Evening Star Newspaper, October 11, 1936, Page 30

D2 ‘THE EVENING STAR With Sunday Morning Edition. HINGTON, D. C. October 11, 1936 THEODORE W. NOYES...........Editor The Evening Star Newspaper Company. usiness Office: 11th B(.u:anle.nnnlvlm: ve, ol ok Sies MRS Dl Burcpean Omes: 14 Rewent St.. London. Fagiand. Rate by Carrier Within the City. Regular Edition. ~--45¢ per month -60c per monta per month 5¢ per copy Rate by Mail—Payable in Advance. Maryland and Virgtnia. Sunda; . $10. mo.. 85c fly an $6.00; 1 mo.. 60c $4.00; 1 mo.. 40c aday”"ons. .. $12.00 2 $8.00: 1 mo., $5.00; 1 mo., Member of the Associated Press. sociated Press is exclusively entitled to e e mibiication of all news dispatches eredited to it or not otherwise credited in this Daper and also the local news published herein. Il rights of publication of special dispatches erein are also reserved. — e Europe on Tenterhooks. To what a grave extent the passions {nherent in the Spanish civil war have endangered the peace of Europe is glar- ingly demonstrated by the stormy events in the Neutrality Committee at London. At a session convened to consider Rus- sian charges of Portuguese, Italian and German violations of the non-interven- tion pact delegates all but came to blows. Dino Grandi, Mussolini's am- bassador, is reported to have hurled the epithet of “liar” at Moiseyevich Kagan, the Soviet representative, while Fran- cisco Colheiros, Portugal's spokesman, putraged by aspersions that his country was used as a supply base for the Span- Ish rebels, stalked spectacularly out of the committee, indicating that he had bolted proceedings permanently. For more than seven hours charges and counter-charges flew back and forth among the score or more of nations rep- resented at the meeting, as various dele- gates, sympathetic either with the Madrid government or its insurgent foes, trotted out more or less circumstantial and conflicting evidence of foreign aid to the belligerents in defiance of the neutrality agreement. The whole day was ominously symbolical of the state | of tenterhooks into which the Spanish | erisis has plunged all Europe. On the constructive side, such as it is, the turmoil appears to have ended in a truce. Having at first threatened to withdraw from the international “hands off” arrangement and exercise the righ to aid the Madrid loyalists, Russia de cided, for the present at least, to main- tain co-operation with the other powers. Bignor Grandi had previously charged concretely that the Soviet itself has assisted the Spanish government. There- upon Moscow's emissary demanded dis- patch of a commission to Portugal, to investigate on the spot whether and how the Fascist rebels have been get- ting foreign support. The Portuguese delegate branded this proposal as an *insult,” and left the room. The Neu- trality Committee finally decided to address written requests to Germany, Italy and Portugal so that the facts can be formally established. This recourse was taken after general denial of guilt by all concerned, voiced with special vehemence by Italy. There, for the moment, Europe’s latest war scare rests. It would be indulging in unjustified optimism to imagine that the neutrality incident is thus ended. By hook or by crook, it may be taken for granted that Communist and Fascist sympathizers in one section of the Con- tinent or the other will continue to efford succor to the rival forces still locked in fratricidal combat in blood- poaked Spain. Their struggle long since outgrew the dimensions of local strife. It has come to be a far-flung grapple between the two political philosophies which have divided the Old World into frreconcilably hostile camps. Whatever diplomacy may contrive in the form of non-intervention treaties, it is too much to expect, amid the embittered contro- versy now rampant from the Mediter- ranean to the Baltic, that ways and means for circumventing such agree- ments will not be found and invoked. Therein are the ingredients of explosion end of war, —————— Straw votes do not hold out much en- eouragement for Mr. Lemke, who has not accumulated enough popularity even to be worth dickering with by a cam- paigner looking for some one willing to throw his vote. —_—————— The avowed antagonism of Dr. Town- send may be welcomed by the President 1 in politics there is really such a thing &8s a man’s being loved for the enemies he has made. “What-Nots.” Governor Landon, speaking in Chi- cago, revived for current use a word which ought never to have been neg- lected. He accused the New Deal of setting up “what-nots,” and his coun- trymen owe him a debt of gratitude for thus reminding them of an institution of the not-too-distant past in which they once took delight and which they may be interested to resurrect for the edifi- cation of a generation which, theoret- fcally, holds nothing sacred. “What-nots” were ornamental cabinets or shelves set up in parlor corners to receive the souvenirs and minor house- hold gods which a family might wish to preserve. In such a shrine three or four decades ago there could be found the shark’s tooth that Uncle Bob sent back from Tahiti, the bisque statuette of Williagp Tell that Aunt Liz purchased in Zurich to keep