Evening Star Newspaper, January 25, 1942, Page 27

The Funday Fhar With Daily Evening Edition. THEODORE W. NOYES, Editor. WASHINGTON, D. C. SUNDAY_______________January 25, 1942 The Evening Star Newspaper Corhpany. Muin Office: 11th St. and Pennsylvania Ave S el d Delivered by Carrier—City and Suburban. Edition. ay 7 5¢ per mo. or 18c per week 45c per mo. or 10¢ per week 10c per copy 85¢ per month 60c per month §r.° per month ening and Sund B Breae Siar The Sunday Star Night Final Edition. Night Finel and Sunday Star Night Pinal Star ral Tube Delivery. The Evening and sunday Star Ihe Evening Star- ¢ per month he Sunday Stal ¢ per copy Collections Taade at the end of each month or each w ders may be sent by mail or tele- Phone National 5000 Rate by Mail—Payable in Advance. Daily and Sunday___ 1yr. $13.00: 1mo. $1.00 5 s B¢ Sinday oty - 13 8500 1m07 806 Entered as gecona- matter post office, Was| DI C! Member of the Associated Press. The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to the use for republication of all news dispatches gredited 1o it or mot otherwise tredfled in this the loce; news published here All rllhu o( publication of nmm dmmhu also are reserved. Pearl Harbor Report As one reads the coldly factual re- | a o SR R BN v e Academy, organized along.lines of disaster which has been submitted to the President by Supreme Court Justice Roberts and his associates on the investigating commission it is difficult to avoid a sense of bitter frustration. It is an old story of human frailty, of the inability of men to compre- hend that which they prefer to dis- believe. The officers named in the report as responsible for the disaster ~—Admiral Husband E. Kimmel and Lieutenant General Walter C. Short— knew that war with Japan was immi- nent, and adequate plans for such a contingency had been made. But | the plans failed to save Pearl Har- bor, not because the planning was faulty, but because the officers charged with its execution simply could not or would not bring them- | selves to believe that the Japanese ‘ might strike from the air. And, over and beyond this human failure, | there is the plain suggestion, cer- | tainly valid to the superstitious, that the hand of Fate was raised against the United States on the morning of | December 7. Three distinct oppor- | tunities to reverse the course of the battle presented themselves and all | were muffed—first, when a last- | minute warning from Washington went astray; second, when an air | raid listening detail was discontinued just two scant minutes before the | approach of Japanese planes—then nearly an hour away—would have been detected, and, third, when a Japanese submarine was discovered off the harbor and sunk more than an hout 'Befote the air raid without resulting in the issuance of an alert order to the defending forces. These:-eleventh-hour mischances, however, do not go to the heart of the fumbling which brought on the disaster. The record shows clearly that the danger of an air attack on the fleet and the naval base was fully anticipated in Washington a year ago, and that the Secretary of the Navy warned at that time of the “inherent possibilities of a major dis- aster” in the situation. This view was communicated to both Admiral Kimmel and General Short. The ! Secretary of State kept the War and Navy Departments fully informed of the worsening character of diplo- matic relations with Japan, and these notifications were passed on to the commanders at Hawaii. On November 27, just ten days be- fore the attack, Admiral Kimmel and General Short were warned that hos- tilities on the part of Japan were momentarily possible and were in- structed to take defensive measures which they deemed appropriate. | Further warnings followed, but, since available information indicated the | Japanese would attack in the Far East, the warnings, according to the report, “did not create in the minds of the responsible officers in the I Hawalian area apprehension as to the probable imminence of air raids.” They discussed air raids, it | 1s true, but, to quote again from the report, “without exception they be- lieved that the chances of such a | raid while the Pacific Fleet was based upon Pear]l Harbor were prac- tically nil. The attack was there- fore a complete surprise to each of | them.” As a matter of fact, the re- port shows that the responsible offi- «rs not only failed to expect an air attack, but that each neglected to maintain proper patrols while assuming that the other was taking the precautionary steps which were | within his province. General Short, to cite another example, was main- taining the air raid warning system, for which he was responsible, only from 4 a.m.to7a.m. Admiral Kimmel | assumed that the warning system | was being fully operated, but made | no inquiry to ascertain the fact. | The report suggests that there was | some culpability in the War Depart- ment for not being more aggressive in seeing to it that greater precau- tions were taken at Hawaii, but it is the field commanders—General | Short