Evening Star Newspaper, November 1, 1936, Page 36

THE SUNDAY STAR, WASHINGTO! D. C, NOVEMBER 1, 1936—PART TWO. w THE LEADERSHIP OF WOMEN BY THE RIGHT REV. JAMES E. FREEMAN, D. D, LL.D,D.C. L, . BISHOP OF WASHINGTON. ; THE EVENING STAR With Sunday Morning Edition. WASHINGTON, D.C -November 1, 1936 THEODORE W. NOYE seese Editor PSRRI The Evening Star Newspaper Company. Business 3 11th 8t. anc Pennsylvania Ave New Fork Offce. 110 Eash 42nd . iding, n. England. a2 R s Rate by Carrler Within the City. Resular Edition. —e=-45¢ DT MODH Night Final Edition. ht Pinal and Sunday St Oc per month 3 : 23 Be"sent by mail of telephone Na- Rate by Mail—Payable in Advance. Maryl ily ang Sund iy only yr. nday oDlYeeemew-l YT Al Other States snd Canada. st -} yr. $12.00: 1 mo.. SL Bally “nd,Sunder—-§ Jr: *4806i 1 mo: Mibe Sunday onlYeeweww-l 1. $5.00; 1 mo. 50c Member of the Associated Press. ociated Press 1s exclusively entitled to the e for Femubhcation of all news dispaiches o it or not otherwise credited in this paper an the local news published herein. 1l rights of oublication of special dispatches erein are also reserved. The Imponderables. The “tumult and the shouting” of the’ campaign subsides to await the majestic voice of the people on election day. More than ever this year the “imponder- ables” rise to plague those who cast aside personal predilections and wishful think- ing in an effort to forecast the decision at the polls. No campaign in recent years has presented so many of these unknown quantities—influences capable of sway- ing so many voters if they make them- selves felt at all—nor has any election in recent years presented so clearly the tangible considerations surely to be counted on as compelling the vote of great numbers of people. In his final article in today's Star on the campaign and the election Mr. G. Gould Lincoln gives what is undoubtedly the predominant opinion of those who have studied carefully the situation in the States. This is that “on the surface” the President and his administration have the decided edge and that nothing less than a “ground swell,” slowly but steadily accumulating strength in the past two years, will turn the result to Landon and Knox and the rejuvenated forces of the Republican party. For many years The Star has main- tained a direct contact with conditions in the States during political campaigns through selected correspondents, and, on the basis of their opinions—for they can never be anything but opinions—has summarized in weekly tables the possible line-up of the States. This year the strength of the “imponderables” is in- dicated in the number of electoral votes which, almost on the eve of the election, are left in the “doubtful” column. Com- pared with the corresponding columns of previous years there are ninety-one such votes today as against thirty-one so tab- ulated in 1928 and forty in 1932. The same table gives a total of 301 “sure” and “leaning” Democratic electoral votes, as against 139 Republican. In 1928 the same combinations gave the Republicans 296 and the Democrats 204; in 1932 the Democrats were given 365 and Republi- cans 126, ‘The known odds this year favor the re-election of the President. Except in the South and in New England, party lines seem to count for little, crossed as they have been by so many curious ele- ments incapable of partisan classifica- tion. At the close of the campaign the basic issues remain about as they were in the beginning. Only the sudden in- Jection of the social security tax has brought a new element into the picture, its strength chiefly measured by the vehemence of the Democratic protest. Of the known factors favoring the re- election of the President, a most potent force is represented in the vast expendi- tures of the administration and the mil- lons of direct and indirect Government beneficiaries created by a spending policy that will evidently continue under the New Deal. Another is the vital, per- sonal leadership of the President himself end the success that has accompanied his efforts to identify himself as the great humanitarian, lance leveled in un- ending combat against forces that but for his vigilance would grind down the Ppoor man and keep him shackled in the bonds of poverty. He has painted a com- pelling picture of a future in which every man will be king, sharing his throne only with government. Governor Landon has fought a good fight under heavy odds. Denied much of the glamour which surrounds the Pres- ident, heading a party during a business revival that has been identified with the business depression, he has nevertheless impressed himself favorably on the peo- ple as an honest, conscientious and able man. He has drawn to his support the