green her memories of Mont Blanc, the shells that the twins picked up on the beach at Old Point Comfort, the Egyptian scarab of Nurem- burg vintage that Parson Hines was per- a THE SUNDAY STAR, WASHINGTON, D. C, OCTOBER 11, 1936—PART TWO. suaded to buy in Cairo, the fragment of stone that Harry Featherbedder chipped off the Bunker Hill Monument, picture post cards from Paris and Monte Carlo inscribed with the familiar sentiment, “Wish you were here”; tiny birchbark canoes of undetermined origin; & mini- ature dictionary and an equally diminu- tive edition of the New Testament; & Mexican “opal” which bore a curious resemblance to slag from Jenkins' glass factory; buttons from numerous cam- paigns; a badge that Grandpa wore at a convention and a dried rose that Grandma never told about, but “always treasured. Also, the “what-nots” on occasion had a moralistic significance. On one of the shelves of a representative example & peanut might repose to symbolize the momentary lapse of virtue which prompted small Allen, aged four or five, to trespass on the property rights of an Italian vender who frequented the neighborhood. The dried husk, urn- broken, was kept where the child could see it. whenever he stood in need of a lesson in the sinfulness of pilfering. Had he stolen a railroad, it probably would have been similarly accommodated in the interest of his reformed behavior. But the “what-nots” of the New Deal have been of a different genus. An odor of disrepute attaches to most of them, as Governor Landon implied. Owen R. Washburn does not greatly exaggerate when, in “Uncle Sam’s Farm- yard,” he lists among prevailing abomi- nations the “Bureau for the Regulation of the Number of Chickens to Be Hatched by Each Hen.” Evolution of Ideas. Mr. Roberts, the people’s counsel, feels that the office he fills should either be abolished or provided with adequate per- sonnel for investigating utilities matters. If abolished, the Public Utilities Com- mission, according to Mr. Roberts, would be the sole protector of the public in- terest in utility matters. Whether the alternatives thus pre- sented are logical is not as interesting as the process of evolution that produced the suggestion. Up to 1908 all utility regulation in the District was exercised by Congress, which established the rates and reserved the power of authorizing the laying of street car tracks, etc. In 1908 the Interstate Commerce Commis- sion was given authority to regulate street railways and in 1913 the Public Utilities Commission of the District was created, the District Commissioners serving as the utilities commissioners. All this regulation was, of course, exer- | cised theoretically in the public interest. In 1926 the Public Utilities Commission | was created as a separate agency and the | corporation counsel of the District was assigned as its general counsel, all of s being an effort more effectively to protect the public interest. As the utility corporations were usually well repre- sented by skilled and able counsel at hearings before the utilities commission, and the “public” was represented by occasional volunteer spokesmen, the office of people’s counsel was created in 1926. The duties of the office were de- fined as appearing “for the people of the District of Columbia” in judicial pro- ceedings involving the interests of the public utility users, to appear before the commission at hearings and to investi- gate, if necessary, the service and rates of utilities and their valuation. One effect of creating the office has been to emphasize the judicial nature of the Public Utilities Commission, placing it in the position of decidirig cases not in the public interest, but for the utilities’ interests or the people’'s interests as championed by the people’s counsel. If a petition of a utility corporation, op- posed by the people’s counsel, is granted by the commission, the case is repre- sented as having been won by the utili- ties and lost by the people, or vice versa. ‘As a matter of fact, the utilities com- mission in theory decides all cases in the public interest. Its position in the public eye has been subject to some dis- tortion. The Public Utilities Commission has more than once demanded an increase in its own staff, claiming its present staff is inadequate to its responsibilities. Now Mr. Roberts wants a staff enabling him to fulfill his responsibilities under the law in checking up not only on the utilities, but on the utilities commission. —_————— On a campaign tour of eleven States to be made in ten days Mrs. Franklin Roose- velt will accompany her distinguished husband. A woman’s place is not neces- sarily in the home, even when the home is so comfortable and charming a spot as the White House, Cushman Relics. It was the hope of Henry and Emily Folger that many Americans would enrich their Shakespeare Library, and it would please them if they could know of the recent gift of a collection of relics of Charlotte Cushman, presented by Mrs. Victor N. Cushman. Surely, it is evi- dent that there could not be a more appropriate place for the preservation of such souvenirs, but the donor is entitled to generous credit for her recognition of that fact. She has earned the grati- tude of all lovers of the classic stage by her contribution to the central shrine of their devotion. 