Evening Star Newspaper, August 1, 1937, Page 33

COURT BILL FACE SAVING FOILED CLEAR DECISION Observer, While Envisioning Whole- some Side of Figh nizes Gains BY MARK SULLIVAN. HE value of the rejection of the President’s court measure 1is enormous. Is it ungrateful to wish the value ‘were even greater? Is it ungrateful to say the value would have been greater if the rejection had come in another way? I am going to make this point. I AM going to make it because it con- cerns politics in the near future. But first let us emphasize how great a | hoon the rejection of the court meas- | ure is We have escaped the threat the Supreme Court might be made | subservient te the President. More than that, we have probably estab- | lished the independence of the judi- | clary, as a principle, more firmly than before To that assertion some skeptic read- er may say, “How come—the inde- pendence of the court was already a fixed principle.” The answer is that now the principle has been put to the test. Attempt has been made to un- | &eat the principle and the attempt that has failed, | politics, of saving their f Tradition Strengthened. | That the Supreme Court shall not | be tampered with 1s now an 4 stronger than the one a # third term for Presidents. For t n against a third term been put to a clear test tt © Was a t eerved one ful T T and one par rm as a Vice Presi- ent § a President who died.) | The tradition of the independence of the court is as strong as t which compels every mer ge to t tial ate e people of there is no law voting electoral col that preside the vot ca candi who h that prevents rsonal has for t has been saved iependent ciences Justices ave an as We now v of the majority tion by Congress Saves Itself. This point may have been 1 Had Con F the of a President. passed a bill the President sent out to the last happened. we woul independence of Co Roosevelt said to Co: was: “Let's vou and m strov the independe: preme Court Had eepted invitation. would then have found ti prived the court of the power tect. the prerogative of Congre: self. Congress would have been next to go. The same action of Con. gress that would have bec1 murder of the court would have been suicide of Con £ Through escaping the destruction of our form of Go ment we have | saved that which our form of Govern- ment gives We have escaped terror. We need no longer fear that the rights of individuals would dis- | appear, that a time was ahead in which the Executive would be a powerful. in which every citizen wo have been at the mercy of the Presi dent, in which resistance to the E: ecutive, or criticism of it would be treason. of ss to the comma us d Clean Fight Avoided. Since we have escaped and won so much, wt not having won more? Ppining. But there is interest, and | future importance, in the fact that we would have won more if the re- jection of the court bill had come in | a different way, if it had been pushed to a clean fight on the issue, both in | Congress and throughout the country Had the fight been pushed to a conclusion, had Mr. Roosevelt and his friends fought on to the end | instead of surrendering—had that | happened, the opponents of the court | would have won. And their victory in | Congress would have led to a further | victory in next year's mnzrcssmnaxi elections. As 1t is now, the issue in| next year's elections mav be confused The public should understand just how the court fight came to an end.| Omitting many details, a major m-‘ tor in the ending was Vice President Garner. I have no knowledge abr)uli Just what Mr. Garner said to Presi- dent Roosevelt. The common as- sumption—and the conditions make the assumption very probable—is that | Mr. Garner said in effect: “Mr. Presi- | dent, you can't win your court fight | in the Senate, you haven't got the! votes.” Mr. Garner advised the Presi- | dent to surrender, and the President | did. | repine about | I am not re- | Sunk After Surrender. As respects the court fight, it was & surrender, it was not a compro- mise. By the terms of the agree- ment between the President’s friends and the opponents of his court meas- ure, the measure was put out of ex- istence, completely and forever, It! was “sunk without trace.” True, the agreement included a | provision that a new measure hav-| ing to do with the courts should be| introduced. But the new measure has no faintest relation to the old one. It was specifically agreed that no measure containing any mention | of the Supreme Court should be in- troduced. ‘The new measure deals with the lower courts only. And| the new measure omits everything about the lower courts that had been objectionable in the old meas- ure. The new measure is an ordinary bill providing for certain changes in the lower courts as to which there is no material objection, cer- | tainly