conservative thought of the country Wwhich is distrustful, not only of continued spending of borrowed money, but which fears a conception of government as the source of support of its citizens and which must be clothed with the power to accompany responsibility for all it has undertaken in the name of human wel- fare. If Roosevelt has won the worker in the city, Governor Landon has ground for claiming the support of the more conservative, property-owning farmer, as well as the large element of the business and industrial world which believes from experience that many of the New Deal sermons are full of theory—tried in the past and found wanting. The strength of these various groups of protestants is more difficult to measure than the strength of those who can be counted on to support the President. ‘The campaign has been relatively clean, notwithstanding the prediction made in January last to the Democratic National Committee by Chairman James A. Farley that the Republicans would “make this the bitterest and certainly the dirtiest political struggle that any of us here can remember.” Mud-throwing has been no more notable than usual, not as marked as in some past cam- paigns, And of comfort to those who place more faith lnidemmm than in Democrats or Republicans is the thought that our Government survives because the American people are good losers. By Wednesday morning, regardless of who wins, organized government will go along as usual because those who lost have learned to lose gracefully. Spain’s Ordeal. Blood-spattered, battered Spain en- ters todey upon the fifth successive cal- endar month of civil war, with the end not yet in sight. Despite repeated claims that the rebel forces hold Madrid fast within pincers enveloping it on three sides, the capital is still in gov- ernment possession. At the end of last week Loyalist troops, galvanized into fresh life by replenishments of mech- anized equipment, notably aircraft and tanks, drove the insurgents back a full six miles at a point sixteen or eighteen miles south of Madrid, compeliing a re- treat toward Toledo along the whole central front. Promptly retaliating for this reverse, Fascist bombing planes at- tacked Madrid on Friday, killing fifty- nine ‘persons, wounding more than one hundred others and causing extensive property damage. The insurrection having now been brought directly home to Madrid in terms of bloodshed and devastation, the Leftists’ determination to hold out is certain to be intensified. The govern- ment retains access to the sea at Bar- celona and other ports. Through such channels it is obvious that the Loyalists are receiving steady foreign reinforce- ments of munitions and supplies, with many indications that the chief source is Russia. The non-interventionist com- mittee at London, arena of ceaseless charges and countercharges of surrep- titious aid to both sides, has just given Italy and Portugal a clean bill of health after allegations from Madrid and Mos- cow that the insurgents are systematic- ally succored by Italian and Portuguese sympathizers, if not by their respective Fascist governments. Europe buzzes with categorical reports of foreign intervention. Squadrons of Italian and German ships are said to be ready to blockade Barcelona. It has been alleged that Italian troops are in occupation of the Balearic Isles. Soviet soldiers in force are described as having been discovered fighting in government ranks. None of these alarmist accusa- tions has been verified, though it seems fairly clear that by hook or by crook government and rebels alike are availing themselves of the sinews of war wherever and in whatever way obtainable. On no other ground is it possible to explain the continuance of intensive hostilities and the fluctuating tide of battle as the re- sult of air and artillery combat and in- fantry fighting. From the outside world’s standpoint, the one gratifying aspect of Spain’s tragic ordeal is that strife remains con- fined to the peninsula. French Premier Blum voices faith that the danger of the war’s spread has now passed. Regardless of Russia’s intention to regain liberty of traffic in arms with the established Madrid government, M. Blum is con- vinced that the other powers are intent on isolating the crisis and not permitting any clash of political or economic in- terests to draw Europe into another con- flict which might prove fatal to civiliza- tion. It is sincerely to be hoped that the French leader’s optimism is not unjus- tified. Little Room for Criticism. There is small opportunity to make political capital for the G. O. P. by criticism of the administration’s Latin- American policy as a former Undersecre- tary of State for Mr. Hoover recently tried to do, not