Evening Star Newspaper, April 17, 1937, Page 7

-~ Side & plant with opeartions suspend- N . tonditions in industry,” as the Demo- -~ Consistency Is Rare Virtue in Politics “Variable Winds” of Court Found Readily in New Deal. BY DAVID LAWRENCE. IFE would be a drab affair here- abouts if there were not in the midst of these grave contro- versies just a touch of humor tow and then. At the moment the tension of many months of pros and cons on the New Deal has been re- lieved by the cur- rent observations from President Roosevelt and his followers that no- body but Justice Roberts knows _ which way Su- preme Court de- cisions will go be- cause nobody but he knows which 3 way he will switch. Likewise John Lewis has com- mented publicly on the “variable ‘winds” which blow as a single vote goes from one group of justices to the other in making 5-to-4 decisions in the Su- preme Court. One would think that Washington had never before known these “variable winds” and that consistency was the primary virtue in Government cir- cles. It probably is permissible, if one has @ sense of humor, to contrast some of the utterances and speeches of the President himself and also some of the comments of his spokesmen and advisers in Congress a short while ago with what is being said now. Some strange pieces of evidence tome to view. Here they are: Variable wind number one: For near- ly three years the administration in- sisted that matters of national con- cern could not be left to the States and that 48 States could not deal with drought, duststorms, and “working David Lawrence. cratic national platform of 1936 finally phrased it, could not “be adequately handled exclusively by 48 States.” Then came this Winter the “sit-down” strikes and administration leaders in the Senate suddenly declared that what happened in Michigan was a local matter and that the Federal Govern- ment had no power to intervene. Wagner Supplies Another. Variable wind number two: Senator Wagner of New York, speaking in the Benate in February, 1933, said that the question which had troubled the Ameri- can people since the eighteenth amend- ment was added to the Constitution “‘was not at all concerned with liquor,” but was a “question of government, how to restore the constitutional balance of Power and authority in our Federal sys- tem which had been upset by national prohibition.” He then added these significant sentences: “No one single national standard can prevail. At the bedrock of this entire question lies this immovable truth: That there is noth- ing the Constitution can say, nothing the Federal Government can do, which will successfully impose & rule of con- duct upon & community except by the Will of the people of that community.” And yet today the nation labor re- lations act fails to comprehend within its terms that a handful of “sit-down” strikers can impose a rule of conduct on a community against its will and on many other communities in other States and go unpunished by Federal or State authority. Variable wind No. 3: President | Roosevelt, in a Nationwide radio ad- dress in March, 1930, said, “Wisely or unwisely, people know that under the eighteenth amendment Congress has been given the right to legislate | on this particular subject, but this s | not the case in the matter of a great number of other vital problems of Government, such as the conduct of Ppublic utilities, of banks, of insurance, of business, of agriculture, of educa- tion, of social welfare and of a dozen other important features. In these ‘Washington should not be encouraged to interfere.” Witness now the last three years of legislation in every one of these flelds Wwhich now have been declared by Mr. Roosevelt to be ‘“pressing national problems.” Farley Seen as Variable, Variable wind No. 4: The Demo- tratic national platform of 1932 de- clared against Federal intervention in many things and called for State action. But Chairman Jim Farley said that ‘“conditions” changed - be- tween June, 1932, when the platform was adopted, and March, 1933, when Mr. Roosevelt was inaugurated. He didn’t say the winds changed, but it amounts to the same thing. A number of other instances can be cited to show that Mr, Roosevelt has himself favored a realistic ap- proach, that is, taking the facts as they come up from day to day and making national policy in accordance with the way things shape up at the time. Can Justice Roberts be blamed then if prior to January, 1937, he shared the view of so many other judges in our Federal system that membership in a labor union was not & direct effect upon interstate com- merce, and if during the months of January, February and March he was given a “liberal” education in how interstate commerce can be tied up by & amall group of union workers in- €d at key points, 50 as to paralyze the whole business of a large scale producer? Five Votes, Not One. Justice Roberts is obliged by his cath to reach conclusions through personal oonvictions and not by the suasion of others