and Admiral Kimmel—who are accused of a “dereliction of duty” and with demonstrating “a lack of appreciation of the responsibilities vested in them.” There is not a great deal more to be said of the report, except that it is a forthright, impartial document, &nd the members of the commission and the President are to be con- gratulated for refraining from any suggestion of a “whitewash.” ‘It may be assumed with confid- ence that the people of the country will take heart from what is obvi- ously a candid and factual report. Now, except for d‘etaflx as to damage, they know the truth about Pearl Harbor, and. the truth, however bit- ter, is always more to be desired than .uncertainty, doubt and rumor. Given an end to the unimaginative and unenterprising leadership which caused the disaster at Pearl Harbor, the American people will carry on to victory despite the magnitude of this initial defeat. Local Police Academy One of the major faults found with the Metropolitan Police Depart- ment during the congressional in- vestigation several months ago was the lack of an in-service training program designed to keep members of the department—including vet- eran officers—abreast of latest de- velopments in the realm of law ernforcement. At that time the de- partment not only had no adequate refresher course of its own, but had failed to take full advantage of the free training facilities offered by the Federal Bureau of Investigation. It is reassuring, therefore, to know that one of the first achievements of Major Edward J. Kelly as police suverintendent has been the estab- lishment of the Washington Police the F. B. I. National Police Academy. The student body of this academy is composed not of rookies but of policemen having the rank of sergeant or higher, and privates who have had more than six years of experience on the force. The twenty-eight police- men who are taking the 107-hour course of eighty-five subjects are not | being instructed in the fundamentals | of police work. They are taking a highly specialized course in advanced law enforcement, conducted by qualified experts chosen from the department itself and from outside fields of endeavor. The lectures and demonstrations are intended to fa- miliarize the policemen with mod- ernized techniques with respect to detection, apprehension and prepa- | ration of evidence in crime cases. These procedures and techniques have improved radically since some | of the old-timers on the local force made their debut as officers. Unless the police officer keeps pace with the cunning and resourcefulness of the underworld, he is at a disadvantage in attempting to cope with today’'s criminal element. It is noted that the academy is laying emphasis on relations between the police officer and the public. This is a phase of police responsibility which too often has been overlooked in times past, yet experience has shown that effective law enforce- | ment depends on wholehearted co- operation of the public. A proper understanding by policemen of their duties and obligations toward the people who employ them to protect the community is essential if there is to be proper respect for law. Major Kelly has exercised good judgment in stressing this important aspect of police work Canada’s Referendum The announcement that the Ca- nadian Government is preparing to hold a referendum to determine whether Canadians should be con- scripted for military duty overseas teaches a lesson in statecraft which should not be lost upon this country. It is considered necessary to hold the referendum to release the gov- ernment of Prime' Minister Mac- Kenzie King from political assur- ances given the Canadian people. Prior to the outbreak of war, he | issued a public pledge that his gov- | ernment would never draft Cana- dians for service outside the Domin- ion. This pledge was renewed in the wartime election of March, 1940, and as recently as last November the Prime Minister said: “So far as conscription for overseas service is concerned, that question was sub- mitted to the people of Canada at the last general election * * * and the people of Canada decided against conscription for overseas service.” Since then the war has spread to the Pacific, the United States has been attacked and the security of Canada hangs in the balance. And so the Canadian government, at a | time when every energy should be devoted to the prosecution of the | war, finds it necessary to call for a troublesome referendum on a ques- | tion of legislative power which prop- erly should be vested in the elected representatives of the people and which should never have been bar- | gained away in a political campaign. On the basis of Canada’s splendid record in the matter of volunteers for overseas duty, there seems small doubt tHat the referendum will bring a decision in favor of full conscrip- tion. But the mere fact that such a step has to be taken before Canada can make her full contribution to the war effort illustrates the disad- vantages which may be expected to result from anything that