Evening Star Newspaper, May 28, 1940, Page 13

Chat Leaves - Aftertaste Of Politics Answer to G. 0. P. Seen in Talk By President By DAVID LAWRENCE. Politics still reigns. President Roosevelt's “fireside chat” left the regrettable impression on many people here that Mr. Roosevelt was muchmoreinter- ested in answer- ‘Ing Republican attacks on the failure of the United States to have an ade. quate defense program than in making the necessary ad- Justments now to get haramony and unity in the production? world. The crux of America’s prob- David Lawrence. lem of national defense today is the disunity brought about by a partisanly administered government. To get battleships, airplane engines, tanks and mechanisms of warfare into heavy production, the admin- istration must rely on the steel and automobile industries. In these industries the C. I. O. backed by the administration, has produced strikes and discord. Although outwardly there is har- mony—businessmen respond politely to invitations from the administra- tion to confer and discuss things— the fact remains that the adminis- tration has done nothing persuasive to assure American industry and business of a square deal. The C. I. O. still dominates most every policy of the Government affecting labor. Notwithstanding the fact that Wil- liam Green, president of the A. F. of L., has publicly called on-the C. I O. to rid itself of the Commun- ists in its ranks in the major indus- tries dealing with defense, nothing has been done lately to heed the call. C. 1. 0. Wins Great Victory. Coincidentally, the C. I. O. has won a substantial victory in the Supreme Court. Its latest decision in the Apex case exonerates the | C. I. O. from paying damages for carrying on a sit-down strike in Philadelphia. The opinion of the majority of the court, written by Justice Stone and concurred in by the New Deal justices, is so contra- dictory of existing precedents and | so plainly distorts the meaning of previous decisions that it is not surprising. to find Chief Justice Hughes speaking so plainly in his vigorous dissent. What the decision of the New Deal majority really means is that the Supreme Court has one set of harsh rules to apply against indus- try and business and another to apply leniently against labor unions. The effort of the New Deal ma- Jority on the Supreme Court in the Apex case to protect labor from the Sherman anti-trust laws, where vio- lence is involved, is an epoch-mak- ing decision. It means that the court will be an important issue in the coming campaign, for how else can the people show their disap- proval of misguided decisions than to rebuke the Congress and the ad- ministration which aproved the appointment to the highest bench in the land of men who proclaim one-sided decisions favoring the pressure groups with big voting strength? The words of Chlef Jusitce Hughes in his dissenting opinion tell the story. He said: “It would indeed be anomalous if, while employers are bound by the Labor Act because their unfair labor practices may lead to con- duct which would prevent the ship- ment of their goods in interstate commerce, at the same time the direct and intentional obstruction or prevention of such shipments by the employes were not deemed to be a restraint of commerce under the broad terms of the Sherman Act. ‘This court has never heretofore de- eided that a direct and intentional obstruction or prevention of the shipment of goods in interstate commerce was not a violation of the Sherman Act. In my opinion it should not so decide now.” Pointed Warning Visible. Certainly there is less public confi- dence today in the Supreme Court than there was before the President appointed five justices from his own political family, who now control the court. Maybe the Chief Justice's speech has no reference to his dis- senting decision in the Apex case, but many observers wili see a pointed warning by America’s most vene- rated public official, who knows from a long experience on the bench that Justice cannot be tempered with con- siderations of political expediency or subserviency. -THE EVENING STAR, WASHINGTON, The Capital Parade Bureaucratic Bickering Holds Up Action On Badly Needed Defense Preparations By JOSEPH ALSOP and ROBERT KINTNER. The clearest lesson of the immense and unimaginable tragedy in Europe is that when time presses, a nation can achieve preparedness only, if at all, by going on a wartime emergency basis, Every Army and Navy expert, every intelligent State Department official, every disinter- ested industrial executive agrees on this one central fact, Remnembering the central fact, despite the President’s reassurances, it is hard to be encouraged by the American accomplishment since the defense crisis burst upon us. Almost everywhere the situation is the same, in