on the Supreme Court. His vote doean’t swing the court. It takes five ‘votes to make a majority decision and there was no such division in many other important cases so frequently overlooked by the Roosevelt adminis- tration in its desire to cast doubt on the work of the justices. If there is anything more uncertain than the language of legal opinions, ‘whether of Federal or State courts or both, it is the language of political ad- dresses especially in the National Gov- ermnment. It rarely happens that Su- preme Court justices swing from one group to the other when the court divides but it is a customary happening to see political government, including the President and Members of Con- gress in the Republican as well as the Democratic parties, reverse themselves presumably in the public interest. Maybe Justice Roberts has a sense of humor, too, and likes foot ball. Looking about him he might well have come o the conclusion that the White House sets the styles nowadays in govern- News Behind the News Little Is Known of Labor Board Members Confirmed in 1935 Without Debate. FY PAUL MALLCN, RESIDENT ROOSEVELT is said to have a new analogy for his Supreme Court problem. Once, long ago, he likened his early New Deal situation to the problem of a foot ball team, with himself as quarterback, calling the signals. Now he is thinking about his 5-to-4 Supreme Court line-up in terms of golf. & “I feel,” he has said, in substance, to a friend, “like a golfer starting out fresh on a mine hole course, four g It will sound absurd now, but the Senate confirmed those three all- powerful members of the National Labor Relations Board without a hear- ing or debate. Doubt it if you will, but there is not a detectable scrap of evidence in the committee or congressional records as to what kind of men com- pose this new labor Supreme Court. Or at any rate there is only one inconsequential scrap. It is a letter from some one protesting that one of the appointees owed something over $400 and declined to pay it, but the lawyer for the appointee pointed out that the court had ruled out the bill on the statute of limitations. If there is anything else, the Senate clerks who handled the nomina- tions have been unable to find it. The answer to this phenom- enon is that few Senators really thought the board was constitu- tional or would ever be important. No one paid any attention to the appointments when they were con~ firmed in August, 1935. The general supposition was the appointees ! would serve until the court kicked out the Wagner act. Even clerks declined to take jobs with the board or sought transfer because positions there were considered insecure. 2 - It is now the board’s turn to laugh. Jobs there are mot only secure, but the board has been given greater power under the recent court decision than most of the other boards in Washington. * ok % % It is even difficult now to ascertain who was behind the appointments and who recommended them. Senator Joe Guffey, maestro of Pennsylvania politics, is supposed to be the backer of Board Chairman Madden, a former University of Pittsburgh law professor. Mr. Guffey also is being credited with the second Pennsylvania appointee on the board, Donald Wakefield Smith, a former homestead steel worker whose father is an assistant super- intendent in the mills. The third board man, Edwin S. Smith, & Harvard man from Brookline, Mass,, is attributed to Senator Walsh of Massachusetts, It is clear, however, that Senators Guffey and Walsh were just the front men who got clearance papers for the appointees in the Senate. Labor Secretary Perkins is supposed to have dug up the board men With the help chiefly of her Wyzanski group in the Labor Qepartment and Senator Wagner. Edward A. Filene, the Boston department store enthusi- ast for the co-operative movement, probably first suggested Edwin Smith, Wwho formerly was a personnel manager in the Filene store. Smith also is classified in the Prankfurter group. It seems probable also timt D, W. Smith was put forward originally by Attorney General Magiotti of Penn- sylvania, a former Republican, who trains with the Earle crowd now. There is no question that the board is thoroughly labor conscious. As be- tween the Green and Lewis factions, there is evidence that it has formerly been closer to Lewis than to Green, but not obviously so. Labor leaders generally consider it “very fair’; employers call it “packed for labor.” * ok K K Mr. Roosevelt's surprising lack of enthusiasm after his Supreme Court victory is said to have been derived, at least in part, from the attitude of his two unofficial Attorneys General, Mr. Cohen and Mr. Corcoran. Nearly every legal development around the White House is generally attributed to them, and about 90 per cent of the attributions seem to be right. Mr. Cohen certainly failed to toss his hat in the air at the decision. To his friends he passed the understanding that the court has frequently based decisions in the past upon “the stream