3 But the occasion also is important be- cause it furnishes opportunity for re- membrance of “the most powerful actress America has produced.” Her effigy in the Hall of Fame at New York Univer- sity perhaps was in some peril of be- coming a meaningless monument in the Jjudgment of a generation whose taste has been affected by a decline in the arts of the theater. Yet Miss Cushman should be immortal as a personality transcend- ing the boundaries of her own time and circumstance. She was a New England spinster of Pilgrim descent who, having attempted opera without satisfaction, ‘turned to the works of the Bard of Avon for the materials of a thespian career beth nitially, she was ifty-eight at her ~ final appearance in the role. Between the two dates—1835 and 1874—she had applied her genius to the most exacting of Shakespeare’s characters. Her Queen Katherine was famous, but she likewise was celebrated for her reading of Romeo, played to her sister’s Juliet, as well as her Hamlet and Wolsey—male imper- sonations for which her energy, her com- manding stature and her deep and reso- nant voice suited her. She interpreted Meg Merrilies from Scott end Nancy Sykes from Dickens with a passion “dreadfully intense, horribly real.” It was the skill with which she man- aged her own life, however, that achieved for Miss Cushman the high respect she enjoyed at the hands of an international public. Her name was un- blemished always. Indeed, it was her privilege to set a style for irreproachable bearing in the theater. She reigned as & sovereign and left a royal tradition to inspire a legion of followers in the path she blazed. The Postal Inspectors. From two widely separated sections of the country this week came news stories, the importance of which was shadowed by the world series, politics and Euro- pean warfare. Down on the Eastern Shore of Vir- ginia two arrests were made in connec- tion with the death of a man and se- rious injury of his wife, to whom a bomb was sent through the mail. Up in the anthracite region of Penn- sylvania a jury decreed death for a veteran of the German Army, adjudged guilty of mailing a bomb that took the lives of two persons, In each instance, the evidence was built up by a small Federal agency of which not a great deal is heard—the postal inspection service. Time will tell whether that in Virginia was conclusive; obviously, that in Pennsylvania was. . In both cases, the inspectors started out from scratch., A few splinters of wood, scraps of torn and burned paper and twisted nails were the clues. Grim determination and dogged persistence were the weapons. Once again, this little group of men has served notice that the mails must not be used for lawless ventures, —— e A genial photographic expression has been cultivated by Mr. Farley with such success that in case of a Landonslide he may consider following the example of Mr. Will Hays and going into pictures. —_————— An unlimited amount of money can be printed, but, like other kinds of demonstration, money needs a financial .backer and cannot be popular merely because of its intrinsic beauty. ————— There is time before election to enable the Literary Digest to take another poll and see whether the high power radio exhorters have made any converts one way or the other. —_———— Back in “horse and buggy days” a frequent news line was “Europe is an armed camp.” The world had a right to hope that by this time it would be obsolete. ———— “Darkest Russia” was & phrase much used by novelists. As international affairs proceed, the reason for keeping it dark becomes more and more evident. Shooting Stars. BY PHILANDER JOHNSON. Interlude. Sunrise splendors brightly glow. Twilight gilds the scene— But listen to the tale of woe Of what lies in between. The kidnap and the homicide; The thoughtless cruelty of pride; ‘The portrait of a face that masks Anxieties 'mid heavy tasks; Bold folly carelessly displayed; Honor by subtle craft betrayed; The crash that swiftly ends a life Without the equal chance of strife— Sunrise and twilight still we see So splendidly serene, But all our sorrows seem to be In what awaits between. Notes. “People are. always pleased by an assurance of future benefits,” remarked the citizen. “Very true,” agreed Senator Sorghum. “The best of what we refer to as key- notes are in effect merely promissory notes.” Improvements. We've better ships to sail the sea Or speed across the sky; With better bombs we may make [ree If we should care to try. There's better gas with odor vile— There must remain some doubt If war anew would be worth while Made just to try them out. Converted. “What became of that missionary?” asked the explorer. “We converted him,” cannibal king. " “To your belief?” “No. Into a ragout.” “Our music is not very beautiful,” said Hi Ho, the sage of Chinatown. “For answered the pelled to applaud.” Good Neighbors. Good neighbors all must hear the call New Deal Idea Men and Politicians BY OWEN L. SCOTT. ‘The heat of a political campaign is throwing light on many mysteries of the last three years. Revealed is the demand of the presidency for a dual