denies to a duly elected government the right to make prompt decisions bearing on the security of a democratic state. ‘Proud to Serve’ The announcement by Joseph P. Lash, protege of Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt, that he looks forward to entering the Army and will be “proud to serve with the millions of other young Americans in this great struggle for human freedom” seems to put a period to a controversy which had presented certain dis- | turbing implications. Mr. Lash had figured prominently in investigations by the Dies com- mittee of left wing youth organiza- tions, and at one time he wrote an article for a magazine in which he said: “American youth does not in- tend to lay down its life fh shell- holes around Shanghai or Tim- buctoo. A The program of the THE SUNDAY STAR, WASHINGTON, American Student Union (a youth organization in which he ly was active) states that we not support any war which the United States Government may undertake for we recognize that such a war would be imperialistic in charac He was also a contributor to The New Masses, Communist monthly, and had been commended by Earl Browder, Communist leader in this country. Despite this background, Mr. Lash had been on friendly terms with Mrs. Roosevelt, was an adviser to the Youth Division, Office of Civilian Defense, and had been her guest at the White House. Later, upon ap- plying for a commission in Naval Intelligence, he is said to have given her name as a character reference. Last week, at a secret session of the Dies committee, said by some officials to have been held at the instance of Mrs. Roosevelt, he tes- tified that he no longer sympathized with any leftish or pacifist views. The Navy, however, rejected his ap- plication for a commission and it is expected that Mr. Lash will be reclassified 1-A for induction into the Army. This is a wholly sensible disposi- tion of Mr. Lash’s case. Regardless of the identity of his sponsors, it would be impossible to justify the granting of a commission to any one who, after reaching a mature age, had entertained such views concern- ing the armed services as those ex- pressed by Mr. Lash. It is desirable that he should give effect to his announced change of heart by serv- ice in the ranks and it is gratifying that he has announced himself as fully prepared to do so. The P-40 Pursuit For a ship that was described in the recent Truman committee re- port as “little better tHan a good pursuit trainer because of its limita- tions in speed, ceiling and fire power,” the Army’s P-40 seems to be giving an exceedingly good account of itself. During the past two days Allied fighter squadrons based at Rangoon and composed largely of P-40s, have shot down thirty-two Japanese raiders with a loss of only two Allied planes. Furthermore, not a single Japanese bomb has been dropped on the city, the enemy bombers, despite fighter protection, being forced to jettison their cargoes far from Rangoon. This performance on the part of planes supposed to have been vir- tually useless for combat purposes should be something of an eye- opener to the Senators subscribing to the Truman report. The reference to the P-40s, it is true, was based on a sentence lifted out of its context in a speech made last October by Lieutenant General H. H. Arnold, deputy chief of staff for air, and, standing alone, would have had at least that justification. Bw the committee went on to say that “un- less service procurement policies are changed this ship will constitute more than half of our total pursuit production until the end of 1942.” In other words, the American people | were being told that half of the pur- suit ships built this year in the United States would be unsuitable for combat purposes. That is an alarming, not to say | demoralizing, charge, and no re- sponsible agency should have made it without the fullest verification. Yet it now appears that the state- ment not only was inaccurate, but was made without any serious at- tempt at verification. The House Appropriations Committee was told last week by both General Arnold and Undersecretary of War Patter- son that neither they nor any one else in charge of the aircraft pro- gram for the War Department made any statement to the Truman com- mittee or was called on in any way to disclose or make any statement about the aircraft program. And General Arnold also pointed out that, while his statement regarding the original P-40 was true, there have since been six new models of that ship which have proved very effective. This information easily could have been ascertained had the Truman committee taken the trouble to con- sult those officials responsible for the program which was so severely criticized in the report. In the future, | as the committee continues its in- vestigation of national defense with the $60,000 which the Senate has provided for that purpose, it is to be hoped that the temptation to in- dulge in sensational and ill-consid- ered charges will not be permitted to becloud the really useful purpose which