the Government and out. In Congress, Senator James F. Byrnes of South Carolina almost single-handedly managed a remarkable demonstration of national unity, on his own initiative obtaining the co-operation of Senate Republican Leader Charles L. McNary and the House chieftains, and setting aside the congressional rufes to rush the emergency defense appropriations through the Senate. But the dem- onstration has been partly spoiled by short-sighted members of the House Appropriations Committee, such as Representative Charles A. Plumley of Vermont. They have jealously insisted on the House's prerogative to hold hearings, have refused to hurry the hearings along, and have thus delayed the final vote. Plain Bickering In the executive branch some men, like Secretary of the Interior Harold L. Ickes, have grasped the situation and have pled with the President to act decisively and boldly. But the defense program is already involved in the most extraordinary bureaucratic bickering. At- torney General Robert H. Jackson proposes a program for registering resident aliens—a precaution of which the necessity has been made all too obvious by European events. Secretary of Labor Prances Perkins, already beside herself at the loss of her Immigration Bureau to the Justice Department, flutteringly interposes a protest which temporarily blocks the Jackson program at the White House. The War and Treasury Departments hurl themselves into a tug-of- war over aviation procurement. The War Department suddenly convenes & meeting of aviation executives and the Treasury, taken by surprise, gets the President to order the meeting held in the office of Secretary Henry Morgenthau, jr., and then, as the meeting has not been prepared for, no one has anything to say to the busy men who have been brought to ‘Washington for a supposedly important conference. The President allows the War Department to remain in the hands of Harry H. ‘Woodring, whose chief qualification for his great place seems to be that it was desired to carry his native Kansas in the 1936 election, and whose ob- ses;ing present preoccupation is the somewhat personal one of clinging to his job. And meanwhile, innumerable influential private citizens who ought to know better appear to have no grasp of the seriousness of the situation. And the problem is further muddied by the charge by partisan commen- tators that expenditures on the Army and Navy to date have been wasted, which the slightest investigation of American labor and production costs, even in the Republican era, would show to be unfounded., President’s Preference Nor is it possible to be greatly cheered by the President’s formation of a cumbersome and all-embracing council of high Government officials and leading industrialists to assist in the preparedness effort. It means, of course, that most of what is done will have to be done by the President himself, who already has plenty on his hands. It was perhaps to be expected, for the President has leaned toward such a council and away from the creation of something like the old War Industries Board ever since national defense began to give concern, back in 1937. It was in the fall of 1937 that Assistant Secretary of War Louis Johnson first proposed to the President that a volunteer group of indus- trialists and other qualified men be recruited to survey and criticize the Army’s mobilization plans. At that time the President’s response was to ask whether the first World War’s Council of National Defense was not still a legal entity. It was found that the council, an interdepartmental body, composed of the Secretaries of War, Navy, Interior, Labor and one or two others, did still exist. The matter was then dropped until July of last year, although Johnson and B. M. Baruch continued to press the President for the appointment of a special civilian committee to review defense plans. Just before the end of last year's congressional session, the President allowed Johnson and Secretary of the Navy Charles Edison to set up the War Resources Board. But, in the President’s mind, at least, the board’s sole purpose was still that of reviewing existing plans. first war cabinet meeting the Presi- dent declared that if the war did create a national emergency, it would be administered through the council. But, although the President's attitude in the matter could be antici- pated by informed persons, it is hard to feel confidence in the result. Cumbersomeness and vague divisions of responsibility, such as seem to afflict the President’s new setup, are just the faults which create the worst administrative difficulties. Herculean effort, unprecedented for- bearance by all concerned, firm presidential repression of the squabbles now in progress, and replacement of some of the less competent present job holders