of commerce” theory of interstate commerce. They in- terpreted it as no departure. That, at any rate, is what they are saying in conversation. The essence of their feeling seems to be that they suspect the court of playing a trick on them, that if they drop their fight the next cases will be thrown out on other grounds. Mr. Corcoran did not throw his hat, because he wears none. But he is reported playing his accordion violently in consonance with Mr. Cohen. It should be said that the decision struck very few outside lawyers that way. Most of the outsiders believe the court has laid down in good faith an entirely new and eItensive definition of interstate commerce which will afford Mr. Roosevelt the opportunity to accom- plish much of what he wants to do. * K % Col. Lindbergh has written a friend here advising against that pro- posed trans-Atlantic air race to the Paris Exposition, in commemoration of his flight. The basis of the colonel's objection is that free entries will permit all comers, some of whom would not have the proper equipment or skill. It would not help aviation if they dropped in mid-Atlantic. That is why there is talk of the race being called off. (Copyright, 1037.) CITY NEWS IN BRIEF. TODAY. SODALITY UNION CONFERENCE OPENS Students Meet to Fight Com- munism, Advance Catholic Action. Student delegates of the Sodality Union of the District from Catholic colleges and high schools opened an all-day conference at Georgetown University today. They planned not only to continue | their campaign against communism, but also to adopt measures to for- ward the cause of Catholic Action. About 100 students attended from Georgetown, Trinity College, George- town Visitation Convent, Gonzaga High School Georgetown Preparatory | School, Holy Trinity High School, | Academy of the Holy Cross, Immacu- | lata Seminary, Notre Dame Academy, | St. Anthony’s High School and St. Paul's Academy. Very Rev. Arthur A. O'Leary, S. J,, rector of Georgetown, gave the invo- cation at the opening session and Rev. Francis P. Le Buffe, 8. J, of New York, Sodality organizer in the East, spoke on the attitude of Catholics in connection with the child labor amendment and President Roosevelt's Supreme Court plan. He declared that Catholics do not always take a uniform position on matters of vital importance simply because they are Catholics. “An American who is a Catholic will take his position on the child labor amend- ment, the Supreme Court proposal, the anti-lynching bill, precisely ac- cording to what he judges is best in accord with present needs, and with true Americanism,” he said. At the afternoon session the prin~ cipal speaker will be Rev. George A. McDonald, S. J., of the staff of the Queen’s Work. He will lead the stu- dent conference in discussions of eco- nomic and social problems. The arrangements for the confer- ence were made through Rev. Vincent S. McDonald, S. J., director of the Georgetown University Sodalities. flower Hotel, 9 p.m. Dinner, Shoreham Hotel, 6:30 p.m. ington, Cosmos Club, 8 p.m. I street, 9 pm. pm. Dance, Broadmoor Hotel, 10 p.m. ilton Hotel, 7 p.m. Hotel, 7:30 p.m. 1830, northeast, 8 p.m. TOMORROW. Meeting, Bartenders’ Union, Local, No. 75, 720 Fifth street, 3 p.m. PHASES MATED BESIDE ADMIRE MRS. BETTIE NASH DIES Native of Henrico County, Va., Came Here in 1883. Mrs. Bettie C. Nash, 74, a resident of the District since 1883, when she came here from Henrico County, Va., died Thursday at the home of her daughter, Mrs. Ada N. Jackson, 1212 E street northeast. Besides her daughter Mrs. Nash is survived by one son, Thomas Nash, jr., also of Washington, and two grandchildren. Funeral services were to be held at 11 am. today at the S. H. Hines chapel, Fourteenth and Harvard streets, with burial in Congressional Cemetery. called for in the DANCES SEARCH TANGOS | § |C | 0 | U bound by prior opinions. Certainly to criticise Justice Roberts for in- consistency is to deprive the President himself of his principal metaphor, namely that he is a quarterback and SOUND STLYE mental affairs so that when facts or conditions change he need not feel 5 doesn’t know which plsy he will eall I - next, i { Meeting, Texas State Society, May- Panama Canal Soclety, Meeting, Biological Society of Wash- Dance, Polish Club of Washington and P. N. A. group, No. 848, Stans- bury Hall, 5832 Georgia avenue, 8 p.m. Dance, Women of the Moose, 1414 Dance, Social 8ecurity Board Union, Hall of Nations, Washington Hotel, 9 Beta Phi Zeta Sorority, Dinner, Alpha Iota Sorority, Ham- Meeting, Railroad Retirement Board Lodge, No. 375, American Federation of Government Employes, Hamilton Card party, Follow Me Post, No. Veterans of Forelgn Wars, Masonic Temple, Eighth and P streets oMl Remove one letter from each word last column. Print the letter in center column have removed it from. If you have “Lettered-Out” What every meat eater loves. D. C, SATURDAY, APRIL 17, 1937 crHt opinions of the writers on this page are their own, not necessarily The