personality, able as an executive, but equally adept at the art of holding power. Not so long ago Mr. Roosevelt treated the people to a parade of heavy thinkers, with sleeves rolled up, ready to make over the country. Their experiments, which the President sponsored, blos- somed all over the land in a bewildering display. Dr. Rexford Tugwell, Prof. FPelix Frankfurter, Donald Richberg, Harry Hopkins, M. L. Wilson—all idea men— were among the group that held the ear of the Chief Executive and dominated the scene. They, and a multitude of en- thusiastic young aides, were thinking up ways to control industrial profits, to divide up income more equally and to regulate business in the interest of a New Deal. But even during the period when new ideas were at a premium, older ideas and more practical matters received con- sideration. * K ¥ % Former Governors, like Bilbo of Mis- sissippi; former Senators, like Brookhart of Iowa, and an aggregation of char- acters seemingly out of tune with the whole note of reform began to attach themselves to the Government pay roll. At first the idea men were too busy with their own ‘plans to notice the in- trusion of old-timers. After that they became suspicious. Fears were privately expressed that the President was cooling in his zeal for reform. Newcomers, fired with enthusiasm for ideas and ideals, wondered why “Big Jim” Farley figured more and more prominently in the choice of personnel to earry out their ideas and ideals. Now they know. Men who had been hanging around clipping newspapers, or parking their heels on desks, or puttering with appar= ently weighty matters, suddenly were out on the firing line. Their speeches began to resound in the home districts. Their hard work began to bring in dollars to campaign chests. Their endeavors began to be reflected in increased registrations, in new political clubs and in other signs that carry election day importance. * X X % And the idea men were glad to slip quietly into the background, where they can view with admiration the tactics of the very men that they regarded with scorn only a few months ago. Thus, Dr. Tugwell is in what amounts to hiding—warned to keep quiet, and pleased with that opportunity. Harry Hopkins is busy with denials that W. P. A. is being turned into an election machine. Prof. Frankfurter is not needed for the work now going on at the White House. The money doctors of early New Deal days are back in their class rooms. Ben Cohen and Tom Cor- coran are buried deeply in the labyrinth of Government departments. President Roosevelt, who not long ago was directing an array of heavy thinkers, today is directing a bigger array of highly practical political operators. The abiliiy of the President to effect this transformation in type of leader- ship now appears to the idea men to be highly important. They realize that inability of a President to make the change might spell the end of their opportunity to try out the ideas they have, = % % When N. R. A. was thrown out by the Supreme Court, a number of the idea men wanted the President to try to revive the experiment on a different basis. He turned them down, and they were suspicious of his reasons. Now the fact is obvious that the President’s po- litical sense guided him. When A. A. A. went the way of N. R. A, the same inner New Deal group wanted Mr. Roosevelt to attack the Su- preme Court or to declare for a change in the Constitution. But again he saw political breakers ahead and carefully avoided the issue while seeking to patch up a program of continued aid for farmers. When Upton Sinclair appeared to be sweeping California with his E. P. I. C. idea of production for use to soak up the unemployed, the pressure on the Presi- dent was strong to join up. He toyed with the thought, but turned away from it. * k% X ‘When the country was in a spending mood, Senator La Follette and Senator Wagner were enthusiastically back of the idea of appropriating ten billion dollars for public works. But the White House turned thumbs down. The idea men were annoyed at the time, but now they are asking them- selves: What if Mr. Roosevelt had tried to drive ahead with a plan of farm pro- duction control, only to run into the 1936 drought? How, then, could a high cost of living and a crop destruction issue be dodged? Or what if the President were battling for a change in the Constitution and for & socialistic production-for-use m in a campaign based on the charge that the party in power was seeking to change the American form of Government? And what if President Roosevelt, at a time when spending is the chief issue in ‘his battle for re-election, needed to defend outlays billions larger than those actually made? The very aides who were critical of the White House attitude toward the Supreme Court, toward industrial con- trols and toward the use of relief labor, now are cheering the astute political decisions that enabled the President to avoid -issues that might be complicating his campaign for re-election at this time. Incidentally, the same issues would be affecting the chance the idea men have of continuing to supply ideas after next January 20. e * ok ok % oW the question is: Would Mr. Roose- of polif peace, turn men who supplied him with thet?d:: on which much of the New Deal is butlt, or would he forsake the reformers and lflc!:e to the now established paths? answer seems to depend on happens to business over thodeoun:h:: l.h‘e“ n&xet year or fltx'm moment, the President s mak- ing moves that are intended to !