may perhaps prevent difficulties from arising. (Released by the North American Newspaper Alliance, Inc.) THISIS VERY In the | C., TUESDAY, :I'Hl opinions of the writers on this page are their own, not necessarily The Star’s. Such opinions are presented in The Star’s effort to give all sides of questions of interest to its readers, although such opinions may be contradictory among themselves and directly opposed to The Star’s. The Political Mill Roosevelt Leaves Veil of Mystery About Role Industrialists Will Play in Defense By G. GOULD LINCOLN. Within the space of 24 hours, three important speeches were delivered oyer the air on the subject of na- tlonal defense. The first speaker, on Sunday night, was President Roosevelt. The second, last night, was for- mer President Hoover, and the third, also last 3 night, was Sena- tor Austin of Vermont, Re- publican member of the Senate Military Affairs Committee. On one topic all three were anited—that G. Gould Lincoln. this country should be adequately prepared and armed to defend itself from any attack that may come on the heels of the present wars in Eu- rope and in the Far East. Surely the world, including Chancellor Hitler of the German Reich, should be on notice that this country intends to put itself in such a state of military and naval preparedness that it ‘would be dangerous to attack us. ‘Words, however, will never do the trick. Nor will the mere matter of appropriating money, by Congress, get us much further along. The in- dustries of the Nation must be mobi- lized—as well as the men to be trained in modern warfare. The les- son of the war in Europe is that the side with the most machines—as well as guns—stands the better chance of winning. These machines —airplanes, tanks, guns of various kinds—the munitions to feed them, must all come from the factories of America. Must Be Geared {o Needs. Preparedness, therefore, becomes | the task primarily of American in- dustry. Mass production of many kinds of things is the requirement. ‘This does not necessarily mean that 50,000 airplanes must be turned out within a few months, or 3,000 tanks. It means that the industries must be so geared that they can turn them out with tremendous speed, | once the need of them becomes ap- parent. beginning, with thousands of planes added with as little delay as possible | to those—woefully few—which are| already owned by the Army and the N avy. President Roosevelt's effort was to | put as good a front on our military situation as possible and at the same time to inform the country that much more must be done—and would be done under his administration. The President’s emphasis on the arms and munitions, and the Army and the Navy, which the country | now has, was a defense of what his administration has been doing dur- ing the last seven years; if there | was any casting off, it was on the Republican administrations which went before his advent into the ‘White House. The President announced that men who know about production will be called to Washington to give advice on the program for mass production of arms and munitions. The country is awaiting with in- iplnns a bit further, it is impossible Of course, there must be a | terest the announcement of the names of these men—and what will be their assigned tasks. Mr. Hoover, in his address, sald that the only way to get the kind of mass production of arms and munitions which this country now needs is to set up a separate agency for procurement, and to place at its head an industrialist who knows how. In the World War of 1914-1918, the lesson was learned that mass production of arms and munitions could be obtained when that kind of course was followed. It would be as silly, he said, to create a board, advisory or even with administra- tive powers, to have charge of pro- duction of arms as it would be to appoint a board to be Chief Execu- tive of the United States. The re- sponsibility must be placed in a single man—as it was finally in the World War, when Bernard Baruch took over the matter of such sup- plies for the Wilson administration. Mr. Hoover paid tribute to the effec- tiveness of Mr. Baruch, President Roosevelt has given no indication so far that he intends to take this kind of advice. Indeed, he has leaned toward having the regular departments of the Gov- ernment and their heads—the Treas- ury, War and Navy Deépartments and possibly the Commerce Depart- ment and the Labor Departmert— handle the job, with private indus- trialists as advisers, Mr. Hoover's contention is that the heads of the departments know nothing about mass production—that they haven't been trained for it any | more than the industrialists have been trained to handle ships and armies at war. Mr. Hobver would have the procurement of war sup- plies left to the men who know