the committee can serve. Sunk—on Paper For the third time the Tokio press | has sunk the plane carrier Lexington. Cheerfully Tokio writes multiple obits of vessel after vessel of our fleet. Before the war is over, each unit of it will need at least as many lives as a cat to remain afloat. There are certain advantages, however, in having a propaganda bureau finish off a war vessel. No risk is run, and nothing can be lost save truth, which has been lost in Japan for years anyhow. Further- more, while the navy can sink a ship only once, the press can do it over and over again and liven up dull moments in Nippon until the United States is in a position to eliminate the dull-moment problem for the Japanese. Another reason for Tokio press: claims springs from the hope of eliciting useful information from America. This would work beauti- fully, if Tokio were correct in its assumption that the world is divided into two elasses—Japs and lm* D. C, Heavy Taxation Yersus Socialization HOWML.SCOR An»mnmmwmmcwnmuun the basis of & war that will last at least three years. By that time the Govern- ment’s debt will approach $300,000,000,000 and will be rising rapidly. A debt figure of that size is beyond comprehension, even after the rising debt of New Deal years. It leads naturally to the question of whether the Nation s not on the road to bankruptcy. The Amer- ican people for s number of years have expécted that the Germans or Itallans or Japanese would go bankrupt, thereby making unnecessary their defeat on a battlefleld. ‘The trouble is that these enemy na- tions apperently refuse to blow up finan- cially. It is highly doubtful that, the United States, with all of its slack, will be less able to stand the strain of a debt ration for and then the fighting of these highly expensive modern wars. An answer is found in the Government controls that now go along with prepa- ration for war and waging of war. Gov- ernment takes control over the labor supply and the raw material supply and directs that laber and material into pro- duction. It controls prices and output and trade and investment, using its sov- ereign authority to get results. Money tends to become little more than a mechanism for carrying out the wishes of the Government itself. An example of what happens can be seen In the United States itself. The people of the Nation are at work producing goods and services. That pro- duction will yield an income in 1942 that 1s being estimated at about $100,000,000,- 000. This is referred to as the national income. Normally it would be available, in large part, for spending on things that people want and use. But this year, with war, the Government is trying to devote at least half of the Nation's pro- ductive effort to arms making. It seeks $50,000,000,000 worth of armament. People with income to spend cannot spend that income on the arms they produce, because the arms are not for sale. The result is that there will be produced only $50,000,000000 worth of civilian goods and there will be $100,000,- 000.000, minus taxes, to spend. People will have pockets bulging with dollars and yet will find fewer and fewer things | on which to spend their dollars. This normally would be a highly inflationary situation. But here the Federal Government steps in again. It now is taking away $16,000,- 000,000 in taxes. President Roosevelt is asking that Congress provide another $9,000,000,000 In taxes to bring the total to $25,000,000,000. State and local govern- ments take another $10,000,000,000. This means that $35,000,000,000 is extracted from the $100,000,000,000 of income pro- duced, leaving $65,000,000,000 to spend on $50,000,000,000 worth of goods. Sale of Defense savings bonds will take | other billions. Others may be absorbed in checking accounts that are allowed to grow larger or in other ways, Some will react on prices, forcing a measure of inflation. | Essentially, however, Government is going to limit severely the volume of the | goods that the public can buy, both by taxing away income and by directing the flow of raw materials, and labor into weapons which the public cannot buy. This limitation will mean that the stand- ard of living is going to fall back grad- ually to about the 1932 level. In reality, it is this decline in living standards that will represent the means of paying for the war. The issue then becomes: Should the Government tax away the bulk of income over and above that which can be spent on available goods, or should the Govern- ment borrow a big slice of that income, through one means or another, and then g0 on paying interest on that borrowing once the war ends? This Government is | striving to find & happy medium in answering that question. The most conservative approach—the one that will assure the greatest prospect of returning to the normal process of capitalism after the war—is to place every emphasis on taxation. Reason is that the alternative is an immense debt, and debt is going to impose a very heavy burden of interest that will force the Government to intervene