no objection of the kind that | had excited controversy over the old measure. The new court measure, in short, is such a one as any member | of Congress might have introduced in | the normal course. Again, let it be emphasized: The President’s court measure was killed utterly. As to that there was no compromise, there was only surrender, complete and final. Compromise on Factions. But as respects something else, there was compromise. As respects the division of the Senate, and of the Democratic party, and of the eountry into two groups, friends of » - | @ motion should be made to recommit | dici: | ings of Maryland. | C. Martin Wilbur, curator of sinology. | in 119 B.C., during the reign of Em- | peror Wu, the industry became a state | Shakespearean Center | which have aroused interest in all t to Finish, Recog- for Freedom the President's court measure and opponents of it—as respects that there was compromise. Indeed, just ‘max compromise is what was most in Mr. Garner’s mind. Mr., Garner | was opposed to the President's court measure, yes—but he was also opposed | to a split in the Democratic party. It was to prevent that, primarily, that Mr. Garner acted. He knew | the court measure would be beaten, and probably he felt he did not need to take any public part in beating it. Mr. Garner's concern was to have the beating come about in such a way as to bring the two Democratic factions in the Senate together. In this purpose the arrangement | Mr. Garner brought about was that the court measure to the Senate Ju- Committee, and that this mo- tion should not be opposed by the President's friends. The President's friends could not have opposed it suceessfu anyhow. In eflect, the | friends of the President were given a | privilege—the privilege, priceless ces. the list of 70 Senators who voted to recommit the court measure (and thereby kill it) is a| strange aggregation. The list contains | all the opponents of the court meas- ure, of course—but it also contains many friends of the court measure. Votes Confusing Outwardly. As a result As a consequence of this face-saving e may be confusion in the | mind. Here, for example, is| Ashurst of Arizona voting to ! court measure, although | ¥ ly indorsed 1t, and, like- | wise, Senator Barkley of Kentucky | and Senator Logan of Kentuc kv—both leacing friends of the President’s court | measure, but now voting to recommit And likewise, Senator McAdoo of alifornia and Senator Minton of In- diana—friends of the court measure but here recorded as voting to recom- mit 1t o Senator recommit serve how confusingly this will work In future primaries and elec As a hypothetical example. consider the case of Senator McAdoo | of C: 1a, who comes up for re- election next year. Or Senator Asht or Senator Minton, who come up two | vears later. In any of these cases| ca 2n workers for the respec- | Senators sav. in effect. “Sure, | Senator Minton was in favor of Presi- | t Roosevelt's court measure—read | 1e speech he made in favor of it.” the campaign workers say to nother group, “Sure, Senator Minton voted to recommit the court measure and thereby Kill it—read the roll Idor pict conft out call say this will happen; I mercly | as an illustration of the| essential in the way in| e President’s court measure against the court who waged the battle —these. T suppose. will be all when they come up for re- nomination and re-election, I assume it 1s part of the terms of President | Roosevelt’s surrender, tacit or ex-| pressed. that no attempt will be made | to punish these Senators. I assume the President and National | Chairman Farley will now abandon / intention they may have had of | preventing. for example. Senator Van | Nuys of Indiana from being renomi- | the Democratic primaries next | or Senator Clark of Missouri, or Senator George of Georgia, or Senator | McCarran of Nevada. or Senator Tyd- | (I mention merely | the Democrats opposed to the court | measure who come up for renomina- | tion next vear.) That these Democratic Senators, | and all the other Senators who waged | the fight against the President's court | measure, should be returned, is com- | pletely desirable—rarely has there been | a group of Senators who had so much | vear | courage or who deserved so well of | their country. Yet it might have been more whole- some had the court fight gone on to | a clear-cut finish, and had the fight been carried into next year's primarias and elections. (Copyright Real Stoves Are Found In Old Chinese Graves The ancient Chinese. like the Egyptians, were much concerned about extending the necessities, comforts | and conveniences of life to their de- ceased relatives and friends. Conse. quently they buried with the dead var: ous implements and even human servi- tors Among the things buried with the dead