that side of the job, and the training of | men to use the weapons and to fight left to the Army and the Navy. There seems plenty of sense in the | suggestion. | Until the President reveals his | to know just how far he intends to | intrust the matter of mass produc- tion and procurement to the in- | dustrialists—or an industrialist. His | comment so far has been that labor is to be protected in all its rights obtained under New Deal legisla- tion, particularly as regards hours | of work and wages, and that in- dustry is to be allowed no inordi- nate profits out of the preparedness program. This may be all right— but it smacks of the old attitude of the administration, which has been | to kick industry and business around. Allies Awaken. Unless industry is dealt with as | sympathetically as is organized la- bor the chances for mass production of arms and munitions at speed and at reasonable prices are not good. Germany did not reach its present state of tremendous preparedness by constantly shortening working hours. The Allied nations, on the other hand, enacted laws that limited the working hours and placed other re- strictions on output. And the Allies have had a sad awakening. They are seeking in every way to make up for their lack of preparedness. And they are looking ever to the United States to make up for their short- s strange history. A three-judge Cir- cuit Court in Philadelphia de- cided it against the union. Then the administration appointed three new judges, who eight weeks later reversed the decision in the same courtroom. And now the Supreme Court upsets all the reasoning on which prosecutions for interruption of interstate commerce by violence have been based and lets the union guilty of a sit-down strike go free. ‘What it means is that an employer who refuses to sit down and discuss labor problems with his employes is held to be guilty of interrupting interstate commerce, but a labor union guilty of a sit-down strike and physical interference with shipment of goods is not held to have inter- rupted interstate commerce under the Sherman Act. The new theory is that because the sit-down strike did not affect price or competition, it is not an interruption to interstate commerce—a concept opportunely introduced by the court whereby a labor union is permitted to escape just punishment. Clearly Congress has the job now of amending the Wagner Act to nar- row the application of that law to conform to the definition of “inter- ruptions” to interstate commerce under the Sherman law as now cir- cumscribed by the Supreme Court. ‘The Apex decision has had a (Reproduction Rights Reserved.) Summers Best Buy! TROPICAL WORSTED SUITS $ 2 2.7 3 CHARGE IT NO DOWN PAYMENT ‘warm-weather comfort calls Genuine camp moccasin, the favorite for leisure wear. Brown or white, with rubber soles. N Cross-strap locker sandal in ten luggage colf, with -“Sure Step” rubber sole and heel. U. S. Rubber Co. moccasin “K 4 Months to Pay, Starting in June Tailored by our regular makers of finer, all- ‘wool featherweight fabrics . . . to keep you eool and immaculately dressed on the hottest days. You can wear them often without frequent pressing or cleaning. “Wide variety of greys, tans, blue, green, plain and fancy patterns. All sizes. EISEMAN'S F STREET AT 7th Coolest things afoot for summer, hand-woven TRI-WEARS are espe- cial favorites because they’ve been woven right on the last, and thus shaped to insure greater comfort. In brown, white or natural with crepe soles; brown or natural with flexible Gold Spot leather soles. 14th & G 7th & K 3212 14th - ledsman” in rust, green or blue Cider Press duck crepe sole. 4483 Conn MAY 28, 1940. We, the People Responsibility of Government Critics Not to Aid ‘Fifth Column’ Cited By JAY FRANKLIN, If gentlemen of the stature and reputation of Gen. Hugh Johnson and Mr. Wendell L. Willkie could bring themselves to grovel publicly or privately, they must have done so after listening to President Roosevelt’s “fireside talk” on Sunday last. . For they had compelled the Chief Executive of this Nation to take time out from his great and crushing responsibilities to reassure gur people as to the integrity, compe- tence and tempo of our national defense program over the last seven years. At times like these, it is un- wise to attribute motives to critics of our Government but it is fair to point out that Wall Street’s wish- fulfillment prior to the President’s talk took the form of rumors that Mr. Roosevelt planned to announce & $5,000,000,000 rearmament accompanied by the announcement that he would not accept re-election to the presidency. It is also fair to point out that the opposition’s atti- tude toward the defense issue has taken the form of two demands: (1) That “practical” businessmen be placed in direct