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- D2 THE SUNDAY STAR, WASHINGTON, D. C, THE EVENLNG ST, AR .t.he organization to which he, moi for the shelf. Cynics credit the prime With Sunday Morning Edition. WASHINGTON, D. C. BUNDAY. .March 3, 1935 THEODORE W. NOYES. . . Editor ‘The Evening Star Newspaper Company 11th 8t. -nén g‘nnmv'l:nll Ave. New York Office. 110 East 42nd 8t g!un Office: Lake Michigan Building. ropean Office; 14 Regent 8t.. London. England. Rate by Carrier Within the City. Regular Edition. The Evening Star. . ‘45¢ per month ¢ Evening and Sunday when ¢ 2" Sundays) .. ;. o 60¢ per month ‘The Evening and Sunday Star (when 5 Sundays) . 85¢_per month Tbe Sunday Star . . .. ..5cDer.copy Night Final Edition. eht Final and Sunday Star 70¢ per month ight nal Star .-, B5cper month Collection made at the end of each month. " Orders may be sent by mail or telephone National 5000 | Rate by Mail—Payable in Advance. Maryland and Virginia. Baily and Sunday. 1yr. $10.00: 1 mo 8un: | | /5¢ il 1yr.. $6.00: 1 mo.. 50c 1yr. $4.00: 1 mo 40c All Other States and Canada. Bully and Sunday 1yr. $12.00: 1 mo.. $1,00 1y, oLy, - 131 798.00: 1mat " ie a8y only.....1yr. $500: 1mo.. Bb0c ganbu- of the Associated Press. titied £0"the "tse_Ior “Fepublication ot i news dispatches credited to it or not other- Wise credited in this paper and also thi local news published herein. All rights of Dublication of special dispatches herein are aiso recerved. Accumulation of School Needs. The United States Commissioner of ! Education, John W. Studebaker, has | prepared for the Public Works Ad- ministration & list of school building | and playground needs for the coun- | try representing the results of the de- pression. The total cost of meeting such needs is estimated at eight and | a half billion dollars, almost twice the | sum that would be made available | for work relief on projects of all sorts under the bill now tied up in the Benate. With the list is forwarded the interesting statement that more than half the schools constructed in 1934 were financed with P. W. A. funds, and that from 1930 to 1933 school con- struction dropped 73 per cent. Included in a list of approximately 13,000 new construction projects needed now to house pupils in those areas where facilities are lacking are twenty-two for the District of Colum- bia. These projects are presumably taken from the list prepared by the Board of Education for the Commis- sioners’ study in connection with 1936 estimates. The board itemized twenty- eight projects, costing about $3,000,- 000. One new elementary school was asked, one new vocational school, and there were listed as advisable plans and specifications for two new senior high schools. The other projects were for enlarging or completing existing schools and for the purchase of land. ‘The 1936 bill as passed by the House provides for only four school building projects—these being additions to existing schools or completion of schools already authorized. In each case the amounts requested by the Board of Education were sharply reduced. No new sites were authorized, and no new plans for future buildings. Washington has been more for- tunate during the depression, as far 8s its schools are concerned, than | many other communities. But with | an Increasing school population, the danger now confronting the system ——as far as facilities are concerned —1s the accumulation of unmet needs & few years hence. There is already a large accumulation. Between 1925 and this year twenty-five new elementary schools were constructed. But the schools were just beginning to over- come the results of the great conges- tion caused by World War conditions when the depression began to make itself felt. School buildings are not erected in a year. Many years elapse between the authorization of site pur- chase and the completion of a bulld- ing. But instead of following some consistent program of looking ahead to the future, when new facilities must be provided, the present policy fails to take account of anything beyond the immediate present. And even the needs of the immediate present, as evidencd by the failure of the School Board's estimates to receive approval, are sorely neglected. N. R. A. will go on for awhile until it is demonstrated that “R” stands for “recovery,” with no lingering ap- prehensions that it means “recipe.” ————— Cheers by the populace in the Saar Valley show the willingness to use agreeable language whether it means anything or not. Mirthful Melody. For nearly three decades the name of George H. O'Connor and the word “banquet” or “dinner” have been closely associated, virtually insepara- ble, in Washington, Mr. O’Connor has not sung his sofigs at all of them, public and