were pottery models of stoves, so that the cooking of food might be con- tinued in the other world. A number of these, dating to about the begin- ning of the Christian era, are in the hall of Chinese archeology of Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago. Also exhibited is a cast-iron stove of a type practical for actual use in cook- ing. This, although likewise found buried in a grave, is of the type of stove upon ‘which the people of the period did their cooking, according to Made during the later Han dynasty (AD. 25-220), it is one of the oldest extant cast-iron objects in the world. The process of casting iron was un- known to the ancient Greeks and Ro- mans, but was the basis of an impor- tant industry in ancient China. Iron founders amassed large fortunes, and monopoly. Is Planned in London LONDON —London, where the great dramatist Shakespeare spent a great part of his working life, is to become the acknowledged center of the Shakespearean world. The proposals, countries, will include schemes for rebuilding Shakespeare's old Globe Theater, which was destroyed by fire in 1613, and the old Mermaid Tavern, originally located in Cheapside, which ‘was made famous by Shakespeare, and by founding an Elizabethan library and museum for use by students and visitors from all parts of the world. The designs for the Globe Theater, which is to be a reproduction of Shakespeare's theater, are modified to comply with modern requirements, with a platform stage extending into the auditorium as in Shakespeare's time. ( { mon + | cuted [in a THE SUNDAY STAR, WASHINGTON, D. C, AUGUST 1, 1937—PART TWO. Red Reign of Terror Stalin Seen Shifting From Internationalist Communist Views to Nationalist Fascist Ideal for Russia. in|? BY ALEXANDER 1. NAZAROFF. NCE more the public prosecu- tor and the executioner are Kkept busy 1n the Soviet Union During these two last months there must even have been days when they were working overtime. his, in itself, is neither surprising nor new. In a sense. all of the vear history of the Soviet regime, born in blood and reared on blood. may be measured by mass executions. The present wave of terrorism orig- | inated a year ago with the trial and | execution of Zinoviev, Kamenev and | thelr 11 “accomplices” for Trotzkyism “wrecking activities” and “plotung in favor of Germany and Japan.” It progressed through a series of other mass trials on the same charges and last June reached a new high with the shooting of eight Red army gen- and the arrest of hundreds (f not thousands) of other “plotters.” There a striking new feature | which sharply differentiates this wave of executions from all earlier Soviet “blood-lettings.” is Consider the selection of victim. All of those whom the ter struck before August, 1936, had this in com- justly or unjustly, thev were regarded as great or small. active or passive anti-Bolsheviks and counte revolutionists Practically no Com munists and certainly no outstanding members of the party ever were exe- | Joseph Stalin strictly abided by the rule laid down by Lenin “Should some of the comrades err, | rebuke them or divést them of all authority, but never shed their blood reserve that last method for other camp’ alone " But since last August it different story Among of these last 12 months, the great ma- jority have been real Communists— | and extremely ardent Communists, at that! Some 36 or 37 of the oldest and most illustrious members of the | Central Committee of the Communist | party—that is to sav, a good section of the partv's “social register’—have been shot or jailed! Lenin Lieutenant Victim. Zinoviev, for example—the and closest of Lenin's lieutenants Yagoda, for six years chief of the 0. G. P. U—a man before whom all | Russia trembled Marshal Tukha- chevsky. famous military leader who was vice commissar of defense—and | who won many notable victories for | the Reds over the “Whites” and the Poles in the early davs of the Soviet Indeed, if. a couple of years ago wild and impossible dream of vengeance, a rabid counter revolution- ist had had his choice of Communists whom he would wish to see eliminated he would have picked exactly those men! For all of these men were first-rank makers of bolshevism, of its doctrine and of the Soviet revolution. In the wake of these first-magnitude sta fell hundreds of thousands of their | minor lieutenants, from popular So- | viet writers to important and unim- portant provincial officials Facts speak for themselves. lib- erately and systematically. with typi- cal ruthlessness, Joseph Stalin, Rus- sia's dictator and unrivaled boss of the Communist party, is eliminating | and exterminating the personnel of a very important section of his own party. Why? Most observers agree that the offi- cial charges against the “traitors,” re- peated