only because of the merits of the policy, but also because Gov. Landon, in the one speech he has thus far given on foreign affairs, sug- gested an almost identical program, To assume that the achievement of Secretary Hull in bringing about an op- portunity for improved relations between the Americas at and since the Monte- video Conference in 1933 is partisan, that it is alien to the desires and prin- ciples of good Republicans, is completely to miss its implications as well as to be in error. The Pan-American Society, New York, a group which includes some of the biggest business interests in the country, such as the Du Ponts—whose large donations to the Republican cam- paign fund have recently been made public—as well as diplomats, such as Mr. Hull himself, has been working non- politically for years to improve relations to the point they now have reached. It is a problem of great magnitude which has been tactfully and successfully handled. Hence, when Mr, Castle spoke of the “dangerous futility” of the Good Neigh- bor policy he evoked a spirited defense from a young Bolivian authority on Pan- American affairs who writes under the name of Gaston Nerval. Nerval made it plain that the “liberal and friendly at- titude” at Washington is partly respon- sible for a “wholly new psychological at- mosphere for the promotion of Pan- American understanding.” . In the future Senator Vandenberg may consent to be interviewed on freedom of the phonograph as a means of conveying information to the public, Two Who Served Highest. America tomorrow may appreciate the magnificent Columbus monument in the plaza of the Union Station. Thus, both are represented in the Capital of the Nation they loved with a consuming passion of patriotism. It should be added that both were members of the National Fine Arts Commission; both contributed of time and thought and energy to the adornment of the District of Columbia and the enhancement of its powers of attraction for their countrymen. Time bracketed them, but philosophy much more notably related them during the best period of their separate careers. They agreed in their faith in the in- tegrity of art and in their respect for the honor of art. Never did either Mr. Blash- field or Mr. Taft presume to invent a style or a mannerism. Both sought verity and grace in perfection. They were wor- shipers in a holy shrine, and their de- meanor was reverent always. Hence, in large part, arose the reputation which they possessed while yet they lived. They were trusted as well as admired, and it follows that they will be remembered. But their public should be more numer- ous in the future than it is at present. America, almost certainly, will grow to- ward them; not away from them, Like Lincoln, they belong to the ages—be- cause they aimed at the ultimate target and their arrows did not go astray. —_——— Movies feel that the public cught to pay more at the ticket window. The public has no decided opinion on the subject, but willingly pays generously for what it likes and cruelly neglects what does not chance to please. Popular en- tertainment is still one of the prevalent and precarious forms of gambling, Even the most audacious anarchist may demand the protection of law in some of his demonistrations and threaten to remind the Supreme Court that his constitutional rights are being attacked. Henry Ford does not profess to know much about the emotional side of poli- tics, but might well be invited to serve in an advisory capacity as one of the world'’s best budget balancers, Politics has aroused so much social activity that the demand for ice cream and pickles may have had something to do with reported acceleration of com- mercial activity. As promises go, the Democrats promise a happier life and the Republicans a busier life. In ultimate effect the ideals are not entirely contradictory. Hoover regards Roosevelt as the kind of an editor who digs up the waste basket, believing that his predecessor had thrown most of the good ideas into it. On November 4, 1936, the presidential campaign of 1940 will begin with imme- diate vigor. Shooting Stars. BY PHILANDER JOHNSON. Buried Brains, Oh, why complain Because today Some may disdain Your mental sway? A brain trust seems A power vast, And yet its dreams May fade at last. Important things Of yore were said By ancient kings ‘Who have been dead So long, that praise In epitaph Serves but to raise A cynic laugh. Big towns lie low Beneath the dust, Which often show A rule unjust Which prophets tried To fight in vain, In futile pride— 8o why complain? ‘Whirlwind. “Has this campaign had a whirlwind finish?” “You might say s0,” answered Senator Sorghum. “Everybody has been talking fast and the same old arguments