after the war to maintain a high enough rate of oper- ation of the economic system to permit the servicing of the debt. A debt of $200,000,000,000, already within gunshot, would cost at least $5,000,000,000 annually to carry, just for | interest alone. To manage a debt as huge as that which apparently is going to grow out of the present war may force the Gov- ernment to maintain many socialistic controls that are used in wartime. Those controls over prices and investment and production and foreign trade will all be in effect when the war ends and it will be very easy for Government officials to gear them to peacetime use. As a result, the danger is not so much that war may cause the Government to g0 bankrupt as it is that war may cause the Government to embark, ©f necessity, upon a program of control over indus- try and finance and trade that will be retained permanently. The larger the debt, and the bigger the problem of handling that debt, the greater the pros- pect that Government controls will be enlarged and maintained. In war, the problem is to center effort on the production of weapons. The Government solves this problem with a relative degree of ease by telling indus- try what it must do and by controlling the flow of raw materials and of labor. ‘There is little or ne resistance because the Nation is united in its desire to win the war in the quickest possible time. Danger that the war might be lost if ‘an effort is not made is a spur to effort. In mffie, however, the goal of & planned effort is not so simple. It is difficult to convince groups in the popu- lation that they should sacrifice or should devote their effort to providing the abundant life‘for some other group. ‘The controls and regulations that are accepted without question in war are the object of resistance in peace. Yet, in the post¥ar period, if the Goy- ernment pulled off its controls and per- mitted the sort of adjustment that goes along with deflation, it would have very ernment. mmfiu‘mh JANUARY 25, 1942. » LEGACY FROM THE PAST By the Right Rev. James E. Freeman, D.D.,LL. D.,D.C. L., Bishop of Washington. ‘The legacy we have received from the, past largely determines our future course of action, What we have of strength and greatness comes fo us from those who, in their day and generation, gave of their best, frequently even of life itself.- We may not assume, especially in such days as these, that what we have of genius and power is solely of the present; it would be the part of folly in shaping our course to forget the wisdom, the chivalry and the spirit of those who in other days gave inspiration direction to the State and Nal There is a fine word in holy' writ that expresses the spirit and prevailing power of those who gave their selfless and heroic service that the principles for which they stood might live. The pas- sage in question fellows the recital of the noble deeds of men who counted not their lives dear unto themselves that they might serve a righteous cause. At the climax of this recital the writer sums up his high prsise with -these words: “Wherefore, seeing we also are compassed about with so great a cloud of witnesses, let us lay aside every weight, and the sin which doth so easily beset us, and let us run with patience the race that is set before us.” It is an appeal to recognize the responsibility that rests upon those who share the blessings of a noble past. We of this favored land have a tradi- tion and a record of courageous service that may well inspire us in the present crisis. It is not what we have of worth and skill and power today that alone constitutes our strength; it is what we have of inheritance from the past. It is the incomparable record of daring exploits, of heroisms, of virtue that has been transmitted to us as a rich legacy, that arms us with fortitude and courage to face the future. The memory of other days, when trials and hardships were the lot of the Nation, nerves us to meet new perils and new disciplines unafraid. ‘We are compassed about with a mighty cloud of witnesses, witnesses whose au- thentic testimony, written at times in sacrificial blood, speaks of days when the Nation was made strong to meet and resist every force that threatened its security and permanence. The sons of this generation are the legatees of the noble men and women Who be- queathed to them this priceless heritage. These eloquent and splendid ‘witnesses were possesséd of something more than & sword, a property, a genius for building and preserving an estate; they were possessed of a virtue, a quality of char- acter that made them invincible. Behind every deed of accomplishment and every new advance, they felt the stirring, driv- ing power of a deep religious conviction. ‘They had no fear for the success of the cause they espoused, for they were God- empowered and God-directed. While they served with fidelity the state, they had the deep conviction. that they were serving a high and holy cause. This gerleration has great need of their spirit. The consciousness of the trust