Evening Star Newspaper, May 6, 1940, Page 11

o Labor Board Stand Brings A.F.L. Crisis Loses Prestige by Change in Attitude On Legislation By DAVID LAWRENCE. The American Federation of Labor is face to‘face with a crisis involving its prestige inside and out- side of Congress and its future as a national labor organization. The crisis comes about through the de- feat which has Just been hand- ed the A. F. of L's Executive Council by the members of the HouseLabor Committee, who are controlled by the C.1.0. The story ig a tragic llustration ei- ther of gullibil- David Lawrence. ity or political incapacity on the | part of the A. F. of L. when it comes to handling legislation. A few weeks ago the A. F. of L. was sponsoring the work of the Smith committee investigating the labor board and the wagner Act. ‘Without the A. F. of L’s help the committee could not have been cre- | ated in the first instance. When the | time came for the Smith commit- tee to make its report it was as- sumed on Capitol Hill that the A. F. of L. would support the com- mittee’s recommendations. Instead it was announced in behalf of Wil- liam Green, president of the A. F. of L, that his organization liked the work of the committee, but | would not support its legislative | proposals. This action stunned many mem- bers of the House who have hitherto been friendly to the A. F. of L. No explanation was forthcoming until a week or so later, when the regular House committee voted to bring out a bill which would write into | the Wagner law a clause protecting | A. F. of L. craft unions. * Recedes on Personnel” Most observers assumed then that } the A. F. of L. had thrown over- | board its friends because it was | about to receive administration sup- | port for the craft amendment. The | A. F. of L. likewise receded on its | position, which had been one of insistence on & new labor board, and agreed with the administration that two additional members should be added. < ‘The general impression in Con- gress was that the A. F. of L. had been so anxious to get administra- tion support for the craft amend- ment that it was willing to trade away its previous hostility to the labor board itself. Now comes what the vernacular of the day would call the “pay-off " The A. F. of L. has believed that Chairman Norton of the House | committee was sincere in her sup- port of the craft amendment de- sired by the A. F. of L. It turns out that Mrs. Norton doesn’t care 2 bit about any amendments, in- cluding her own. Copies of a letter written by Mrs. Norton announcing her agreement with the C. I. O. position that there shall be no amendments of any kind to the Wagner Labor Act have been circulated on Capitol Hill. Here 1s what Mrs. Norton writes to a C. I. O. official of a Washington labor union: “This will acknowledge receipt of your letter of April 20 with at- tached copy of a resolution adopted | by your organization opposing H. R. | 9195, the Norton bill, and H. R. 8813, the Smith bill, to amend the Na- tional Labor Relations Act. “As chairman of the committee, all committee bills bear my name. ‘This is the usual procedure in all committees. However, I am entirely in accord with you that no amend- ments should be passed this year to the National Labor Relations Act. I shall take this position on the floor when the rule comes before us. The only way all amendments can be defeated is to vote down the rule when it comes up for adoption.” Many Republicans Now Lukewarm. Conservative Democrats and “Re- publicans who have been flabber- gasted by the tactics of the A. F.of L. are wondering whether President Green is now satisfied that he can- not depend on the administration supporters to keep agreements with him and whether he proposes now to let the G, I. O. forces ride rough shod over him at the Capitol. Many Republicans who had intended to go along with a portion of the Norton bill which the A. F. of L. RUGS & 1 E. P. F%0.0.0.2. 2 2.8.2.8 8.8 200 9¢9 909 e9¢¢3883388333333% | clarity and cqntinuity of policy, PoRa0a8.8.8.8.0.2.2.9.2.2.0.0.0.6 ¢ 00 ¢ ¢ (- of £ G 5 J O Fortinkel & ¢ ‘CI\RI‘EY( You're Assured of Satisfactory Service —when you intrust your Rugs and Carpets to Hinkel for CLEANING, REPAIRING and STORAGE. % PHONE US TO CALL FOR YOUR RUGS AND CARPETS Lowest Prices for Finest Work—Why Take a Chance? Rugs and Carpets STORED in our Modern Fireproof Building and INSURED jor Full Value! ORIENTAL RUGS Washed and Repaired by Our Expert Weavers on the Premises Telephone HObart 1171 « “The Best Known . . . Known as the Best’—Since 1875 THE EVENING STAR, WASHINGTON, -D. C, MONDAY, MAY &, 1940, The Capital Parade Hull Seen as Candidate if Roosevelt Does Not Run; Secretary’s Coyness Called Political Shrewdness By JOSEPH ALSOP and ROBERT KINTNER. If the President does not run, Cordell Hull is almost certain to be the Democratic candidate. It is the most open of open secrets that his tary of State is the President’s preferred successor. It may also be for granted that Hull's present coyness about the presidency is another proof of his unusual polit- ical shrewdness. In explaining his preference, the President has commonly empha- sized Hull's grasp of foreign affairs and his abflity to reunite the Demo- cratic party. On other points he has seemed almost apologetic, ad- mitting that Hull would probably prove a poor administrator, and explaining that he is really “much 5 more liberal” than he looks. But this is an inadequate summary, and the time now seems to be at hand to try to il it out in greater detall. 