are still going ‘round and 'round.” Glorification. An oyster is a luckless brute. He builds himself a shell In which, quite humble, yet astute, He hopes that he may gwell. ‘We pry him out and in a stew Appeal unto his pride, And say, “What joy is due, since you Have thus been glorified!” Parting of the Ways. “Is your boy Josh going to be a farmer when he gets out of college?” “No,” said Farmer Corntossel. “I guess we’ll go our respective ways. Josh hasn't any more chance of makin’ a real farmer’ than I have of bein’ a foot ball player.” “They who make laws are powerful,” said Hi Ho, the sage of Chinatown, “but And pretty soon youll surely note We're going to take another. A question finds an answer clear Which reason cannot smother; But if youll only persevere, ‘You'll surely find another. Picking Flaws in the Campaign Strategy BY OWEN L. SCOTT. Second guessers already are busy pick- ing mistakes in the campaign strategy of Gov. Landon and President Roosevelt. They are finding plenty on which to work even before the voting starts. Each candidate faced the task of con- vincing the voters that his rule during the next four years would redound most definitely to their advantage. The ques- tion was how best to do that heavy sell- ing job. Gov. Landon could have stayed in ‘Topeka and talked to the people about plans for discarding unworkable parts of the New Deal, retaining the rest, and for returning the Federal Government more nearly to its former limited func- tions so that subsidies might be con- tr&ued and the national finances put in order. Mr. Roosevelt could have taken the people more fully into his confidence, ad- mitting mistakes, taking credit for achievements, _outlining plans for the future and discussing the fundamental questions that grow from the constitu- tional limitations on Federal power. Yet neither chose the course that seemed most appropriate. * k ok x There had been talk of a new cam- paign technique, and of modern methods of high-powered advertising that would be applied this year to change the tune of politics. Actually, the campaign now ended was fought along the long accepted lines, with candidates using the tactics that are as old as campaigning itself. Bigger and better promises, figure jug- gling for partisan effect, loud alarms and plays to prejudice took their usual part. If Gov. Landon finds on Tuesday that he did not click with a majority of the electorate, he will have little difficulty locating the source of a big part of the trouble. Two important errors already have been chalked up. The first was contained in a statement, made soon after his nomination, in- tended to give assurance to organized labor. Inadvertently, the Republican candidate used words that had come to serve as a red flag to labor leaders. In spite of later explanations, that break served to solidify the ranks of these leaders, who otherwise were subject to division. The second was even more trouble- some. This grew from an effort to out- promise the New Deal in seeking support of farmers, * k% X When Mr. Landon moved into the Middle West for his speeches at Des Moines and Minneapolis, Henry Wallace and his A. A. A. aides remarked to friends that the Kansas Governor was in an uncomfortable position that might readily become the turning point of the campaign. They knew what they feared he would do and what they wanted him to do. Strangely, he did what they wanted. The Democratic fear was that Gov. Landon would accept the principle of the existing farm program and devote his farm belt attack to a sharp criticism of New Deal spending, which had be- come a potent factor in farm thinking. The Democratic hope was that the Gov- ernor would attack the existing soil con- servation program and seek to outprom- ise the New Deal, In following the latter course, Nomi- nee Landon offered a tariff adjustment subsidy that might readily cost taxpayers $2,000,000,000 a year, or even more. After that he went on to Minneapolis and at- tacked the reciprocal trade agreement program, using figures that one group of his advisers insisted were misleading. * X ¥ X As a result, whenever the Republicans attacked the President for extravagance, Mr. Roosevelt simply called attention to the fact that Gov. Landon had promised a farm subsidy that would far surpass that offered by the New Deal. Then the President accused his opponents of promising a balanced budget inl the East and a huge new farm subsidy in the Middle West. In this way, President Roosevelt was able to parry blows aimed at his most vulnerable spot. Gov. Landon, on the other hand, found his attack hampered. His criticism of reciprocal trade agree- ments had much the same effect, The Governor scarcely had promised to