without the slightest variation in one mass trial after another, were false. Theoretically it is not impossible that among these thousands of men, the Soviets—perhaps to their own sur- prise—really fell upon a foreign spy or two. But to believe that inveterate Com- munists and internationalists who all their lives had hated with the bitter- est of hatreds all that which Hitler or the Japanese patriots stand for—to believe that such men could suddenly have gone pro-Nazi or pro-Japanese is to ignore all human psychology and logic. And to presume for a moment that they were so extremely stupid as to dream that they could separate the Ukraine or Vladivostok from Rus- sia by the childish means of wrecking a factory or derailing a few trains is equally ridiculous. The abjectly do- cile, suicidal ‘‘confessions” of the “traitors”—which bear all the ear- marks of intimidation—and an almost complete absence of other evidence against them fully confirm one’s im- pression that these trials were but a comedy, and a poorly staged comedy at that. Real Reason for Terrorism. No, the real reason for Stalin's campaign of terror in Russia obviously is to be sought elsewhere. Nor is it difficult for one who is able to grasp the general trend of Soviet life to find it. ‘The latest mass trials are but a chapter—although undoubtedly a very important one—in the momentous process of the Soviet Union's trans- formation from an internationalisti- cally Communist into a nationalisti- cally Fascist state. This process has been going on for about four years and is now approaching its final stage. In 1932 and 1933 Stalin and his lieutenants found themselves con- fronted with a new and alarming international situation. Out of the depression - ridden post - war world which theretofore, in answer to sub- versive speeches broadcast from Mos- cow, meekly babbled pacifism, there suddenly arose two very real and earnest threats to Russia’s territory— the threat of Nazi Germany covetous- e has been a the victn oldest | | revolut | been the p | gerous bu | tionalistie methods | following for | sterniy | Dropping its ly eyeing the Soviet Ukraine and that A Zinoview: A traitor? e ——————rr e e—— rs Yagoda: A plotter? of Japan shaking Vladivostok Strange as it mav this pre- | determined all of the major subse- quent developments in the Soviet U ion—including t present persecu- | tion of Commu For, in the } Stalin nes. its mailed fist to- sound m nce of these rstood with e Utopia whi threats, sudden clear- of the world for vyears had dogma of the Com- was nothing but dan- ead of approaching | e ‘international con ve propaganda in China, etc., was rth and rapid growth -Soviet Fascist move: Consequently, Soviet rulers ze their view of Russia—it ra mere way station from b h the triumphant march of the “world conflagration.” they would spread all over the earth. Instead. it had to be considered their permanent home. which they might be obliged to defend against strong and rapacious' aggressors, and which therefore must be put in order and fortified, cost| what 1t may. Nationalistic Methods Adopted. Thus, with an iron hand Lfe itself forced Stalin to adopt defensive. na- | And it must be credit that he wiselv necessity. During the years he carried out a truly sweepi reform at first cau- | tiously and without publicity. and then more and more boldly, he rebuilt and remolded literally all branches and | ramifications of Soviet life along the | new nationalistic pattern. | The Third International—that cost- 1y toy which turned out to be so dan- gerous—was stuck into a closet and told to behave himself. | classical style of arro- gant insolence. the Soviet Union| adopted polite, “bourgeois” diplomatic manners and entered the League of Nations—which, only a vear earlier, | Moscow papers had branded as “a gang of capitalistic scoundrels.” More- over, Stalin reverted to the basic principle of Czarist diplomacy by re- | suscitating the Russo-French “de-; fensive pact.” | The words “patriotism™” and “fath- | erland,” for the use of which, in 1919 or 1927, one was liable to be thrown | ot on, mu c the moment of stated to his bowed before | no | same | turned to the Russian people.” | backbone of the economic | Russia’s transition to nationalism has jail (for a fatherl: solemnly readmitted sian language, but proclaimed sacred.” For if e day, the Soviet citizen would have to fight for Russia and not he Chinese. Irish or Polish “comrades he o t to be urged to love his country. For reason Russia’s pre-revolut history and ¢ re into real d) r has oL of & R proletarian were into even so! the on- ary “re- were It must be through the fi Communist remembered that 16 years of thei leaders, with a t a ule v fa-| ans to capitalistic culture and history, which had been “a series of crimes perpetrated