semi-public, held here, by any means, but the proportion of those at which his talents have been enjoyed is a high one. If it were pos- sible to procure him as an entertainer, he appeared, and it is of record that he seidom failed to tender his talents freely and graciously. Doctors, lawyers, merchants, mem- bers of fraternal and trade organiza- tions—the list is comprehensive—have been stimulated and amused by Mr. ©O’Connor's melodious voice and in- imitable manner. The sum total of the individual hours of pleasure he has given to Washingtonians and to visitors, if computable, would prob- ably require almost astronomical ex- pression. Presidents of the United States, diplomats and other dignitaries of all sorts have counted him a prime favorite. Last night an entertainment was given in his honor. The Lawyers’ Club, of which he is a distinguished orna- ment, held a dinner at which George —the surname is dropped here, as elsewhere, as an indication of affec- tlon—was the honor guest. And if he enjoyed himself as much as all who know him hope he did, then he had & swell time. It is impossible to disso- ciate the names of George and of his has given so much enjoyment. Here is & man who, in the opinion of experts, would have attained out- standing rank as a professional en- tertainer, but who stuck to the law, and for the sake of fun and good fel- lowship, gave freely and constantly of his talents. Here is a man, who, hav- ing caroled lustily at & big club din- ner upstairs, would stop at a young- sters’ dance downstairs and sing some more, his reward for the extra effort being the look on the faces of his hearers. Here is a man whose humor, melody and originality have helped to drive dull care frgm the minds of | three generations. He has received a deserved testimonial of the affection and esteem in which his fellow-towns- men hold him. More power to him— if any be needed. e The Bonus Bill. ‘The House is to be given an op- portunity to vote on a soldiers’ bonus bill. Apparently, it is to be an early opportunity, for Chairman Doughton has announced that the Ways and Means Committee will hold hearings on the various bonus bills beginning Monday. Noone has much doubt that the House will pass a bill for the im- mediate cash payment of the bonus to veterans of the World War, despite the fact that President Roosevelt is| opposed to such legislation. The bonus | movement comes at a time when the | funds which the Government must borrow from its people in very large sums are needed for relief of the desti- | tute, whether they be veterans or not. | The Prsident’s hope for defeat of the measure must lie with the Senate, and even in the Upper House a bonus bill has a chance to pass by a comfortable margin on its first submission. The real chance of ultimate success for the President in the Senate probably lis in the fact that the bonus sup- porters may not be able to rally a two-thirds vote to pass the measure over a veto. ‘There seems no doubt that the President will veto & bill which pro- poses to pay more than $2,000,000,000 | to veterans in these days of depres- sion, when the money is not due them | until 1945 under the original bonus law passed by Congress. The credit of the Government would be still further strained if it was compelled to produce two billion dollars at this time to pay the bonus. Already ltl is bearing strain enough, with a public debt around billions of dollars and still rising. The two major proposals for the payment of the bonus are the Patman bill, which provides that the bonus shall be paid by printing Treasury notes, and the Vinson bill, backed by the American Legion, which would have the money appropriated out of the Treasury without providing for | such inflation of the currency. The Ways and Means Committee, there- fore, will have to tackle the inflation question as well as the bonus pay- ment when it gets down to work on the bill which it will report to the House. | It might be amazing that the bonus bill is to be given early consideration by the Ways and Means Committee of the House if it were not for two facts. The first is that the measure is a soldiers’ bonus bill, and the pres- sure for the payment of the bonus has been too much for the great mass of Congressmen to withstand. The second is traceable to an understand- ing, if not an agreement, entered into by the Democratic leaders of the House with bonus bill supporters that a vote would be granted them, when the leaders were pressing for a change in the rules of the House at the open- ing of the session. There has been talk of a com- promise on the bonus payment. A suggestion was made that the money should be handed only to those vet- erans actually in want. All such compromises have