‘:umm business men. He is ready to talk about “WISDOM JUSTIFIED” BY THE RIGHT REV. JAMES E. FREEMAN, D. D, LL. D, D.C. L, BISHOP OF WASHINGTON. “Wisdom is justified of her children.” This is the concluding statement fol- lowing one of the most striking passages recorded in the eleventh chapter of St. Matthew. Jesus had been commending in glowing terms the ministry of His forerunner, St. John. He had followed it by asking the momentous question, “Whereunto shali I liken this genera- tion?” and reminded those to whom He was speaking that their judgment con- cerning His message and that of the forerunner had been variable and with- out definiteness of conviction. The mul- titude had heard Him and John the Baptist and, for a while, had applauded and received their messages with glad- ness, Their conclusion, as Jesus ap- praised it, He expressed in the following words: “John came neither eating nor drinking, and they say, He hath a devil. The Son of man came eating and drink- ing, and they say, Behold a man glut- tonous, and a winebibber, a friend of publicans and sinners.” The word that follows is a significant one: “But wis- dom 1is justified of her children.” It is an expression of the finely gen- erous and comprehending spirit of Christ. He would seem to say that, de- spite the misjudgments and the wrong judgments of men, wisdom and a right Jjudgment must ultimately prevail. Even confusion of mind, a misinterpretation of purpose and ungenerosity of criti- cism work out to this end. Nothing is more amazing in the ministry of the Master than the utter generosity with which He dealt with human frailties and human weaknesses. In His com- prehensive vision He saw amidst all the confused and confusing ideals and pur- poses of life the outworking of a great and divine plan. It is this kind of comprehensiveness of vision, this finer appreciation of human judgments and this greater gen- erésity in appraising human life in gen- eral that are sorely needed, especially in times of confusion and lack of clear understanding. It is a fine art to be able to take all the expressions of human weakness, all the judgments—good, bad and indifferent—that a given age dis- closes, yes, all the varied forms of evil to which it witnesses, and to resolve them into a judgment that is just and fair, and to see through the mists of conflicting ideas and ideals the outwork- ing of a wise plan. It is this kind of comprehensive thinking that this Christ- like judgment of men and things that is sorely needed in our modern world. To sit in the midst of the present world confusicn, to hear the many and diverse voices and judgments that are horne to us, to weigh and evaluate the variety of systems and plans that are persistently crying for recognition and to assimilate all these and, with discriminating judg- ment, separate the wheat from the chaff, is a supreme accomplishment. Better still, to believe that despite the confu- sions and disorders we are on an ascend- ing scale, that conditions cannot become worse but better, and that even the fallible children of earth are contrib- uting to the sure and certain things of wisdom is a condition of mind that we tragically need today. The generosity of Christ and His un- failing confidence in the outworking of a wise course, and of a salvation He came to teach and exemplify, is one of the most compelling aspects of His min- istry. He refused to see a no-hope case. He took a disordered and disorderly world as He found it, and with a com- pelling winsomeness called men and women away from lives of shame, dis- illusionment and disappointment to the fulfillment of forgotten ideals and pur- poses. The only harsh word He had to utter was to those who were superficial, unreal and hypocritical. He found wis- dom in unexpected places and in lives that seemed bruised and broken on the wheel of fortune. There is a quality of optimism in His whole message that we need today. Hope and expectancy were outstanding notes in His ministry. A reading of comparative history and a penetrating study of the motives and ideals of men affirms His statement that, sooner or later, “wisdom is justified of her children.” If He could be patient with a world that rejected and crucified Him, surely we can emulate His example and believe that, despite our failures and misgivings, plans are going forward that shall issue in a better world where justice, equity and fair-play shall be manifested, and human society with all its faults and weaknesses shall ulti- mately be redeemed. Fifty Years Ago In The Star The following announcement appears in The Star of October 11, 1886: “As will be more fully learned Death of from the details pub- lished elsewhere, Mr. €. W. Adams. George William Adams, president of The Evening Star Newspaper Company, died at his resi- dence on K street in this city at 2 o'clock yesterday morning. “The state of Mr. Adams’ health since his