scuttle this program of downward tariff adjustment when France, England and this country entered a currency stabili- zation agreement that held out the prose pect of a revived world trade. Impor- tant Eastern interests that had been friendly to the Republican candidate cooled perceptibly. * K x % Post-mortems after next Tuesday may reveal—in the event of Republican failure to capture the presidency—that the downfall was largely the result of the necessity of winning votes in both the industrial East and the agricultural West. On the other hand, if President Roose- velt fails to click, his shortcomings may be traceable to other sources. He could have made a better impres- sion by taking the people into his con- fidence concerning his plans for the future and his thoughts about some of the experiments of the past. In effect, he has asked the voters to give him a blank check to be filled in by him during the next four years. Only a highly confident candidate, one ‘who might even be over-confident, would leave unanswered the questions that large groups in the population are asking. ‘Technically, this sort of campaign may prove to have been effective, but it leaves the way open for the sort of cam- The page of history records repeatedly the large and important place that wom- an has occupied in the concerns of states and nations. Not only has she played a most conspicuous role in shaping the judgments and opinions of those in au- thority, not only has she been a domi- nant force in giving poise and direction to kings and rulers, but now and again she has occupied a more conspicuous place in governing and controlling di- rectly the aims and actions of great na- tions. Within our own generation, im- perial Victoria of England was a mighty factor, not only in the leadership of one of the world’s greatest peoples, but in the shaping of international policies. The Bible, perhaps more than any other book, recognizes the transcendent genius of woman and records ever and again the large place she fills in human affairs. In the Book of Judges, in the fourth and fifth chapters, we have the story of a great woman leader, who occupied a place, in a crisis in the history of the Children of Israel, of unusual importance., The people had lost their sense of na- tional consciousness, and along with this they had broken faith with God, who had led them and given them their pros- perity and greatness. One leader after another had signally failed, and the enervating influences of prosperity had weakened the moral fiber of the people. In this situation a great military leader, Sisera by name, had arisen to threaten the security of the nation. In this emergency we read that “De- borah judged Israel at that time, and the Children of Israel came up to her for judgment.” Realizing the gravity of the impending situation, she called for a8 military leader of her people, one Barak, and demanded that he should immediately resist the invading hosts. It is interesting to note that, fearful of the issue, Barak declined to go without the strong leadership and direction of De- borah. The situation reminds us of a condition in Prance, when the Maid of Orleans, Joan d’Arc, came to the aid of her King, and by her presence and hero- ism led his faltering armies to victory. When Deborah acceded to Barak's de- mands, she said: “I will surely go with thee; notwithstanding the journey that thou takest shall not be for thine honor; for the Lord shall sell Sisera into the hand of a woman.” The results of the battle are recorded in the fourth chapter of Judges, but in the fifth chapter we have one of the most remarkable poems Fifty Years Ago In The Star Guessing on an election was just as uncertain half a cex:;ury_ll'ch: s.s“:cot:}vio- - ay. 0- Guessing on vember 1, 1886, says the Election. ©of the most interest- ing contest of that year, the fight for the mayoralty of New York City: “The difficulty of obtaining an un- prejudiced opinion on a political contest was never more obvious than in the case of the struggle for the mayoralty of New York City, which will have ended at sunset tomorrow. The estimate made by each party on its own chances and those of its adversaries is interesting only for purposes of comparison. For any light that it throws upon the subject by itself it is utterly worthless. The Democrats give Hewitt 110,000, Roosevelt, 70,000, and George, 40,000. The Labor party claims 140.000 for George and grant Roosevelt 60,000 and Hewitt 50,000. The Repub- licans give Roosevelt 90,000, Hewitt, 70,- 000, and George, 60,000. It will be noted that, in spite of their dissensions on other points, all three parties give Mr. Hewitt a place at the bottom of the list and that the Republicans agree with