism and autocracy in the world’s history. (Copyright, 1921, by the Mc{lure Newspeper Syndicate.)