charge of the armament program, allocating the contracts and dividing the defense kitty as in World War days; and (2) that all measures for defense of labor and relief of agriculture and unemployment be promptly set aside for the duration of the emergency. Background Brought Out Leaders in the fight for these two objectives-are Gen. Hugh Johnson and Mr. Wendell L. Willkie. New Dealers are generally of the opinion that the time has come to “do a job” on these two gentlemen. ‘They would like the public to understand that the general's military service was not as a fighting man or strategist but in the judge-advo- cate’s division (law), that his chief prior reputation was as a writer of boys’ books, and that his only business venture—in association with George N. Peek at the Moline Plough Co.—ended in the concern’s bank- ruptcy. They concede and respect his ability as a word-slinger but believe that he is no more qualified as an expert on national defense and industrial organization (in the light of the N. R. A. fiasco) than West- brook Pegler or Ernest K. Lindley. ‘They are less concerned with Mr. Willkie, since it is a matter of public record that the latter's present prominence was derived from his | successful efforts to retard and discredit the national defense projects of the T. V. A. Since effective industrial defense depends on a wide decentralization of industrial production, through cheap electric power in regions remote from the great industrial targets such as Detroit and Pittsburgh, Mr. Willkie's anti-Federal power program automatically dis- qualifies him from serious consideration. Added to that is Mr. Willkie’s convinced opposition as a self-styled “liberal” to what he calls “Big Government.” In a program for swift national rearmament, we must have “Big Government.” Responsibilities of Critics Yet the scandal remains that, in this time of emergency, men who should be placing their abilities and energles at the service of the Gov- ernment have been chiefly con- cerned with an effort to break down public confidence in their Govern- ment and to persuade labor, etc., that any effective program of na- tional defense is impossible with- out scrapping the hard-won social reforms of the last seven years. Criticism is valuable and neces- sary 4t every stage in this ugly business of preparing for the ulti- mate test of our power to survive L | on this planet as a free society. But the critics themselves have an equal obligation, to be sure that they have no petty, personal axes to grind and | that they refrain from any action which could give aid or comfort to the “fifth column” or confuse the will and purpose of our own people. (Released by the Consolidated News Features, Inc.) comings in the matter of arms and Pmonc Republican, laid all partisan- munitions production. ship aside in his speech on national The President’s speech sounded | defense—delivered in the Radio to many who heard it like the |Forum arranged by The Washing- speech of a candidate for re-elec- | ton Star and broadcast by the Na- tion to the presidency. This may |tional Broadcasting Co. There has be doing the President an injustice. | never been any secret about Mr. He may have no intention of run- | Austin’s attitude toward the Euro- ning—although there are thousands | pean War. He wishes to do all he who believe today he will accept |can to help the Allies defeat Hitler renomination to tens who believe he | and all that Hitler stands for. He will not. The speech had its po- |said so again last night. He ap- litical tinge with its appeal to the | pealed to the country to support labor vote and its promises of great | the national defense program, and accomplishment. gave his reasons for believing that Senator Austin, a stanch Ver-|it is national necessity. See how PERFECT BAKING gives Premium Crackers a more appetizing look! And hear the crunchy snap that tells theyre FRESH and FLAKY When you taste their finer flavor you'll agree that PREMIUM CRACKERS ARE MORE TEMPTING IN EVERY WAY 8 A housewife you're pleased when your family sighs with satisfaction after your meals. So — you'll be delighted to find Premiums’ special flavor comes from top-notch ingredients and that Premium Crackers add zest to perfect baking. Freshness is as- every food. Thousands of house- sured by a triple-wrapped package wives depend on this finer cracker and rapid deliveries. Order Pre- CRACKERS ... A PRODUCT OF NATIONAL BISCUIT COmPANY A J(a This Changing World Leopold’s Surrender Laid to Lack of Faith in Allies By CONSTANTINE BROWN. King Leopold of Belgium has de- cided after three weeks of fight- ing that “the defense now rests.” The blow to the Allled Armies is & severe one be- cause the forces which were sent into Belgium to defend that country—a fool- ish movement many a military