5 Balance Sheet Cordell Hull is undoubtedly endowed with several of the most impor- tant qualities which go to make up a good President. He is a man of principle and experience, endlessly tenaclous, with plenty of personal courage and a strong native intelligence. His long training in the legislative process should enable him to get on well with Congress, although his obstinacy and his tendency to make matters of principle of points he should compromise might plunge him into occasional difficulty. Taken together, intelligence, principle, on with Congress constitute an extremely handsome endowment for any presidential candidate. On the other side of the Hull balance sheet, how- ever, there are also defects. Of these, slowness is fundamental. The modern presidency requires innumerable rapid uecuwh, often on subjects with which the President is not expertly acquainted. Hull's Jjudgment is commonly excellent, but he appears to have an inborn aversion to making up his mind in a hurry. Before adopting a new course, he is given to interminable consultation. In preparing a statement of policy, he will confer on it endlessly, until it is written, sentence by sentence, by a sort of committee system. And as for minor problems, however pressing, Hull simply lets them settle themselves. Related to Hull's slowness is the President’s notion that he would be a poor administrator. But Hull's administrative abilities have not been properly tested, since the President has named most of lesser men in Hull’s department, and being impatient, has often dealt with them when “he should have dealt with Hull.” Generally speaking, it is pretty clear that instead of the President’s system of roving continuously through most of the agencies of Govern- ment, Hull would confine himself to the essential presidential function of setting the main course. His cabinet would have a much greater power and responsibility than the present cabinet enjoy, and thus his adminis- trative record would depend on the men he chose to do the work for him. An orthodox party man, he might tend to look for his aides among the untalented Democratic faithful. Or it might even be that in return for the President’s support, Hull would have to work with a cabinet not of his own choosing. It's already being said that Sumner Wellgs’ appointment as Secretary of State has been nominated in the bond. The Big Gamble Thus with Hull as the President's successor, one could look for greater greater firmness and less bickering with other branches of the Government, but also for less of the quick grasp of facts and rapid action, and for more aimless, non-co-ordinated movement, Hull would not be likely to imitate the President in simultaneously experi- menting with fundamentally contradictory major policies, or in encourag- ing intradepartmental conflicts of the wilder sort. But his administra- tion would tend to lack the drive and impact of the President’s all the same. As a natignal leader, of course, he would also be much less exciting than his predecessor. In private he has a saltiness and toughness which is decidedly picturesque. He talks of “them damn swaybacks,” or uses, as another favorite expletive, an Elizabethan insect name now perfectly unprintable. At a Pan-American conference he returns from a long, unexplained absence to announce that he has just been “having a visit with this hy'ere local President.” But in public he will not use these ., homespun touches, speaking labori- fCQ\ m:mt % ously, and sprinkling his rather ?y/ Mumacy < /e taken only courage and an ability to get remain to be mentioned. It is said that he is a one-idea man, but in these times the restoration of peace and trade in the world seems a pretty good idea. It is also said that being elderly, he might not be able to stand the strain of office, but among his Tennessee relatives they think 90 a green age to die at. For the rest, it must be admitted that electing Cordell Hull to the presidency would be as much of a gamble as electing any other untried man. But it must also be agreed that it would be as good a gamble as most. (Released by the North American Newspaper