much-loved daughter Edith was taken mortally ill last Spring and its more critical condition since her death in July last have measurably prepared his family and friends for this sad event, but the shock caused by the result is none the less severe, nor will the loss sustained in consequence by his family, his associates and friends and by the city of his residence be any less sensibly felt on that account. No higher praise need be spoken of any man than to say that he was most liked by those who knew him best; and this was con- spicuously true of Mr. Adams. Modest in nature, to an extreme degree, quiet and reticent in demeanor, he did not seek wide acquaintances, but that circle nevertheless grew large; and those who became sufficiently intimate with him to form a just estimate knew him to be possessed of more than average in- tellectual powers, genial in temper, strong in friendship, wise in counsel, steady of purpose, charitable in judg- ment, generous in impulse, sagacious, prompt and scrupulously honest in busi- ness affairs and honorable and faithful in all the relations of life. “Intimately connected with him in the management of The Star for nearly twenty years, his surviving associates realize that they have sustained in the death of Mr. Adams a loss second only to that which has befallen his doubly bereaved family. Time may somewhat blunt the sense of deprivation and partially close the gap thus created, but no lapse of years can wholly fill his place in the hearts of those to whom he was attached, nor lessen the esteem in which his memory is held.” “‘ “If the alumni of Cornell University,” says The Star of October 13, 1886, “who are now striving to pre- Honorary vent the issue of purely Degrees. honorary degrees by that institution shall succeed in their purpose, nobody will re- gret it except those unripe scholars who have buoyed up their hopes of future renown by the thought that chance might throw a master’s or doctor's di- ploma in their way. The conferring of degrees has become a source of manifold abuses in all the higher seminaries of learning. Honors have gone so steadily by favor instead of by merit that they have come to be disregarded by the persons who might be expected most to value them. This is a fleld in which reform is not only possible but prac- ticable.” * * The final work :n the erection of the Statue of Liberty in New York Harbor i £ was being done fifty Goddess o years ago. The Star of - tober 14, 1886, says: Liberty. ©CTpe flame ‘of the torch and its dizzy balcony were hoisted into position yesterday and riveted. Some trifiing hammering of plates remains to be done, but to the eye the goddess, from her torch tip to the trail of her drapery, is a perfected presence. Most of the workmen at the Island yesterday were building a structure for the ma- chinery that is to supply the statue vm; electric light. The plant will consist of & machine capable of operating twenty 1amps of 6,000 candle power each. Twelve lamps will probably be used to illuminate the statue and, once lighted, they will shine, barring accidents, as long as the goddess stands.” —_— confronted in the first years of his re- gime wit:: highly practical problems of finance, and just as practical problems tion. O’MM need to shed some of the political character taken on by the de in any campaign year and to assume the characteristics of a skilled administrator, if trouble is to be avoided in the start of the social security pro- gram, the application of the new tax pro- gram and the readjustment of the Gov- O e esient in unlikely to face The next en ch-ng'.x«;t course, such as those charted 3 | Roosevelt in the last four years, as he shifted from dependence on heavy | thinkers to dependence on practical po- litical manipulators. (Copyrisht, 1080.) A Capital Sidelights BY WILL P. KENNEDY. ‘There are a score or more former mem- bers of Congress endeavoring to stage a comeback in the approaching November elections. Two of the most interesting contests are for Senate seats now held by prominent veterans — Senator _James Hamilton Lewis, Democrat, of Illinois, and Senator George Norris, Republican, of Nebraska, who is running as an In- dependent “by request.” Senator Lewis is opposed by former Senator Otis Glenn, Republican, who had previously served as State’s attorney for six years, four years in the State Senate and who was special prosecutor in the famous Herrin mas- sacre trials. He was a member of the Senate appropriations and Interstate Commerce Committees. The Republican nominee for the Senate in a three- cornered contest in which Senator Norris is a candidate by petition is Robert G. Simmons, formerly one of the most prominent members of the House. Just before the close of his eight years' serv- ice in the House, Simmons was in charge of the District appropriation bill. As an enlisted man in the World War he quali- fied as a balloon observer and licensed spherical balloon pilot, and was commis- sioned in the Air Service 18 years ago. He was in charge of the Republican Speakers’ Bureau. Prominent among those striving to re- turn to the House is former Representa- tive Cassius H. Dowell, Republican, Des Moines, Iowa, who after 10 years’ service