by rs and the rich against the the attitude has been Be proud of s of Russia's great literary classics; study the past of your nation | and revere the memory of its makers” | —sS0 the new Soviet educators preach. Equally radical has been the about- ‘ face in economics. National defense necessitates sound industrial produc- | tion. Hence, by 1933 Stalin threw daring experiments” to the winds and reintroduced the individual re- sponsibility of business executives The life-killing principle of “equality of earnings” was dashed overboard— the principle which had formed the dogma of classical Bolshevism onomic Inequality. economic _inequality most as great in Russia as in any country. While the average work- man’s wages do not exceed 2,700 rubles a vear, a valued technical expert or popular writer makes 500,000 or even more. But the reform has had its effect. If—defective as it still may be —Russia’s industrial production has pulled out of the appalling chaos of 1931, when practically no factory worked, it has this vivifying touch of inequality to thank for 1t But the most striking aspect Today s al- | of expressed itself in the new Soviet con- stitution which was adopted last De- cember. In order to conduct a se- rious war successfully, one must have national unity and not class struggle behind the front lines. Accordingly, millions of ex-kulaks, ex-nobles, ex- capitalists. etc.. who for 16 years had | filled Soviet prisons and were treated Too Many Bosses, Nazi Trouble, As All Seek Positions of Power BY WALLACE R. DEUEL. BERLIN. Germany. —When the po- liticians run everything in a country, everybody wants to be a politician. This lesson from the primer of politics and human nature is now being learned with some pain by the Nazis. For the Nazis in Ger- many, like the Fascists in Italy, have set up what they call an “authoritarian” and “totalitarian” system of government. “Authori- tarian” mains that Nazis tell every- body else what to do. “Totalitarian” means that this includes everything everybody else does or wants to do or doesn't want to do. This is fine for the Nazis. In fact, it is so fine that everybody wants to be a Nazi, at least in the sense that everybody wants to tell every- body else what to do. The trouble is that there has to be somebody to be told what to do. If everybody is boss, then there is nobody to be bossed. It's like the army in a banana republic, all gen- erals and no privates. Matters haven't gone this far in Germany yet by any means, but they have gone so far that there aren’t enough people to be privates—to be told what to do. The most promis- ing and ambitious younger men are going into party careers or becoming civil servants or studying to be army officers. There aren't enough young engineers and scientists and business men to go around. People didn't say much about this at first. It seemed too much like telling the Nazis they were making a big mistake, and the Nazis do not encourage people to tell them that. But lately more and more people have begun to talk about it. One of them is Hermann Buech- er, head of the German General Electric Co. “Every single person in Germany must realize,” Buecher said, recently, “that the whole future depends on the technical and scientific achievements of the greatest possible number of our youth. Instead of this there is a decline in the numbers of those studying for such careers, be- cause good positions can be attained by less effort in other careers which cost less but are honorable.” Others who have expressed con- cern in this connection are Carl Bosch, head of the great automo- bile parts company which bears his name; Col. George Thomas., chief of the economic section of the war office; Prof. Zeneck, director of the German Museum in Munich, and Dr. Fritz Todt, general director of the new highway system. (Copyright, 1937.) Japanese Insect Sales Reported Falling Off YOKOHAMA—The traditional Japanese pastime of listening to the songs of insects is threatened with extinction. Films, the radio, jazz, cafes and sports provide the enter- tainment of modern Japan. For years regarded as a soothing comfort, the song of night-singing insects, captive in delicate bamboo cages, are no longer appreciated. Insect dealers are losing business. One known dealer still handles many bell insects. Dur- ing the Spring and Summer months as many as 100,000 insects are sold. A variety of grasshopper is another popular insect pet. Sheet Erosion a Thief That Does Work Quietly ‘When a field is being robbed by sheet. erosion, the theft may go on for years without a farmer knowing it. Erosion which carves deep gullies is pret#y ob- vious. But soil conservation workers in the Departthent of Agriculture know that sheet erosion works so | been fully equalized by that consti- | we all are