been rejected by the bonus advocates. The President is reported to be ready to insist that the Congress enact tax legislation to raise the two billion dollars for the bonus payment, if it puts through the bonus bill. As between the taxpayers and bonus army, the Congress so far has been inclined to favor the latter. Any school books containing disloyal propaganda should have the immediate attention of collectors. They will be subjects of historic curiosity. ———s Infant proaigies must not appear before an admiring public. The ruling deprives a little one of its greatest happiness. —————— Mr. MacDonald Sits Tight. For some time past hints, only more or less gentle, have been reaching Ramsay MacDonald that he has out- lived his usefulness as British prime minister and that he would do well to decamp as gracefully as possible from No. 10 Downing street. He has been publicly derided as a Tory puppet and impotent figurehead in a government really ruled by Stanley Baldwin and the Conservatives, who overflow the House of Commons. In Parliament the Sage of Lossiemouth has been de- nounced from the decimated Labor benches as a traitor and a “swine.” On the hustings, in his own con- stituency, he has been contemptuously jeered. Last week in a speech at Doncaster, in Yorkshire, Mr. MacDonald seized an opportunity to reply to those who would like him to be ousted from the prime ministership if he does not lay it down voluntarily. “When the mo- ment comes,” he sald, “that I myself for one reason or another—and unfor- tunately there are many—am no longer satisfied that I can pull my full weight in the boat I shall require nobody’s advice to enable me to make up my mina what my duty is.” The canny Scot’s calumniators and critics can put that in their pipes and smoke it. Mr. MacDonald sits tight. He 1s not ready to subscribe to the defeatist theory connoted by the minister with a desire to hang on at least throughout this silver jubilee | year of King George, in order that he may indulge to the full his reputed penchant for the royal frills and func- tions with which the Spring and Summer “season” in London will over- flow. Mr. MacDonald added, at Doncas- ter, that he holds his present cabinet rank at the wish of his colleagues. For a long time it has been under- stood that when they decide to drop the pilot, it will be to land him in the peerage, with an innocuous seat in the House of Lords. ——————————— Condensed Eloquence. Most of the Government’s press re- leases are prosaic statements of dry fact. But occasionally one is issued that breathes eloquence from every one of its mimeographed words. And for clear, concise discussion of the in- teresting question regarding litigation involving New Deal legislation the following essay from the Department of Justice is hard to beat. It is given in full: For immediate release. Department of Justice. March 2, 1935. Cases pending in the Federal courts under New Deal legislation (as of March 1, 1935). National Industrial Recovery Act.332 Agricultural Adjustment Act...... 46 Bankhead Cotton Control Act..... Kerr-Smith Tobacco Act ........ Emergency Railroad Transporta- tion Act of 1933 . Railroad Retirement Silver Purchase Act . Tennessee Valley Authority Act ——————— It is said that farmers have been chasing economic butterflies. They are now reminded by experts in agri- culture that it is time to get to earth and engage in relentless pursuit of the Japanese beetle. ———ewe— Mr. Mellon says he does not desire his name mentioned in connection with art endowment. Whether in praise or blame, Mr. Mellon can never expect to remain anonymous. r—e—— Washington's birthday has brought the usual patriotic reminders with | enough emphasis to make sure they | will last for a fresh start on the Fourth of July. ——————————— Financial depression has overtaken former Mayor Walker of New York, twenty-elght | byt it is evident that he still knows | nothing about temperamental depres- sion. ———e—— When Hitler says Wilhelm will never again be crowned head of Ger- many, the former emperor may, if moved by a spirit of repartee, reply “Same to you.” ——————— One reason for Herbert Hoover's smile may be due to his honest belief that he is seeing real elephants in the distance. e A remarkably long period of time has elapsed without an effort to make some new kind of trouble for Sam Insull. ————————— Fears are obviously justified that many Communists do not like this country any better than they did their own. —et— e The swastica has artistic possibilities but it will never come into favor as a design for Paris jewelry. ——— Higher prices are an unmistakable sign of prosperity provided the public can afford to meet them. SHOOTING STARS. BY PHILANDER JOHNSON. Getting Acquainted. I