strategist says— are now in a most precarious position. The moral ef- fect of the Bel- gian surrender g in the Allied countries is bound to be bad. Constantine Brown. King Leopold gave up -because he had no faith in the victory of the Allies. This is the inevitable inter- pretation of Leopold's action. Only yesterday, while the King of the Bel- gians placed his sword at Hitler's feet, the French and the British were fighting side by side with what they thought were still comrades-in- arms. How the British and the French | troops who have now been denied the facilities of the Belgian sea- ports will get away is a problem which even Gen. Weygand may have a hard time to solve. Entered "Nar Half-Heartedly. There is no question that the Belgians went into this war half- heartedly. When the Germans occupied the re-militarized region of the Rhine- land in 1936, the Brussels govern- ment informed the French that all relations between the two general staffs were suspended. King Leo~ pold proclaimed the complete neu- trality of his country and informed all governments concerned that Bel- gium no longer formed the advanced positions of France’s defense in the event of a war with Germany. The socialist government of Spaak agreed with the King that the coun- try was too small and that it had already suffered too much during the last war to afford another blow —if France and Germany were to go to war again. In the summer of 1938 the French | tried to persuade the Brussels gov- ernment to allow them to build for- tifications along the Esacaut River, | but met with no success. It was only | later, under the pressure of the British, who pointed out to King Leopold that in the event of a war | the Belgian ports would have to | be blockaded, that the Brussels | government decided to dicker with | the French for a plan for common defense of the country. All these conversations were strictly secret | and inconclusive, because the Bel- | glans, like the rest of the Nordic neutrals, seemed hypnotized by the | idea that they could keep out of | this war. Preparations Haphazard. Belgium, like Holland, did her ut- most to stay out, and it was only a few days—some say a few hours— before the Germans invaded the country that she asked support from Britain and Prance. Under the circumstances it is only natural that the preparation for the rescue of the Lowlands should have been haphazard and improvised. They were better than those which were supposed to save Norway inasmuch as more troops were poured into the two countries. But there seems to have been no definite plan and the masses in Belgium were unprepared for a war—especiale ly the kind of war Germans are waging. This lack of enthusiasm on the part of the population coupled with the lack of ammunition and adequate modern war weapons— made the Belgian defense half- hearted and explains how so-called impregnable fortifications fell within & few hours after the German at- tack. There is no suggestion of treason among serious thinking military men; just a laxity on the part of the Belgian commanders who did not believe that they had a chance. Iron Ore Now Recovered From Low-Grade Deposits B3 the Associated Press. PITTSBURGH, May 28—Recov- ery of iron ore from low-grade ore deposits through a newly discovered electrostatic process is reported by Westinghouse Electric & Manu- facturing Co. Research scientist G. W. Penny declined to disclose details of de- velopment, but emphasized “the possibilities of increasing the pro- ductive output of the Nation's ore deposits.” He said that under present meth- ods of recovery commercial iron ore must contain ,at least 50 per cent iron to justify its transportation and use. Experiments with the new process, added Mr. Penny, “Indicated that an appreciable percentage of iron still remaining in discarded ore can be economically separated.” The company also announced de- velopment of & new metal known only as “K-42-B.” A bell made of this metal was heated to a tempera« ture of around 1,100 degrees Fahren« heit and retained its ability to ring with a brilliant tone while an ordi- m steel bell gave off only a dull New Gasoline Price War Looms on Pacific Coast By the Associated Press. SAN FRANCISCO, May 28— Standard Ofl Co. of California slashed the price of gasoline today and persons familiar with the oil industry’s operations wondered if another “‘rate’ war” was in the making. A brief announcement by Stand- ard Ofl said “in order to meet com= petition” the price of gasoline would be reduced, effective today, by 25 cents a gallon for premium (ethyl) grade, 115 cents a gallon for stand- ard grade, and 2 cents a gallon for third-grade gasoline. Standard oil price reductions were made edective in California, Oregon, Washington, Navada, Arie mmAlukl and the Hawaiian Is- 4