in the State Senate served 18 years consecutively in the Congress, where he was ranking member of the Roads Committee. Another active former House member fighting to reclaim his seat is Harold McGugin, Republican, of . who was one of the aggressive new-comers on the floor. He had been in the overseas forces for two years, sec- ond lieutenant in the adjutant general's department at Brest. A picturesque con- testant is Brig. Gen. John Philip Hill, Republican, of Baltimore, who is oppos- ing Representative Vincent L. Palmisano. He was observer at the German Army Corps maneuvers in 1911, judge advocate on the Mexican border, during the World War was lieutenant colonel, judge ad- vocate, acting division inspector and liaison officer. He received many medals and citations for his military services. He was a member of the American Bat- tle Monuments Commission. While in Congress he was a leader in the fight against prohibition and “pulled” several spectacular stunts. Walter H. Newton, served 10 years in the House from Minnesota and was then secretary and administrative assistant to President Hoover. In the House he had been a member of the Foreign Affairs and Interstate Commerce Committees, a member of the Republican Steering Com- mittee and secretary to the Republican Committee on Committees. He was a member of the Board of Regents of the Smithsonian Institution, assistant di- rector of the Speakers’ Bureau for the Republican National Committee and directed the speakers’ bureau for the senatorial and congressional campaigns. Three years ago he was appointed a di- rector of the Federal Home Loan Bank Board. He is seeking his old fifth dis- trict seat, vacated when Representative Christiansen, former Governor, became & candidate for the Senate. Leonidas C. Dyer, Republican, of Mis- souri is another veteran commandeered for the campaign this year. He was formerly chairman of the House Judicl- ary Committee, and served 20 years in the House. He served during the Span- ish-American War on the staff of Gov. Hadley, with the rank of colonel and was commander-in-chief of the Spanish War veterans in 1915-6. He is seeking the seat now held by Representative Thomas C. Hennings, jr. Ross A. Collins, Demo- crat, Missouri, is another veteran mem- ber—already elected in the primary with- out opposition, -after one-term absence, when he made an unsuccessful try for the Senate. Collins had been a member of the House for 12 years and in charge of the Army appropriation bill. Oscar De Priest, Republican, of Chi- cago, the first colored man elected to Congress in many years, by trade a painter and decorator, is contesting against his successful opponent two years ago, Representative Arthur W. Mitchell, Democrat, also colored. Frank M. Ramey, Republican, who served from the twenty- first Illinois district in the seventy-first Congress, is trying to come back since Representative Harry H. Mason was not a candidate. Nobel J. Johnson, who served six years in the House—Sixty- ninth, Seventieth and Seventy-first Con- gresses—has the Republican nomination in opposition to Representative Virginia E. Jenckes—both from Terre Haute. Henry Arens is the Farmer-Labor candi- date against Representative Elmer J, Ryan, Democrat, in the second Minne- sota district. r2 Tammany Hall and the Election BY FREDERIC J. HASKIN. As the election nears, increasing specu- lation is being engaged in concerning the attitude of Tammany Hall toward President Roosevelt. Not a few people feel that the election is going to be close. Some prognosticators have predicted that it would turn on New York State. New York State in turn may depend upon how ‘Tammany Hall votes. Tammany is a New York City organi- zation. Upstate New York is tradition- ally Republicdn. A Democratic candi- date for Governor or for President can be badly behind in the voting in the northern counties, but pile up so huge a vote in Greater New York that he will be elected. This is the politico-geo- graphic situation which is causing so much speculation about Tammany and the President. It is no secret at Washington that the President and Tammany leaders have been somewhat cool toward each other during this administration. The Tame many delegation in Congress has not worked exactly hand in hand with the President. There has been no little ill feeling over the distribution of patron- age. The question which has arisen is: will Tammany act vindictively in the matter and fail to support the President save in the most perfunctory manner? Should this occur, it might well mean a difference in the carrying of the Empire State with its coveted 45 electoral votes. x % % % That a local organization might have so profound an effect upon a presidential election is due to the strategic place it occupies in influencing the New York vote and to its long history. Two weeks after George Washington was inaugu- rated, William Mooney, a New York up- holsterer, organized the Tammany So- ciety. From the first, it was a society of poor men and political liberals. Dur- ing the Revolution and soon afterward, the Liberty Boys formed a semi-mili- tary and patriotic and political organiza- tion and the Tammany Society was an inheritor of their tradition. Also, when