equal,” | declared whether | long series of earlier misdeeds | odd members of the Communist pa | Chinese proletariat. | chance of getting good jobs. | chinery of the Commumist party, who slowly and quietly that it may not be evident until too late. Stalin and other Soviet leaders atop Lenin’s tomb. as untouchables by Soviet law, have tution with proletarians and peasants. “There are no more privileged and unprivileged citizens in our country Stalin has solemnly Incredible as it may sound even “servants of religious cults,” formerly persecuted with venomous. unrelaxing hatred, are pronounced by the constitution full-fledged human be s and citizens. Religion, gener- ally speaking, is “forgiven”: the fact of a citizen's affiliation with this or that church must in no way impeach hts. As a symbol of it. the | mas tree, which had been banned f »m Russian life, reappeared at Christmas—rebaptized 1s true, | into the “New Year tree n | ‘hus, almost unnoticed in the an entirely new en! sen from beneath the of the Red realm—an let 1t be noted, strik- one, in its atmosphere | d social structure, of rest | has shell which, remind i political ar Nazi Reich le, 1t is a dangero! to condemn that which he used | to worship and to start wors ng | that which he used to condemn. Stalin. | however, did it with amazing skill, and he has succeeded. Nay, his success| seems to have passed ex- | pectations. | | thing for People Welcome Change. i ‘The real truth that—no matter | the Russian people like or | the Soviet regime in gegeral— | med Stalin's Back reforms with vhole- Intensified by the idiot- | fical, 16-vear-long suppres- | sion that preceded 1t, the nationalistic feeling now beats forth in a mighty { tain of enthusiasm Indeed, the spirtual fundamentals by which the Russian nation thrived | during the long centuries of 1ts history, and which the revolution made an attempt to stamp Out. nOw Are prov- ing to be fully. vigoro alive. And | among those who have received per- mission to call themselves Russians without apologizing and to pray with- | out being spied upon. there are many who thank Stalin and forgive him his Th in turn, is a new encouragement for the dictator to go even further along his new path And the Communist party—how has | it taken Stalin's reforms® It is here that the clue of the present wave of trials and executions lies It is no secret that a large part or even a majority of the three million- are merely Russians who never have cared a wink about Karl Marx or the and for whom communism always has been no more than & protective coloring and a | These, | like most of the Russians in general, welcome the change. Stalin's imme- diate assistants—men holding the “commanding posts” within the ma- have helped him in the performance of his about-face—they naturally are behind him, too. But there are—or were—in that party people of another type. too— the “old guard” of bolshevism. the un- compromising dogmatics and fanatics of its old internationalistic religion and of world revolution, the men who flaunted Russia’'s national feeling, his- tory and religion with special lm-; pertinence and hatred. Such men | could not forgive Stalin his “betrayal of communism and of the revolution. Stalin's Present Enemies. Now, it is exactly these men—from Zinoviev, the fat, arrogant son of the ghetto, who spent all of his pre- revolutionary life in the obscruity of Swiss, German and various other “un- dergrounds,” to the tenacious book- worm of the Red dogma, N. Bukharin —that Stalin has thrown to the firing squad or into the dungeon. Does this mean that if these men did not connive with Germany and Japan (as the official charges would have 1t), they plotted against Stalin? It is possible that some of them tried to form some embryonic conspiracy or—which is more likely—merely dreamed about it. In any case, it is perfectly obvious that these thou- sands of men were not members of any one large, well-knit plot—they knew only too well that such a plot would stand no chance of escaping the watchfulness of the dictator's spies. Their chief crime consisted in whispering against Stalin and, while not daring raise their voices openly against him, bitterly hated him and his new policy. In other words, the further he went toward nationalism. the more deadly potential enemies these men became; should anything go wrong, they would avail themselves of the situation. Finally, there were among them figures of yet another variety, such as, for instance, Marshall Tukhachevsky. This brilliant offspring of an old aristocratic family was neither a na- tionalist nor an internationalist, but merely a man devoured by an all- consuming thirst for success and power. Such men, generally speak- ing, are dangerous to Stalin. The Red marshall was doubly so, both for his personal