committed to us must move us to a finer consecration and a more selfless service. ‘We shall use every means at our com- mand to effect the high ends we seek, but we shall be mightily strengthened and stabilized if we can experience again the sl.ronl motives that inated those of Other generations. It may be that what we have entered upon is, in reality, a new crusade for those ideals and prin- ciples for which Jesus Christ came to earth. It may be that this is a new fullness of time in which the world is to witness a fresh demonstration of Christ's power. If such a conception could lay holt of the minds and hearts of men it would do more to inspire them to fullness of devotion and service, and inflame them with a passion for a right- eous cause, than all the material and physical forces they are calling into action. Increasingly, there is developing a sense of dependence upon God. The very magnitude and scope of a world conflict compels us to look to sources of strength that in other days served the Nation, end that in periods of ease and self- confidence we have neglected. The names we most cherish are those who endured greatly because they be- lieved and loved greatly. Let us believe that their spirits live again, and that a great cloud of witnesses compasses us about in these anxious days. Capital Sidelights By Will P. Kennedy. “Rum-bumbling” has been added to the glossary of Congress by Representative John M. Vorys of Ohio, just as “boon- doggling” was written into the book by Maury Maverick, then a member from Texas, a few years ago with reference to Harry Hopkins, then Work Progress Ad- ministrator. Mr. Vorys' emphasis on “rum-bumbling” was prompted by a Navy Department release, circulated after the Pearl Harbor .episode and the declaration of war—5% mimeo- graphed pages of favorite recipes of naval officers’ wives, headed by “rum- bumble pudding.” Mr. Vorys served in the Navy in the first World War, and says it is “the apple of my eye,” but crit- icized the publicizing of the recipe at that time as “ridiculous” and expressed the hope that “the Navy and Washing- ion will swear off rum-bumbling for the | In the early phases of the | duration.” war English policies were referred to as “muddling” and now this has been ex- tended to “rum-bumbling,” an apt Anglo-Saxon phrase coined vividly to point up criticism and censure. It is of a class with “boondoggling,” which im- plied fruitless governmental spending. Other word by-products are certain to come out of the cauldron of war and American all-out politics. ‘“Boondog- gling” became a household word through- out the United States when a teacher of handicraft used the strange term before a New York aldermanic investigating committee in describing what he taught. | Harry Hopkins, to make the most of his opportunity, explained that Daniel Boone made a “toggle” out of thongs to tie his rifle on his head when swimming a stream, thus keeping his powder dry. It proved an important device for woods- men, who called it the “Boone-toggle.” Thus, a “toggle” was something a pioneer wanted, which he made with his hands out of whatever materials he had where he happened to be. In modern times the word was used to mean the handy little things that Boy Scouts could make wherever they pitched camp out of whatever was at hand—such as braided hat bands, belts, knife-holders and other articles of simple utility. oo o Representative Usher Burdick of North Dakota, eighth generation American, old | Minnesota: end, author of books on the Indians and Western pioneers, diseloses that during his years in Washington he has retrieved from waste paper bales documents signed by Lincoln, the orig- inal impeachment articles against Presi- dent Johnson, and letters signed by Thomas Jefferson containing new mate- rial on the Indian tribes. He appealed to the House to pass a bill that in the present grand clean-up in anticipation of incendiary bombs that valuable his- torical source material should be pre- served and no papers dumped without first being studied by the custodians of historical material. Britain, France and Germany after the last war. In Germany and France there was currency inflation of a rather vio- lent nature. The Germans, defeated, wiped out their debt by means of a deliberate inflation that carried away all values as represented in money terms. It is probable that the defeated ne- tions in this war will go through with a policy of repudiation, probably in the form of currency inflation. Those who win the war, however, will face a problem of debt only relatively less troublesome, unless they tax away a very large proportion of the cost while the war is being carried on. Very high taxes in wartime may save the Nation from controls in the post-war period that would go much farther than any of the controls of the New Deal years. In many ways, debt becomes a measure of the degree to which socialization is ptn; Nations do not blow up finan- Fifty Years Ago In The Star Half a century ago Washington and the Nation were saddened by the