the Democrats in Mr, George the lowest figures, although with a disparity of 20,000 between their estimates. “There is no doubt that the sentiment of mature citizens in business circles is largely in favor of Mr. Hewitt. This is not because of any disrespect for the ability or suspicion of the honesty of Mr. Roosevelt, but because the logic of the situation points to Mr. Hewitt's suc- cess as the best solution of a difficult problem. If the Republicans win the election tomorrow the credit for the result will be everywhere given to the George party. The Democrats will then make overtures for a combination, which can be effected only by the older party’s indorsement of the communistic theories of the younger. United, the pair can do what they will at future elections and the forces of the new revolution, so long prophesied at mass meetings under the red flag, will have begun their work with encouraging auspices.” Abram S. Hewitt, Democrat, won the mayoralty with 90,000 votes; Henry George receiving 67,000 and Theodore Roosevelt, 60,000. * * % “At last, after years of waiting and worry,” says The S?hr of mla:ember 2, 1886, “the people of New Statue of york cxg can see looltx:::g Liberty. up, in the heart of besty: wonderf: nation would be delayed so long for lack of money to pay for a piece of masonry to set it on. If the foundation had been built and the city had had to wait for the statue it would have been easier to understand.” Roosevelt was able to get over his ideas on peace and on conservation of natural resources, while waiting for his opponent to give him an opening. o It was the first of October before the President moved definitely into action. Then, instead of defending himself from attack, he took the offensive. In the battle of words that has fol- in the Old Testament, known as the “Song of Deborah.” It was from this poem that quotations were frequently made during the World War, notably by Theodore Roosevelt. It will be recalled that he often quoted the 23d verse: “Curse ye Meroz, said the angel of the Lord, curse ye bitterly the inhabitants thereof; because they came not to the help of the Lord, to the help of the Lord against the mighty.” The story of Deborah, with the ac- companying poem, is brief, but exceed- ingly interesting. It is the story of a woman’s triumphant faith. Reason plays its part in human affairs, but, as a French writer has said, “The heart hath reasons which the reason knows not of.” Shakespeare speaks of judgment being tempered with mercy, and in the great plea of Portia we have again a supreme expression of a woman's judgment con- cerning mercy and equity. Some of the greatest and most beneficent movements that our generation has witnessed have found their genesis in the deep affections, clear vision and supreme faith of women. The church as an institution would long since have lost much of its prestige and power had it not been for the un- usual gifts and loyalty of its women. True, its great prophets have been men, but, let us with frankness acknowledge it, its most ardent and earnest and de- voted supporters have been women. The Red Cross movement, one of the most beneficent and Godlike agencies the world has ever witnessed, has found in the gentle ministry of woman both its inspiration and its efficiency. In this connection, let us be reminded that Lady Nightingale stands as one of the most commanding figures in modern English history. The ministry of the “Angel of the Crimea” to the thousands of suf- ferers in that dreadful struggle is one of the brightest pages in all history. Edith Cavell, it has been well said, will ever be remembered, not only for her fidelity to duty in the face of insuperable difficulties, but for her superb heroism and devotion, even unto death. The modern Deborahs are to play their large, and, we believe, noble part in this new age. May we not believe that their unfaltering faith, their unchallenged de- votion and their unquestioned affection for all that is truest and best in human life is to contribute to the richer, finer, nobler development of a truer and more real Christian civilization? Capital Sidelights BY WILL P. KENNEDY. Maryland, one of the “Original Thir- teen,” chartered in 1634, is unique in its great seal and its State flag, whose history is inseparable. The flag of the State bears the escutcheon of the great seal—the Calvert and Crossland (mater- nal) arms quartered. They are strictly of heraldic design, in marked contrast to other States of the Union, which bear “emblems indicative of agriculture and commerce, plenty and prosperity, or kin- dred subjects represented in a more or less pictorial or allegorical manner.” The first great seal brought over by Gov. Leonard