fame and for his close connections with the international- istic-type bolsheviks. Thus, having shifted Russia from Internationalistic to nationalistic rails, Stalin removes from its path those who might impede its progress. | servative, | plexes. Dr and leaves | nerve endings | fellow with a | becomes relatively D3 SCIENCE PROBES MAN’S RESISTANCE TO THE NEW Exhaustive Analysis Traces Re jection of Radical Depariures Partly to Call for Decisions. BY THOMAS R. HENRY. HERE is a deep-seated reluc- tance in the human mind against the acceptance of new‘ ideas. ‘Throughout history the conserva- tives usually have been dominant 1n| most flelds of human activity—serving | as a necessary barrier against de- partures on wild tangents, but often making fools of themselves in the light | of future development | The psychology of this resistance of the status quo is subjected to profound analysis by Dr. Bernhard J. Stern of Columbia University in the recent re- port of technological trends issued by | the National Resources Committee. It gives a new view of the age- balance between conservative and radi- cal in one wide field of human affairs | —that of arts and crafts. from writing | to radio. The “radical” it must be | understood, refers to the man or wom- | an who really has a new idea about | something. It may be right or wrong, | but it is new. It doesn’t refer to the| pseudo-radical who hardly differs from the ultra-conservative—the one ac- | cepting blindly everything that is new | just as the other accepts blindly every- | tQing that is old. Two Emotional Extremes. The extreme standpatter has emotional revulsion against what outside the established patte things, without regard to its e: soundness. His opposzite has an emo- tional revulsion against everything within the accepted pattern of the majority of mankind, equally withou regard to its soundness The majority of mankind pr fall somewhere be en the extreme: And in t delusions of the cor wances his for premises. The fellow is not utter] Various neurologists, irra it po: habit.” But that's ju ologist tr sticity of lose the icity varies h chem osition of these membrane They reach the point where they will not stretch any more it is a matter | membranes | system. | the i Nerve Gaps | nother relative pe These synapses ar A nerve impulse from the sense organs to the back again to a glar must jum synpses, or en as Factor, 1s and thus esta connections in the nervous which form patterns of thou The first two t couragine. for tt hold forth at lea | the possibility of medical treatm, | of conservatism with shots in the arm, or something of the sort. Or one| might give a Du Pont a pink pill and | he would vote for Norman Thomas But none of these theor Stern believes, is at all conclu satisfactory. The trouble is very agile mind m: be afflicted with the disease, | the wildest radical may be absolutely formularnstic in his th Some of the most hi servatives living are redder than Le The true explanation must be fc Dr. Stern believes. on the symbol rather than 1 level of behavior. Habits Conserve Energy. In the first place, a human being has a limited amount of energy. He can't do everything. He can't afford to be continuously expending his en- ergies and going thr emotional crises in making decisions. Conse- | quently one must “channelize” be- | havior. A large part of it must be | automatic, involving little judg- | or deliberation. Eventually this | channel takes on a homelike atmos- | phere. One is ill at ease outside of it. One feels much the same sort of | pleasure at getting back into it as from getting home out of a storm. Says Dr. Stern “This behavior, oft-repeated, becomes suffused with emotional tones of pleasure, particularly when it involves skillful movements. One’s personality at ease when it has attained an element of equi- librium with the persons and objects with whom he comes in contact. Personality becomes bound up with environment by sentiments of in- timacy. The strengths of these at- tachments vary, depending on the degree of stability of the culture in which one lives. “Where social forms are more dynamic and transient the extent of permanency in adjustment is less than in a relatively static society. There is an emotional and esthetic feeling of happiness derived from identification with the customary forms when these forms provide a minimum of gratification of human wants. Escape mechanisms facilitate a specious sense of adjustment and fantasy creates a world of unreality which obscures actual discomfort, | particularly when the economics of a society offer no certainty of employ- ment and subsistence to its masses, and these live within the threatening shadow of uncertainty. Innovations Require Decisions. “An innovation, especially one which affects one's economic