Alliance, Ine.) wanted passed now are lukewarm about it. The Republican leadership has refused to instruct the rank and file to take any position. Members of Congress who have been accus- tomed to look to the A. F. of L. for support are beginning to wonder if they haven't been betting on the wrong horse and whether the C.I1.0.,, legislatively speaking, at least, is not the better auxiliary for them in the coming elections. The A. F. of L. has lost prestige at this session of Congress because it deserted its friends in the Democratic and Re- publican parties who believe that a new labor board must be put into office and who want the present Labor Board dismissed. If the A. F. of L. seeks an al- liance now with conservatives in Congress, it will have to be along the lines of virtually all of the Smith bill. The support of these conservatives will not be forthcom- ing either unless the A. F. of L. Is also prepared to make a genuine fight for passage by the Senate of whatever bill passes the House as a consequence of the coalition of the Democratic conservatives and the Republicans. Inside the A. F. of L. there is already strong criti- cism of the course taken by the legislative representatives of the or- ganization but not until the Norton letter deserting the A. F. of L. was disclosed did it become apparent that the American Federation of Labor can be jostled around the legislative halls of Congress with impunity as the C. I. O. emerges triumphant. x xi2 Domestie Cleaned ., ”xi2 Cleaned, B2t ORIENTAL RUGS Washed and Repaired by Experis ALL RUGS FULLY INSURED FIREPROOF STORAGE STAR CARPET WORKS 2 33163318 P Street kW 2K Srirdrdrirdriiririeirieieiedrd e Ak ** nnaaaasnss st s s S s S ol oS S R R T ~> HINKEL & CO. 600 Rhode Island Ave. N.E. MMM NN NN NI N YO MK XX XX i : verbose sentences with large, fa-| vorite phrases. Two other points| q"fll opintons of the writers on this page are thetr own, not necessarily The Star's. Such opinions are presented in The 0 give all sides though such opinions themselves and directly opposed to o] questions of interest to its de_contradictory among 'he Star’s. - Washington Observations What Is in Store for Neutral America If Nazis Win Control of Seas? By FREDERIC WILLIAM WILE. With all the authority and pres: tige vested in the chairman of the House Committee on Foreign Af- fairs, Representative Sol Bloom, Democrat, of New York has Just issued a re- assuring state- ment to the American peo- ple about the war. It has spe- cial importance, not only because of Mr. Blool influential con. nection with our synchronizes ; :}g“ ":‘&g“::dl Frederic William Wile, German fortunes (or misfortunes) have just taken in Norway. The author of the Neutrality Act, signed by the President November 4, 1939, declares, with pardonable pride, that its three prime objectives have been attained, to-wit: 1. We have made it less likely than ever that the United States will become involved in war. 2. We have averted loss of Ameri- can life and property and yet have maintained commerce. 3. We have kept American na- tional defense modernized without the necessity of spending huge sums for equipment and expansion of manufacturing capacity. Mr. Bloom adds: “While senti- ment in the United States is over- whelmingly in sympathy with the cause of the allies, sentiment is equally overwhelming against our becoming involved in the war. We intend to stay out of the war. We are safeguarded in this determina- tion by the present Neutrality Act.” * X k% ‘Wishful Thinking. Sol Bloom is an uncommonly con- scientious public servant. During 18 years in Congress he has kept keenly abreast of foreign affairs. ‘While he rose by seniority to the chairmanship .of the House com- | mittee which deals with them, it, has ranked as one of the best- informed members. The late Rep- resentative Henry Allen Cooper of Wisconsin, a veteran foreign affairs committeeman, once described Bloom to me as “the smartest of the whole lot.” Until recently, the New Yorker visited Europe annually, to maintain close contact with states- men and events over there. Yet I venture to question the cocksure- ness of his present assumption that we are “safeguarded” against em- broilment. in Hitler's war merely by our “determination,” as expressed in the Neutrality Act. In other words, does ‘“determination” to “stay out”’ provide any cast-iron guarantee that we’ll be able to do * * * { It is the politician's business s0? Isn't it wishful thinking—and pious hoping? The country has just heard my distinguished colleague, Walter Lipp- mann. narraté how he sat’ with Woodrow Wilson at Shadow Lawn in September, 1916, at the height of the “kept-us-out-of-war” campaign, and observed the President's “sad- ness and awful anxiety” over secret news just received from Berlin, The news was that Germany's rulers, “convinced that