Calvert, in 1643, was “treacherously and violently taken away by Richard Ingle, or his accomplices, in or about February AD., 1644, and hath ever since been so disposed of it cannot be recovered.” In 1648 Baltimore sent to the province, through Gov. William Stone, a second great seal cut in silver. The quarterings on the seal are sur- mounted by an earl’s coronet and full- faced helmet, which indicated his rank in America as that of a Count Palatine— his rank in England being that of a baron only—a distinction which no other colonial charter conferred. On the hel- met rests the Calvert crest, a ducal crown, with two half bannerets, one gold and one black. The escutcheon is sup- ported on one side by the figure of a farmer and the other by that of a fish- erman—symbols of each of his two es- tates, Maryland and Avalon. Below them a scroll bears the Calvert motto: “Fatti maschii parole femine"—manly deeds womanly words, or, more strictly, deeds are males, words females. Behind the escutcheons and coronets was engraved an ermine-lined mantle, and surround- ing all on a border encircling the seal the legend—“Scuto bonae voluntatis tuae coronasti nos"—with favor wilt thou compass us as with a shield. The heraldic shield is in gold and black. The great seal has had prominent and per- sistent part in Maryland history—sev- eral times changed, but in 1876 a joint resolution of the Maryland Legislature was restoring the seal to the exact description given of it in Lord Baltimore’s commission to Gov. Stone in August 12, 1648. Credit is given to James W. Thomas of Cumberland, author of “Chronicles of Colonial Maryland,” for the passage of an act in 1904 “to formally adopt and legalize the Maryland flag.” The first recorded use of a Maryland flag occurs in Leonard Calvert’s report of the reduction of Kent Island (Feb- ruary, 1638), saying that he and his force marched with Baltimore's banner displayed. At the battle of the Severn in 1655, where the supporters of the proprietary government, under William Stone, the Governor, were defeated by the Purital party under Capt. William Stone’s forces marched under land, Nugent, “standard bearer of the prov- ince,” while Fuller’s party displayed the flag of the Commonwealth, charged with the crosses of St. George and St. An- It is also said that a Maryland flag was carried by the Marylanders who accompanied Braddock’s expedi- tion against Fort Duquesne (Pittsburgh) in 1755. The flag, like the great seal, was evi- dently designed and adopted by Cecelius, Lord Baltimore, and sent out by hl-:; Continental Armies. Here also the treaty of peace with Great Britain was ratified in Unchanging Habits of Storks BY FREDERIC J. HASKIN, Naturalists have about come to the conclusion that the white stork will not change its habits of life and migration any more than the lecpard will change its gpots or the tiger its stripes. For some years naturalists, especially orni- thologists, all over the world have been watching with interest the stork experi- ments conducted in Europe. There is no reference in this inquiry to the stork so intimately connected with hu- man mythology. All references are to real storks which are too closely con- cerned with their own progeny to be interested in human kind. ‘The migrations of the stork long have been the source of keen interest to naturalists. Nearly every one is familiar with the manner in which storks build their large nests on the tops of chimneys or on secure niches in roofs. A land- scape of Holland and parts of Germany is scarcely complete without a stork’s bushy nest atop a chimney, with the solemn bird standing upon it almost like a weather vane. But not so many people are conversant with the curious migratory habits of the stork. * ¥ ¥ X Every Winter the European storks mi- grate to Africa in search of food and a more clement climate. The routes they follow are of special importance. They are practically as well defined as steam- ship lanes or railway routes and the curious discovery was made that they cannot be made to alter them. The storks of Prussia—where there are many—fly, at the proper season, southward over the Carpathian Moun- tains and so down into Africa. But the Holland storks fly southward over the Pyrenees and Spain. The first ex- periment to determine how fixed were the migratory habits and to what extent they are hereditary was made in con- nection with these Prussian and Dutch storks. Eggs from the Prussian nests were taken to Holland and there placed in the nests of Holland storks. Eggs from Holland were taken to Prussia. These eggs then were hatched by what might be termed the foster parents. Then came the time to watch the results. The fledglings grew to maturity during the