the officers of the Army formed the ex- clusive Order of the Cincinnati, it was felt that some such body as the Tam- many Society should uphold the less aristocratic side. The order was pledged to the removal of certain suffrage quali- fications, such as property ownership. This had barred from the polls many a poor soldier who had fought in the Revo- lution, but who lacked property. while former Tories who had property were voting and holding office. Originally it was planned to make the Tammany Society a national affair with branches in every State. Branches were established in Philadelphia, Providence and Lexington, Ky., but they did not endure. By 1820, only the New York City Tammany remained in existence. At first it was the plan to admit men of any party to membership provided they were liberals, but soon the order became strongly, almost bitterly partisan and now, of course, is identified solely with the Democratic party. From the first, Tammany has taken a hand in national affairs. Even though for more than a century the society has been a New York City rather than a national organization, it has consistently taken positions on matters affecting the whole Nation, and that is doubtless why Tammany always is regarded an ime portant element in any election. For example, the Tammany Society agitated in favor of the War of 1812. Although so far away, geographically and political= ly, Tammany is credited with having been influential in the matter of the an- nexation of Texas. The society then favored war with Mexico. Before the Civil War, the society leaned toward slavery, but when the war came, Tammany raised a regiment, led into the field by its grand sachem. Howe ever, Tammany remained an unrelenting critic of Lincoln’s conduct of the war and of what it called the ‘imbecility of the administration.” Right on down to present times, Tammany has maintained the position that it is not merely local but national in influence. In national nominating conventions, Tammany is al- ways an important unit. x4t ¥ ‘The charitable work of the Tammany Society has had much to do with its hold on its own people. The first work along this line was in assisting poor men to acquire land so they could be eligible to vote. It naturally followed that when these men were qualified, they voted as Tammany leaders wanted them to. In 1837, came the first instance of the distri- bution of fuel, food and clothing to the poor of the Tammany wards. In the bit- ter Winter of 1870-1, Boss Tweed gave $1,000 to each alderman for the purchase of provisions for the poor. During the severe depression of 1873, Tammany took over unemployment relief. This aspect of Tammany's work became increasingly important. It followed naturally that the poor who benefited by Tammany largesse were going to follow the ward leaders in_their suggestions as to how to vote. Families of the poor, helped repeatedly by Tammany leaders, can not be con- vinced the society’s motives are any- thing but pure. Judge Olvany, Tam- many leader, once explained the so- ciety’s success by saying that it was hu- man all the year around, whereas so many other political organizations were human only at election time. It is an interesting fact that Tammany leaders own lots in cemeteries of various religious denominations where ‘they give free burial to constituents who, otherwise, would have to go to the potters’ field. Relatives of such poor people and even those who are not, set rich store by such treatment, so the political influence of Tammany has gone largely undimmed for generations. * % X * Tammany has seen considerable evolu= tion. At first it was anti-Catholic and anti-Irish. It was not until 1809 that it permitted a Roman Catholic to have a place on the assembly ticket. Similarly, there was strong anti-Irish feeling, so much so, indeed, that there were clashes in the streets. Gradually, this feeling altered and Tammany developed an en< thusiasm for assisting immigrants to be= come naturalized. It opened a bureau for this purpose. The regular fee was $5, but Tammany judges performed the service for $1 and even that was some- times paid by the society. These new citizens became instantly added to Tame many’s voting strength. ‘The society from early times controlled the appointments to jobs under the city administration and, to some _extent, under State administration. Willlam Mooney, Tammany’s founder, set a pre- cedent by becoming superintendent of the alms house at a salary of $1,000 a year, with another $500 for expenses. His accounts subsequently showed he re ceived much more of the public funds. QGreat figures have dominated Tam- many. There was Boss Tweed, during whose period of leadership a court house was built, designed to cost $3,000,000. It actually cost $13,000,000. Such discrepan= cies have been a part of Tammany his- tery from the very first. There were Honest John Kelly and Richard Croker, Charles Murphy and others who ruled Tammany, and each one has played a part, usually an indirect part, in national politics. It would be hazardous to pre- dict what will happen in November, but it is a foregone conclusion that Tame many will be a factor, even though large- Iy & hidden factor.