death of a member of the Su- Death of preme Court. The Star 2 of January 22, 1892, car- Alustice 0 i picture in judi- cial robes and gave the following ac- count, 4n part: ‘“Associate Justice Jo- seph P. Bradley of the Supreme Court | of the United States died at his resi- dence, 201 I street N.W., at 6 o'clock this morning. His death was not unexpected; in fact, no one acquainted with his con- dition has hoped for his recovery since | ‘Wednesday (two days previously). . . . The Supreme Court adjourned immedi- ately after assembling until Tuesday next, the Chief Justice announcing the loss which had been sustained by the court and country. . . . Justice Brad- ley was appointed to the Supreme bench by President Grant in 1870. He took an important part in the work of that court since then. . .. His penetration, concentration of mind and oceult reasoning made his work on novel, | intricate and difficult questions of very great value to the court. He showed ability in nearly every branch of the law and was regarded as a great authority on railroad, patent and maritime cases. In 1877 he was a member of the Electoral Commission and did much by the power of his argument to sustain the conclusion reached by the majority of the commis- sion in the Hayes-Tilden contest.” * ¥ % % The Chilean controversy dragged on, Chile showing no disposition to apologize | for the attack on Amer- ican sailors at Santiago. : The Star of January 23, Affair 1892, in a dispatch from New York, summarized the situation: “Information has been received here this afternoon from Santiago de Chile that it is announced there that the government has receivéd a strong ultimatum from the United States, and that no further delay in the settlement of the dispute between the two governments will be tolerated.” As stated previously in this column, an amicable settlement was reached later. The Chilean o ox Prospects for political peace in Ireland were discussed in The Star of January 25, i 1892: “Dublin—Speaking at Irish Ennis yesterday, John E. Politics member of the House of Commons for Waterford, while he denied the actual existence of overtures for & | reconciliation between the two sections of the Irish party, indicated that there was some ground for the rumors and that the Parnellites were willing to receive such overtures. He said that the Parnell- ites are in favor of peace, but added that it must be peace with honor.” But this was not to be; the fdttions of the Irish party continued to disagree. * * X ¥ The German genius for stirring up trouble was evidenced by a dispatch in ‘The Star of January 25, 1892, from London: “Disquieting East rumors are in circulation re- Africa garding the situation in Ger- man East Africa. It is said that serious disturbances have occurred along the coast. . . . Reports of threatened risings and open rebellion are received from all parts of the German territory. The at- tempts of Baron von Soden, the German civil governor of East Africa, to levy taxes have provoked the natives. He has also become embroiled in quarrels with the Arabs and Indian tribes.” * ¥ x ¥ On January 26, 1892, an entire business block in Columbus, Ohio, was destroyed by fire. The Star of that Columbus date reported: “The most Fire disastrous fire that Colum- bus ever experienced oc- curred in the block of buildings at the northwest corner of Rich and High block had been gutted by the flames.” Only one life was lost, however, in sharp contract to a later Columbus fire, when the State Penitentiary was destroyed by German W_ushingfon and Post-War Activities By Frederic J. Haskin. Aside from war, probably the most dis- cussed subject in Washington today is the city’s immediate future after the emergency is over. The topic is not en- gaged in by Federal jobholders alone, but by almost every one from street cleaners to top men in Government agencies and private enterprise. Since Government ac-- tivity is the very life of Washington, this. local interest is understandable. p Apparently there are two reasons why this discussion of how Washington will be affected when Hitler is collared, Mussolini caged and the Japs bmughc to a full realization of their greatest mistake, has taken on its present pro-' portions. When the first World War ended there was great cessation of ac- tivities in the Nation's Capital. Thou- sands were released from emergency., work fostered by the Government, and, a large number of employes in private business no longer were needed. The war was over and almost everything else was over, it was thought, and there was a tendency to return to what Warren G. Harding later coined as a phrase, “back to normalcy.” So persistent was this belief that minds which thought other-, wise were swept into oblivion. The other reason underlying the present dis- cussion is the thought that, following the war's close, the country will face” its worst depression. And since Wash-: ington does not have sufficient private enterprise to absorb its greatly in<j creased population the city will be the " first to feel