read descriptions of the way That some great stateman looks; His fads in personal array; His preference in books. I read about his favorite dish And how he folds his tie Or when he says to point & wish “Gol-durn” or “hope-ter-die.” 1 know what radio may deem His own distinguished choice In shampoo or in shaving cream To make his hair rejoice. I know how he will hazards take While golfing on the links And yet I sometimes lie awake While wondering What He Thinks. Ingratitudes. “Do you think republics are un- grateful?” “No,” answered Senator Sorghum, “at least not any more so than many other kinds of government that I might mention.” Paintings. Art galleries I'd like to seek With elegance intense. Il have to wait, because this week T've got to paint the fence. First Principles. “What is your idea of the higher education?” “It’s a method,” answered Miss Cayenne, “of attaching sclentific in- terest to things of which common sense ought to make us perfectly aware.” “Our ancestors,” said Hi Ho the sage of Chinatown, “were able to speak with severity because they pre- ferred firecrackers to cannon and flew kites instead of bombing planes.” - School Days. I look into the spelling book Which I in early schooldays took, And find the letters printed there Still haunting me with anxious care. With N. R. A. still puzzling me, With A. A. A.and R. F. C, 1 must admit with deep regret 1 do not know my alphabet! “I listens respectfully,” said Uncle Eben, “to advice about savin’ up invariable, faithful, skilled and sym- | melodious theme that “the old gray [ money. All I needs is some more ad- pathetic accompanist, Matthew Horne. | mare ain't what she used to be.” He | vice about how to get it in de fust “Matt” was there, too, a8 guest of MMM‘MIW place” , 1 Difficult as it may be to express what we mean by the soul, we have abundant evidence there is some- thing in our nature that we cannot define as physical, that demands satis- faction. We speak of “serenity of the mind,” and by it we mean that poise and quiet that is indispensable to clear thinking. Men the world over have discussed life in terms of “body, mind and spirit.” We are clear as to our physical demands and we readily meet them. We are like- wise clear concerning the require- ments of the intellectual, the de- { velopment and cultivation of the| {mind. To think of life only in terms |of physical and mental is to leave our natures unsatisfied and impover- ished. Long ago the great philosopher, Socrates, sald: “I do nothing but go about persuading you all, old and young alike, not to take thought for your persons, or your properties, but first and chiefly to care about the greatest improvement of the soul.” 2 interest or in value with the growing | tors face the music that would come | It is an admonition that is too lightly esteemed and practiced. The recent years have found us so much absorbed in endeavoring to recover our material well being; the pressure of life has been so persistent, that less heed has been given to the high claims of the soul than in other and more normal days. A high-visioned Scotchman has said that, “apart from any questions of church dogma or of future life, no human pursuit, no hunt for wealth, fame or pleasure, is comparable in of a soul.” If the concerns of the physical and mental require a definite, prescribed and unvarying course, then with like assurance we may affirm | that the spiritual in us demands like consideration. All this is pertinent to that which the season of Lent is designed to pro- mote. The consistent reason for such a protracted period of quiet, reflec- tion and worship is to give us fresh opportunity for rightly appraising and answering the demands of the soul. A cheap and unprofitable way of ob- “GROWING BY THE RIGHT REV sJAMES E. FREEMAN, D. D, LL. D, D.C. L., Bishop of Washington | of every name. This, doubtless, A SOouL” plines that, in themselves, are in- consequential. Such a practice is unworthy of us. We are called upon, if we would use the season profitably, to suspend indulgences and practices that are solely designed to satisfy our physical desires. A consistently ob- served Lent, or indeed any other like period when we give ourselves to more reflection and contemplation of the true meaning of life, means to re- spond to that word spoken by one of old: “Be still, and know that I am God.” It is demonstrably true that no fine intellectual or spiritual development grows out of periods of intense physical action. The artist, the poet and the writer require long periods of detachment. Silence and repressed physical activity do not imply indolence or lethargy. The very tenseness and exactions of our modern life make the appeal of Lent more compelling today than