Star’s. Such opinions are presented in The Star’s effort to give all sides of questions of interest to its readers, although such opinions ma; themselves and directly opposed to be contradictory among he Star’s. Industry Loses to Labor Leaders Will Come to Miss Perkins’ Conference Much Like Germans Came to Versailles. BY MARK SULLIVAN. EGINNING Tuesday, the ad- ministration will hold & con- ference of labor leaders and industrial leaders (together with persons representing the public interest). The purpose is to lay out & future program about labor rela- tions. As phrased by Secretary of Labor Perkins, the object is “to determine a ‘“con- ference.” That is appropriate. That is the word used when victor and vanquished come to- gether. In this case, the victor con- sists of two allies, labor and the ad- ministration—John L. Lewis ‘and President Roosevelt. The vanquished is industry. With respect to the issue of collective bargaining, industry comes to this conference much as the Germans came to Versailles—it comes to sign whatever terms the victorious allles impose. Industry, so far as it has resisted labor, has been about as thorougly beaten as any combatant can be. The war came to an end with the recent decision of the Supreme Oourt on the Wagner labor act, by which decision, as Miss Perkins ac- curately puts it, “collective bargaining is established as the law of the land.” Marked By Single Letter. On the eve of the conference in which the vanquished must acknowl- edge defeat, it is appropriate to re- view the war. It began early in the administration. It was symbolized, as important trends are often symbol- ized, by a phrase. Actually, this was less than & phrase—it was a word. Indeed, it was less than a word, it was & single letter—the letter, “r,” which, properly placed, makes th difference between “of” and “for.” Miss Perkins, soon after she became Secretary of Labor, said she thought the title of her office ought to be Secretary for Labor. Throughout her tenure of office, she has held to that conception of her function. Labor has been the ward of the administra- tion; industry has been regarded as the common adversary of labor and the administration. An early statutory declaration of the administration’s purpose about labor was embodied in N. R. A. and became famous as section 7-a, of whish the essential principle was: “Employes shall have the right to organize and bargain collectively through representatives of their own choosing * * *” For reasons too complex to state here, section 7-a did not work well. Even labor and the administration admitted that. Within a year, even while N. R. A. as a whole was still in effect, it was recognized that section 7-a would not do, and Senator Wag- ner, on behalf of the administration, was writing a new charter for labor. When N. R. A. was found unconstitu- tional by the Supreme Court on May 27, 1935, section 7-a, of course, went with it. But.Senator Wagner's new charter was practically ready. It was enacted, as a separate statute, on July 5, 1935. Mark Sullivan. Few Understood Aot. Pew except lawyers and others directly concerned understood what the Wagner act was. Not that the Wagner act is obscure—it is perfectly clear. Nearly everybody assumes that the Wagner act was & measure to arbitrate labor controversies. It was nothing of the kind and did not purport to be. The Wagner act was a declaration, in effect, that all bargaining between labor and employer must be collec- tive; that in every plant must be a union, and that this union shall be the exclusive bargainer for all the labor in the plant. And the Wagner act so defined unions as to outlaw what are called “company unions,” or “workers’ councils,” or other local unions set up with the approval of employers. Every employer must make his contracts through a repre- sentative of a union which has an interest adverse to the employer, which sits on the other side of the table from the employer. On the unions the Wagner act put no obligations. It is on employers that the Wagner act put all its obligations. And the employer who fails in any way to live up to the practices prescribed by the act is subjected to heavy penalties. To enforce its provisions, the Wag- ner act set up a National Labor Re- lations Board. Nearly everybody thought this was a board with a judi- cial function intended to arbitrate LETTER-OUT BY CHARLES H. JOSEPH. | Letter-Out and 1t 1s the form, | Letter-Out for a rich drink. Letter-Out and if one d this he must be.ruuent. & com ” | Letter-Out for what a poet did. l Letter-Out for threatening. and rearrange to spell the word opposite correctly Answer to Yesterday's LETTER-OUT. and he was whipped, CANED l Letter-Out and it is & part of & low, SHARE I Letter-Out and you will swat I Letter-Out them if you '&ars and he puts on DONS - Letter-Out for brevarications. l Lo Letter-Out I clothes. bl 2 3 4 5 disputes between labor and industry. It was nothing of the kind and did not pretend to be. The Labor Board was an