the United States could not and would not in- tervene effectively, had taken the fateful decision to begin unrestricted submarine war.” * ok ok X The Inscrutable Future. Representive Bloom, among his manifold talents, is not gifted with second sight, any more than is the overwhelming majority of Ameri- cans who share the view that “neu- trality” plus preparedness is all we need to preserve us from the horrors of war. Nor do I know of any col- umnist entitled to dogmatize about what the internatidnal future may hold for us. This commentator neither favors another A. E. F. to fight in "Europe, nor believes our manpower, at present at least, is required by the allies. He does ar- dently hope for one thing—that some member of Congress, Bloom, or a Representative or Senator of equal or greater stature—soon will discuss realistically and honestly, not as a pussyfooting politician with an eye on votes, the grim possibilities of what a Nazi victory might mean for the United States. I yearn to see one of Bloom's able House colleagues like Jim Wadsworth, Bruce Barton, Hatton Sumners or Foster Stearns, or even that archisolationist, George Holden | Tinkham, or a Senator like Foreign | Relations Chairman Pittman, or | Alva Adams, or isolationist presi- dential aspirants like Taft, Vanden- berg or Bridges—yes, even Hiram Johnson himself—take his hair down and forget all about November. I would like him to tell us just how | long he thinks it would be advis- | able or safe for the United States to “keep out of war,” once British ! sea power is vanquished, and Hitler, | Bloom, throughout his 14 years on | plus Italian, Russian and Japanese allies were to become supreme at sea or in the air. That is a con- | tingency, I submit, which respon- | sible American public men ought | to face, and face manfully, especially ‘ after what has happened in Norway. | to | think of the present. It is the| statesman’s duty to peer into the future. There is not the remotest purpose in this quarter to.advocate our going to war now, or ever, ex- cept in defense of clearly threatened American interests. Notwithstand- overheated contributors to my mail- | bag, the sole object here is to stim- ulate public thought beyond the | next 60 days and the 12-mile limit. | * * * This Changing World Italian Diplomat, on Way Here for Trade Talks, Seen as Part of Duce’s War Alibi By CONSTANTINE BROWN. ‘The Italian luxury liner Rex is bringing to New York a distinguished Italian diplomat, Signor Alessandri. > He comes to the United States to start conversations with Secretary Hull regarding an American-Italian reciprocal trade agreement. Heretofore the State Department has been lukewarm to several Italien suggestions that a treaty such as negotiated with France, Great Britaln and others be discussed. The point of view of the State Depart- ment has been that the national economy of Italy, based on barter and complete state control, did not dovetail with the principles which deter-~ mined our economic policy. There was another point not emphasized, but equally important: The United States Government has not recognized the conquest of Ethiopia, and, consequently, could not recognize the Italian King's title as Emperor of Ethiopia. s Last week Ambassador William Phillips, jr., called on Premier Mus- solini and Foreign Minister Count Ciano, urging them, in the name of the United States Government, to refrain from expanding the war area to the Mediterranean and Eastern Europe. Mr. Phillips pointed out that Amer- ica’s reprisal should this advice not be heeded would be suspension of all trade with Italy—a relative blow to Italy’s economic development. In the other hand, he held forth a bait: Opening of negotiations for a reciprocal trade agreement. Part of an Alibi for Il Duce? Signor Alessandri, a trade expert, is coming now to nose around and see what can be done. In diplomatic circles, however, grave doubt is expressed whether his preseuce here will influence, Italy's policy in the Mediterranean. Mussolini is reported to have told Ambassador Phillips that Italy’s policy is bound to be dictated by the attitude of the allies. His sending of a trade representative here is considered in certain quarters as skilled preparation for an alibi, in the event he entered the war, that would say | he did not want war, put the allies provoked him. The presence of allied naval units in the Aegean Sea; the reported presence of similar units near Corfu, and the reported arrival of umm‘ from Gen. Weygand’s army at Constantinople, whence there is a rallroad direct to Salonika, are interpreted in Rome as unmistakable signs of the bellicose intentions of the British ana the Prench. The Italian government maintains that the alarm caused by the | concentration of the Italian fleet at Rhodes and other Dodecanese islands | was unjustified. Italy, it