Summer and the time came for the Fall flight. Although hatched in far-off Prussia, the storks hatched from Dutch eggs took the westerly route over the Pyrenees, while the storks hatched in Holland from Prussian eggs took the more east- erly Carpathian route. In order to do so, it will be noted, they were obliged to part from their foster parents because those parents would, perforce, take their own accustomed routes. Yet some dim hereditary impulse caused the young broods to take the flight routes which, for generations, their forebears had taken. % 5w ‘The latest attempt to change the habits of the stork has been made in England. ‘Young birds were brought to Kent and there placed in nests built for them in as near an imitation of the continental nests as could be achieved by skillful men. They were carefully fed. Eggs were imported and some adult birds. The purpose of the naturalists was to try to acclimate storks in England, largely to add to the picturesquesness of the landscape and partly to determine whether it is possible to change the stork’s habits. The indications are that young imported storks and fledglings hatched in Kent will not return, after the Winter migration, but will go back to the places where their ancestors came from. The white stork is a handsome bird and is regarded as an asset to the bird life of any country. It stands 3 feet high and is chiefly white, although having some black tail plumes. Bill and legs are reddish. It is a bird of unusual . dignity whether standing motionless on its chimney top nest or stalking like a bishop over marshland, where it finds its food consisting of frogs, newts, lizards, small fish and insects. It is universally regarded as a bird of good omen. On the continent, when a stork selects a man’s chimney or roof- tree to build its nest, he counts himself lucky, as the bird is believed to bring good fortune. Often, to attract storks, householders will build platforms on their roofs in inviting locations. Some= times an old cartwheel is used. As no hunter would dream of shooting a stork, the population shows a slow increase, with more nests each season. It is thought possible that the high esteem in which the stork is held may in some roundabout manner find its origin in the circumstance that the bird is related to the sacred ibis of Egypt, for many centuries an object of veneration there, A England has a bird which resembles the stork. It is the spoonbill, a large, white, long-legged bird, but with a curi- ous variation in the shape of its bill. The white stork has a long and sharply pointed bill, while the spoonbill has a heavier one which flattens out at the end much in the shape of a spoon. While the spoonbill formerly was quite numer- ous in the eastern countries of England, in recent years its numbers have dimin- ished, whether from lack of food or other reasons, naturalists do not agree. Then there is the black stork. This creature does not seem to have the regular habits of the white stork. It is & migratory bird, but does not follow the precise routes annually that the white stork does. It is an occasional and casual visitor to British shores but cannot be depended upon to return at regular seasons. It does not appear to breed in England but on the continent. The black stork is accounted a handsome bird. Its black plumage has a metallic luster with a shimmering gloss of purple, blue, copper and green. The legs and beak are scarlet. * Kk * The black stork does not have the same reputation for bringing good luck that the white stork does, and in Eng- land, at least, it has been shot by hunters. A notable fact about the storks is that they are voiceless. That fact may give the impression of adding to their dignity. In the breeding season, however, they have a way of clattering their beaks noisily and, indeed, at such times, lose much of their accustomed calm. They have a sort of dance which accompanies the clacking. Just as the European storks take specific routes on their migrations to direct pathways. They India. ‘There 1‘: no stork in North America, but in South America is found a close rela- tion. It is far from identical with the African and European storks but, neysr- theless, belongs to the stork family. - * It is considered highly improbable that storks could ever be acclimated in the United States, although climatic con- ditions are not greatly different from those of Continental Europe and food is abundant with nothing to interfere with southern Winter migration. The stork, especially the white stork, is a creature which knows its own mind and minds its own business. From Lines to Lines. Prom the Atlants Journal. One of the most crushing blows ene can experience is to fall from headlines .