institution having the official power that goes with government, whose function was to act in the in- terest of labor. It was for labor, and against employers. Employers came into contact with the Labor Board only as persons accused, as defendants. Labor Almost Lost. The battle between industry, and, on the other hand, labor and the administration as allies, was fought out in two arenas, before the courts and before public opinion. Before public opinion, industry got a “break,” for labor almost lost its own fight when it practiced the sit-down strike. Before the courts, industry was su- Ppremely confident of winning—so con- fident that it did not present its cases as well as it now wishes it had. Indus- try, and industry’s lawyers, took it for granted the Wagner act was un- constitutional. In this confidence, in- dustry came to Waterloo in the Su- preme Court. Before labor won in the Supreme Court it had already achieved an im- mense victory in the shape of capitu- lation by the United States Steel Cor- poration. For the first time in the history of this or any other important steel company, it recognized a union— Mr. John L. Lewis’ C. 1. O. In the long struggle Mr. Roosevelt, once at least, wobbled a little. In a threatened strike in the motor indus- try in 1934, he receded for a whole from the principle of exclusive bar- gaining by one union. At all times, especially during the presidential cam- paign, he had to watch his step to avoid getting between the fire of two labor organizations—C. I. O. and A. F. of L. What now faces Mr. Roosevelt is what often faces one of two allies after victory, whether he can restrain labor from insisting on impoasible objectives. (Copyright, 1837.) GETS FINE OR JAIL Colored Man Convicted on Two Counts in Traffic Court. Clarence Henry McCree, 33, col- ored, at present employed by the Bureau of the Census and formerly a chauffeur for several prominent persons here, was sentenced by Traffic Judge Walter J. Casey yesterday to pay a fine of $50 or serve 30 days for reckless driving and $25 or 25 days in jail “for failing to turn in his permit after suspension.” Pvis. J. 1. Shotzberger and R. J. Thompkins of the fifth precinct said McCree drove his automobile from Virginia avenue southeast down the Pennsylvania Railroad tracks for 100 feet early yesterday morning. A crane was used in removing the machine, We, the People Court Decisions Only Mark End of Chapter in Strug- gle Between Roosevelt and Judiciary. BY JAY FRANKLIN, HE Supreme Court's decisions on the five cases arising under the ‘Wagner labor relations act mark the end of a chapter in the struggle between Roosevelt and the judiciary, and between labor and capital. ‘They do not end either struggle. The nature and timing of the decision are calculated to strengthen the President’s determination to force through his judiciary reform bill rather than to drop it &s no longer necessary. On the major issues, the vote of 5 to 4 shows how precarious is the lease of life which the administration has won from a court which ruled 5-1-3 against the Guffey coal act on substantially ) the same grounds a year ago. More RS Nefr tmportant Is the element of delay. Here was & major national measure, whose constitutionality is now affirmed, which could not be brought into operation until nearly two years after its enactment. In industry after industry, the Federal courts granted injunctions which paralyzed its operation and made the Government timid in attempt- ing to enforce it. Such a situation 1s too serious to continue, even though the New Dealers have won a belated victory. Moreover, it should be noted that such a decision as this is calculated to take the heart out of the defenders of the Supreme Court. For it should be repeated that the men who are putting up the money and raising the roar about “maintaining judicial inde- pendence” are mot simply trying to save siz nmice old men from enforced retirement. They are relying on these old men to protect the vast business interests which have been created as a veritable state within the state. If the court does not do the job Wall Street expects it to do, there #ill be little motive in continuing the fight. The Roosevelt plan can, therefore, be considered on its merits as a permanent reform. Since these merits are considerably greater than its merits as a substitute for a constitutional amendment, the bill's passage will be greatly eased. * X x ¥ From the business point of view, Mr. Alfred P. 8loan, jr., should fire his attorneys or the stockholders of General Motors should fire Mr. Sloan and the board of directors—whichever is responsible for putting forward the theory that the national labor relations act was unconstitutional. This theory has cost General Motors the most expensive strike in the history of the automotive industry, has lost millions of dollars in profits, wages and dividends, for no good. Mr. Henry Ford is found in a peculiarly unpleasant spot. He has fust declared that he will never