is said in Rome, has as much right to have its | spring war games in that region as the British have to do the same thing around Gibraltar or the United States near Hawaii. But the Italian government is as justified in showing concern at the presence of an allied fleet in the Aegean as the United States would be if a Japanese squadron appeared between Hawaii and the West Coast. Of course all these arguments are sophistry. In the light of what happened in Norway and Denmark the allies, the Greeks and the other axis neighbors had a legitimate right to prepare for any eventuality when it appeared obvious Il Duce was moving troops and warships to areas where he may want to strike. Balkans Excited * For the last week the Balkan states have been seething with excite- ment, not knowing what day enemy hombers would darken their skies. The British and the French, who were caught napping in Northern Europe, don't intend to give the same exhibition of carelessness in the | Balkans, where. from the strategic and economic viewpoint, they have! | more at stake than in Scandinavia. | The fact that the Germans are now massing troops at the Hupggarian border is also regarded with concern in London, Paris and the Balkan capitals. Hungary's internal situation is confused, Regent Horthy and Premier Teleky are anti-Nazi and want to keep Hungary out of the war at the price of economic co-operation with the Reich. The Regent and the Premier are willing to forget for the time being the question of Hungary’s claims on Transylvania. Foreign Minister Count Csaky and the former Premier Imredy are strongly pro-German and expect a greater Hungary, to include ‘Transyl- vania, to become an accomplished fact in the course of this year, if they join the axis now. The army is, on the whole, strongly pro-Nazi. In order to bring Hungary definitely on the side of the Reich it might be necessary to get rid of the very popular Regent Horthy and the concentration of German troops on the rders of Hungary might facilitate the task of his opponents, . | Twery \and 1 i D. C. Art Award Winner ey and four other winners are| To Talk on Radio Today | which sponsored the 16th annual |Nation-wide student creative Elliott R. Twery, 16-year-old mu- . achievement contest. A vear's schol- ing the ostrich-like beliefs of some | ral painter who graduated from arship to Carnegie Institute of | Roosevelt High School in February. Technology will be awarded to radio station WRC today as a na- | mother, Mr. and Mrs Lewis E. tional student art award winner. | Twery, at 605 Roxboro place N.W. —— * * * * * * THOMAS JEFFERSON needed a Morris Plan Bank Loan . . Dear Sir: Dean Landis Dissects Logan Bill Analysis Urged as Required Reading For Supporters By CHARLES G. ROSS. Required reading for all those edi- torial writers, columnists, bar associ- ations et al. that are clamoring for enactment of the Logan-Walter bill, which has pass- - ed the House and is now awaiting action in the Senate, should include the analysis of this measure in the May issue of the Harvard Law Review, by Dean James M. Landis of the Harvard School of Law. The article is re- printed in the Charles G. Ross. Con gr essional Record for May 1, beginning at page 8242, The devastating findings of Dean Landis with respect to the Logan- Walter bill—glibly described by its proponents as needed to “protect the citizen” against usurpation of power by the executive agencies of the Government—cannot be dismissed as the views of a mere theorist in the law. Before he went back to teaching he was the chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commis- sion. There will be very little dis- sent from the opinion expressed by Representative Rayburn in the House debate on the bill that Mr. Landis was a “great chairman.” Certainly he brought to the work of the S. E. C. a fair-mindedness that won for the commission under his regime the applause of both lib- erals and conservatives. His qualifi- cations as a student of the law, an especially of administrative law, are | equally impressive. Dean Landis tears the Logan- Walter bill to shreds. More accu- rately, he cuts it to pieces with a surgeon’s knife. He traces the his- tory of the bill freia A to Z, shows the absurd fallacy in the titular de- scription of it as a measure “to pro- | vide for the more expeditious settle- | ment of disputes with the United | States,” exposes numerous of the | misrepresentations that were used to get votes for it in the House, reaches the conclusion that “to ap- ply tne procrustean formula sug- gested by the association's (the Amercan Bar Assiciation’s) pend- | ing proposals is to cut off here a |foot and there a head, leavinz | broken and bleeding the processes | of administrative law.” Compares Bill fo N, L. R. A, With damning effect he comparr | the Logan-Walter bill to