post-war eflects. But these two thoughts are due a sec-. ond consideration. The present world- wide conflict is different from the other and seems destined to bring in its wake a demand as well as a need that a new business and social order be established, and for this the help of the Federal Gov- ernment will be needed. At the close of the first World War, business sought, but ~ mostly in vain, to go back to the place where it had left off. And in most in-_ stances, too, business thought it had taken up where it had left off, only to discover later that the habits of a people . | had changed so radically that old pat- terns of service no longer sufficed. Thus, “return to normalcy” was found to be only a catch phrase, whose author, like | millions of others, believed that the coun-. | try could return to its former pursuits with the same tempo. But time wrote a different story. Fi The possibility of a depression follow-g ing the present war is deserving of more ) than a passing thought. The country | was barely emerging from the greatest economic upheaval known to the world . when hostilities broke out. America, | naturally enough, because of its then | neutral attitude, spent relatively little for | defense. But, as the conflict in Europe | spread, Congress voted more liberally for * the building of warships, planes and other things needed for combat service. | As the European war theater widened and Congress was in almost constant Redmond, the newly elected | session, an ever-increasing number of appropriations for preparedness helped to substitute for the emergency relief funds granted so generously in previous days. Thus, gradually, members of Con- gress voted funds for relief employment in the name of a national emergency. Curiously enough, bitter debates and po- litical differences on emergency mease | ures almost ceased, but the country at large profited by the new face which Congress had acquired in the trans- | formation of its votes from relief funds | to money to carry out a program of na- | tional defense. In essence, the depres- sion of the past decade was not over, | Only a circumstance had changed the form of appropriations with which the country continued to carry on. 2 But since pay rolls for defense work. have been substituted for those insti- tuted for relief purposes, the question naturally arises as to what will inev itably follow the emergency. The an- swer "0 that is the answer to Washing- ton’s question of what will happen when_ ! the Allies have won their victory. It is an answer which concerns not only the Nation's Capital, but the country at large, for never in the history of the United States have so many people looked to their Government for help in some form. Consequently Washington as the Nation's administrative center is ever increasing in importance. People have come to realize that, after all, their Government functions for them, and they support it for that purpose. Thus the citizen who signs on the dotted line on March 15 and transmits a certain amount for income taxes to help sup- port his Government, feels he has a right to seek help or advice from that same Government on the difficulties he faces. That comes down to the question of ‘Washington’s future as the central point from which national activities and ben- efits of the future will be administered., There seems to be more than a likelihood that there will be more, not fewer, Gov- ernment bureaus and agencies after the war is ended. Names and functions of. some will be changed, but the Nation- wide service they are rendering will be, either requested or demanded. For in- stance, civilian defense activities will likely be transformed into civilian edu- cation so that pupils- in public schools, from the first grade . upward, will be_ taught the principles of first aid, self- protection and self-reliance in all types of emergencies. This will appeal not only to the children but to their parents, With, perhaps, millions of disabled ex- service men, pensions and social security will become more important and extend-, ed. With increasing taxation, the United States Treasury will need additional workers. The Department of Commerce in its efforts to keep and stimulate for- eign trade will demand a larger person- nel and other old line agencies will likely be called upon to increase their services.® Agencies which have come into being in recent years, and which are no longer considered emergency units, also may’ be expected to expand their operations. Hence, the country may suffer an eco- nomic setback when the war is over, but Washington probably will continue to expand its service to the Nation. No ‘Peril’ to Democracy Prom the New York Times: 5 All that the Chinese seem to need to hold their own against any body of Axis troops is an adequate supply of fighting Axilpowmmyvellmudunmul “Yellow Peril.” To us they are comrades in arms and, as we must hope, future fire on April 21, 1930, resulting in the | fellow-workers in the task of world re- construction. deaths of 320 Inmates. > £