recognize any union. The Supreme Court ruling says that Mr. Ford is wrong and arbitrary in his attitude. This decision has probably saved the Dearborn manufacturer from 8 serlous strike, for in his attitude there seemed to be no lengths to which he would not go to maintain his notions of how to deal with the employes. When even Miss Dorothy Thompeon rebukes him, he is far out of step with the world. The effect of this decision should be to begin the defiation of Mr. John L. Lewis as a “political menace” and canalize his energles into the useful services to laboring men for which the C. I. O. is constituted. * koK % ‘The political consequences of upholding the Wagner act are also significant. Big business, which has hitherto defled or evaded much Gov- ernment regulation, may, of course, go Fascist in the European sense and try to finance a “Black Legion” coup d'etat or something equally silly. This seems so unlikely that I mention it only to dismiss it as being counter to all American traditions and hence outside the bounds of probability, More likely is the fact that business must now accept the New Deal and bend its eflorts to recapturing control of the government. This means in practice that business pressure on individual Repre- sentatives and Senators will be redoubled. It means that the vast Federal bureaucracy will be subjected to renewed inducements, opportunities and representations by those whom that bureaucracy regulates. Above all, it means that big business and high finance must strive to recap- ture public opinion through a more realistic and far-sighted program of publicity and public relations than that evolved by Bruce Barton or Ivy Lee in the last decade. From now on, President Roose- velt should become increasingly the accepted “hero” of the business interests, business should come Z & rapidly to terms with labor—or as rapidly as its undeveloped philosophy of labor relations will permit—and we should now witness the unfolding of an era of well-press-agented good feeling on a more substantial basis than the post-election flash-in-the-pan of year-end dividends. (Copyrisht, 1937.) ~, ™ g, W ooekTT An American You Should Know | Col. Halsey Is Cl to Keep Senators Running. BY DELIA PYNCHON, EHIND the fanfare, oratory and glamour of senatorial prestige, a clock works to keep the Senators running. The man, who winds the Senate clock and keeps it ticking, is Edwin Halsey, secretary of the Senate. He is a powerful man, both in stature and abil- ity, a friendly man by inclina- tion and train- ing, & reminis~ cent man by ex- perience and ob- servation, a Dem- him “colonel,” since he was giv- en the title on the staff of both Govs. Mann and Stuart of Vir- ginia. When De- cember rolls ardund Col. Halsey will have been 40 years in the Senate em- ploy. He came first as a page in 1897 from Fern Moss, Tye River, Va., where he was born and grew up. His uncle, John W. Daniel, was a Senator and that famous orator who gave the address, February 21, 1885, to Congress, dedicating completion of the Washington Monument. Educated Between Duties. Education, the colonel says, was carried on in the Virginia and Wash- ington achools, the V. M. I and Locust Valley Military School, in between his duties as a page. ‘When & page he was on hand to ses the Senate on a rare and dramatic occasion cheer when word came that Admiral Dewey had bottled up the Spanish fleet at Manila. The next such dignity-forgotten occasion took place during President Wilson's ad- ministration, when the President de- delivered his declaration of war speech against Germany. Little American flags appeared miraculously, the colonel says, and waving and cheering replaced legislation. Prom page to assistant superintend- ent of the press gallery, to assistant on the floor, to secretary of the minority, to secretary has transpired in Hal- sey's 40 years. In addition he has been sergeant at arms at three Demo= cratic national conventions. Office Draws Senators. Halsey's office is a magnet for Sen- ators. It is a cheerful place filled with cheerful and efficient people. Added to that it holds the mechanical machinery for Senate operations. All official Senate papers, expense ac= counts, credentials are on fle here. All senatorial printing in the Cone gressional Record, calendar of busi~ ness, bills, amendments, resolutions | are checked by Halsey. These appear on the Senator’s desks. It takes their minds off the oratory. The secretary personally signs all legislation that passes. COL. HALSEY. BEER Just & suggestion . . . cold meats . . . a salad with & hot dressing . . . some delicious chicken and a few slices of salami . . . just the balance of flavors that you get in the matchless combination of ingredients that makes Sen- ate Beer the favorite of those who demand . . . and appreciate . . . the care that makes the difference between just “food” and a banquet. Senate Beer is equally good with your cheese sandwich for lunch. CHR. HEURICH BREWING COMPANY WASHINGTON, D.C.