status, as in the case of technologies, rudely shat- ters whatever equilibrium a person has attained. It demands not only motor reconditioning but reorganization of personality to meet the needs of the new situation. Poise gives way to at least temporary uncertainty. One's place in the new configuration is un- certain. New decisions are demanded. Efforts must be expended. Life be- comes more complex in that it is less routinized and appears to teem with hazards. “It is little wender that an innova- tion, whatever its nature may be, provokes feelings of impropriety and repelling defense attitudes of ridicule and disparagement, or is deliberately ignored and thus not permitted to enter experience. No matter how meager the adjustment that has been attained, it is often viewed as superior to the seemingly tempestuous un- certainties involved in reorientation. Unless there are incentives which stimulate conscious effort toward change, rationalizations are used to justify the established behavior by | specific industrial excuses which sanction it. This has been well expressed in the Declaration of Independence: ‘All experienca hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer while evils sufferable than to right them es by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed.’ Camouflage The result is, that new ideas have to be s past the guard which conservation sets up in the form of rationalization of the perfection of th are. They ca as old thing: forms of an innov re Comes in Handy. Dr. Stern points ou ation differ little Tt appearance from the exist h are to be This is sometim Eve e mil doesn’'t ventur auto- The first Tt like a piano. inventors were was ing 1 In the absence of 1 Dr. Stern p novation is drastically efforts for r ent, or pain, however temporary and resistance rationalizat flour stubbornl he old form the de be, 15 18 | out, have tried in the past to get at | | the madness of conservat: Self-Preservation an torc Element. n economic ar omed or abl hority. auth experts have ative, have ve lacked aspects d judements. Weapons Against Innovations. ors mvolved in re- hat are imp! The collective ips is expedited order- on the ability to antici- behavior of the members. Innovations are d tive in that they affect not isolated persons but members of groups who influence the behavior of all wi whom they nt rere is in conse novat beca tablished relation. cause temporary pressure upon disturb es- upset routines, and confusion Social e deviant to conform follows. Cavil eriticism, 1dic and disparagement, economic z crimination, social tracism and e are ized In order to such reprisals most persons customary procedures and refrain from projecting or supporting innovations, Social approval gives the tone to personal adjustment, and the restraints thus imposed by group attitudes are powerful deterrents of change. “The size of the community is a factor in determining the strength of its power of cohesion. If it has many members cohesion is not as close and the innovator, finding some support, may be able to ignore de- tractors, but in a small community contacts are more immediate and influence tends to be more direc The deterrent of group criticism func- tions not only in the general group life of the community, but within organizations. To avoid the unpleasant, an individual tends to continue established routines rather than to venture with revolu- tionary innovations that will meet the resistance of his co-worke and superiors “In different cultures, opposition to technological change has varied in its character and strength. The factors inhibiting innovation in prim: tive societies apply to a large exter to small, isolated communities through- out history, and to rural communities in the modern world. Absence of a knowledge of writing in preliterate societies and illiteracy in civilized societies establish the need of con- serving tradition through speech and behavior. Sparsity of the technological base, a relatively scant margin of safety and wealth which permits few risks, the conformity demanded with- in closely related groups, little division of labor which diminishes the pos- sibility of experimentation, dominantly nonempirical attitudes, isolation which limits horizons and experience and permits few collisions with novel eon=- cepts from without, and close in= tegration of different aspects of the cultural configuration—all intensit{y conservatism. o “Arabian Nights” Glamour Is Returned by Baghdad JERUSALEM, July 24—Bagdad and the glamour that has always been associated with this “Arabian Nights” oty still holds a fascination for all visitors. In its streets are to be seen all the color of complexion that dis- tinguishes races and distinct. costumes of the Moslem, the Bedouins, Persians, Shtites, Surnis and Iraqis.