another il’- considered piece of legislation—the | National Industrial Recovery Ac This was another bill put togethe with “war cries and shouts,” arlothe | will speak from New York City cver | Twery, who lives with his father and | Pil: “superimposed upon an existins { administration scheme wita onlv | fleeting concern given to the problem lof its joints.” This bill also, like the Logan-Walter proposal, was shot through with exceptions “dictated by the happy thought of the mo- ment.” When the Supreme Court killed the N. I. R. A., it “expunged from the statute book an act that was bound to fail of its high pur- pose because behind it was none of that understanding essential to the effectiveness of reform.” Dean Landis cites various of the | misstatements made on the floor of | the House in support of the Logan=- Walter measure. There was, for as- tonishing ezample, the linking of | Justice Frankfurter's name with the proposed legislation in such a way as clearly to imply that he favored it. This was done on two occasions |in the House debate by Representa=- tive Walter, Democrat, of Pennsyl- vania, one of the nominal authors N Washington, Nov. 27, 1803 If my note for $558.16 payable the 15th of Dec. is still in your oun hands, I should be very glad if it could be either postponed a while or paid by monthly portions, as I find 1 shall be very hard pushed during the next month. If however it is gone out of your hands 1 shall endeavor to make provision for it if possible. Accept my friendly salutations and best wishes. (Signed) Th. Jefferson (44 « « « « I should be very glad‘ if it could be paid by monthly portions”. So wrote Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States, to his banker on November 27th, 1803. Here was the President, earning a salary of $25,000 a year, yet he needed a bank which would permit the liquidation of a $558.16 obligation over a period longer than that usually permitted. He expressed his desire for banking terms (payments in monthly portions) identical with those offered today by the Morris Plan Bank. Loans may be made from $50 to $5,000 . . and over MORRIS PLAN BANK The Bank for the Individual . . Now Serving 40,000 Accounts of Individuals - 14th and G Sts, N.W. @ RE public 4400 ¥ CHECKING ¥ SAVINGS X AUTOMOBILE FINANCING ¥ LOANS % SAFE DEPOSIT BOXES. % A { { of the bill. Justice Frankfurter was | described “one of the distinguished !gemlemen who contributed in the | drafting of the original recommend= ation” of the American Bar Associa= tion respecting administrative law. The facts are entirely different. Justice Frankfurter, then of the | Harvard law faculty, was a member of the original committee named by the A. B. A. in May, 1933, to report lon the subject of administrative | law, but owing to absence in Europe | he took little part in the work of the committee, and did not examine or sign its report. The fact is, moreover, that the Logan-Walter bill, in anything like its present form. did not see the light of day until 1937, though the statement was made in the House that “this bill was proposed in 1932, before there was anything known as the New Deal” No one who has read the opinions of Justice Frank- furter touching administrative law can imagine for a minute that he favors or ever did favor the Logan- Walter bill or anything comparable to it Opposed by Caldwell, Again, the House was given to understand by Mr. Walter, “whose {rresponsibility of statement in this debate is almost beyond belief,” that among those supporting the bill was Louis G. Caldwell, a practicing law- yer of Washington, D. C., and Chi- cago and the former chairman of the A. B. A.’s Special Committee on Administrative Law. Mr. Caldwell, in fact, is on record against the bill with a scathing memorandum pointing to its “obvi- ous defects” and declaring that bar associations have indorsed it appar- ently on the basis of the “astound- ing claims” made for it, rather than its actual contents. “With minor exceptions,” says Mr. Caldwell, “it is difficult to know just what agen- cies and. what quasi-judicial func- tions are reached by the bill that are not already equipped with at least equal and usually superior ma- chinery.” Refuting the claim that the bill carries forward the early work ! the A. B. A. on tive 1aw, he says that in fact it rep- resents a reversal of the position taken by the association in 1934 and 1936. Mr. Caldwell's analysis appears in the Congressional Record for April 18. It, too, should be required home work for all bar and other associa- tions before they do any more re- solving on the Logan-Walter bill. Patti’s Doll When Adelina Patti, the great -singer, first went upon the concert stage, at the age of 10 years, she always carried her doll with her. 8he could not sing without it. The doll is said to still be living at a good old age.