hitherto, and justify its observance. of the great Master we are told that before He entered upon His active ministry He sought through a long period the silences, and during the days of His intense action He retired repeatedly for protracted periods of contemplation that He might the better prepare Himself for His arduous and exacting service. While Lent has been observed through long centuries by certain churches its appeal has more and more been responded to by churches is due to the practical value to which such a season witnesses. For the sake of physical refreshment and in the in- terests of repose of mind and clarity of vision, we urge the observance of this season at a time when we need the best that is in us to meet the stern problems of our modern world. ‘We shall secure more of physical fit- ness and mental alertness if we give our souls a chance to grow; if we make prayer, worship and quiet re- flection & daily practice we shall come to the end of this season and to our Easter with the quickened sense of & nature that has been reborn serving Lent is to impose upon our- selves ‘certain privations and disci- and rendered capable of utderstand- ing the mighty resurrection message. | BY OWEN L. SCOTT. | _Today's leading questions in the Nation’s Capital: Is the New Deal | bogging down beneath an oversupply i of “yes men”? Is President Roosevelt getting the real “lowdown™ on shifts |in popular sentiment that obviously are occurring? Presidents in the past often have | been cut off from real contact with the public. Officials strove to agree with every opinion of the “Chief.” | Visitors went out of their way to tell | the President what they thought he would want to hear. There usually was competition in “yesing” the occu- pant of the White House. All was to be different under Pres- ident Roosevelt. For months the President was pictured as worried by the small amount of critical comment on his program. He was said to de- sire intelligent opposition so that mis- takes could be avoided. His secre- taries apparently vied with one | another to discover critical material { that they could bring to his atten- tion. He “talked turkey” with many a visitor. | To maintain close tab on thoughts |of the people throughout the Nation, | mail was analyzed carefully. A daily analysis was made of newspaper com- ment and news stories. Nobody was going to be fooled about the state of national affairs. Has all that changed? Is Mr. Roose- velt now slipping into the traditional role of & President supplied with hand-picked opinions and protected from many of the realities of the | situation? | * x % % Signs begin to point that way. One | of them followed the Senate upset of [ the President’s $4,880,000,000 plan | | for creating jobs. After that defeat | | Mr. Roosevelt decided to let the Sena- | from the country. The reaction was | expected to be overwhelming. An inspired story told how Mr. | Roosevelt had been informed by his | aides in the White House that the | reaction of the people amounted to | a “spontaneous political referendum, with letters and teleprams substi- tuting for ordinary ballots.” But strangely, the voters who were rallying to the support of the Presi- dent in his struggle with Congress failed to communicate with their Con- gressmen. Senatorial mail increased slightly, if at all, and the bulk of the letters that did discuss the work-relief bill were in favor of the “high-wage” plan favored in the Senate. That led to the question whether Mr. Roosevelt had been supplied by his assistants with the sort of infor- mation that he wanted to hear, re- gardless of whether it actually repre- sented the true situation. There have been other straws noted by persons who recently have been at- tending White House conferences. They report that if the President shows interest in one side of a ques- tion, those present will push ahead along the line that seems to please him. They hesitate to bring up un- pleasant considerations that may completely alter the picture. * x % % “I often wonder whether the truth is told to any of the higher-ups in the Government,” commented an offi- cial who attends many of the impor- tant conferences. ‘““There seems to be a fear of telling the truth when it is unpleasant. The truth sometimes may offend. Officials, like every one else, want to hear praise and assurance. Critics quickly are classed as obstruc- tionists, when as a matter of fact crit- icism may be most important.” Donald Richberg, as chief aide to the President and executive director of the National Emergency Council, has been doing his bit to “co-ordinate” critics into line. Part of his job is to make all New Dealers sing the same tune. Co-ordi- natfon is coming to mean a chorus of “yeses” to greet all ideas and plans that seem at the moment to be in favor with the White House. But the increase in the number of official “yeses” is coincident with apparent growing t and disillusion. ment throughout the country. * k x x Some of the present troubles grow from the “yesing” policy as applied to leaders In Congress. Those leaders in‘ more than one ‘Washington knows, are not in sympa- thy with the President’s program. But they assume the job of putting that program through the National Legis- acceptable to the Senate. As a re- Too Much “Yesing” Believed Cause Of Most of the New Deal’s Troubles was given that, although the division | would be close on the “prevailing- | wage” amendment, it would be a White House victory. Confident of his position, the President dispatched | an assuring note to the Senate. He | was beaten. Mr. Roosevelt had come to feel that nearly all the members of Congress, including many of the Republican in- surgents, were his friends. He de- pended on the telephone and a few words of encouragement and advice to keep them in line. Assuring com- ment from the President brought agreement with most of the things that he said, because few persons can deny his winning way. Yet that method now has failed to function. Men in his own party, | whose allegiance he depended upon, broke with Mr. Roosevelt on the work | relief plan, which is the center of his | 1935 recovery program. | * X x % Some of the Senators say the Presi- dent has been trying to please every one. They think he has avoided mak- | ing decisions on a few very funda- | mental issues in order to keep his | congressional lines intact. Rather than steer the New Deal in any one consistent direction, Mr. Roosevelt has turned it first to the right and then to the left, endeavoring to maintain a middle ccurse. Now the signs seem to suggest that, instead of pleasing both sides by these maneuvers, he may alienate each of them. Politiclans are direct- ing attention to the possibility of the President maneuvering himself into a position where he has few friends either in the camp of the conservatives or of the radicals. Recently the radicals, both in Con- gress and in the New Deal, definitely have lost enthusiasm. Several of them were bounced out of the Agricul- tural Adjustment Administration. Those in other departments have seen their ideas sidetracked. In Congress the radical group is openly suspicious of Mr. Roosevelt and is preparing to cause him trouble, regardless of any expressions of agree- ment and co-operation that they may have made at the White House. Yet conservatives, both in the execu- tive departments and in"Congress, are wary. They are not pleased with many phases of the New Deal pro- gram in spite of the President’s swing in their direction of late. X X X % Now the question is: Can President Roosevelt crack the whip and herd his forces back into line, so that once more he can com- mand strong control over the Govern- ment? Or is the split in New Deal ranks, now so evident, to grow wider and result in a general political realign- ment? The answer may depend on whether “Mr. Roosevelt is ready to make up his mind on major questions of policy which have not yet been faced. Sooner or later he must decide—so his friends here are saying—whether the coun- try is to move over into some form of State socialism or whether it is going to make capitalism work. If the latter is the decision, as most people here are sure it will be, then the comment is that the President must stabilize money, balance the budget, adjust tariffs, deflate some wages and capital structures, and make other adjustments which may be unpopular with voters but which are needed if the old machine is to get back to work. A (Copyright. 1935.) Italy Experimenting in Abyssinian Issue BY A. G. GARDINER. LONDON, March 2—The cloud over Abyssinia is disturbing the more cheerful temper which recent events in the Saar and Yugoslavia had shed over Geneva and the League of Na- tions. It is extravagant to suggest, as some critics of Mussolini do, that we are witnessing the opening stages of another piratical adventure compara- ble with that of Japan in Manchuria in 1931. Yet it is true that Italy’s attitude toward the League has never erred on the side of enthusiasm and that Mussolini’s dreams of imperialist expansion in Africa, together with his periodical explosions of almost fanatical militarism, are not calcu- lated to create confidence in his pa- cific intentions. Nor is the apparent failure of the direct negotiations at Addis Ababa, which the League suggested, other than gravely disquieting. It was hoped that as a result of those negotiations Abyssinia’s appeal for the interven- tion of the League, under Article XI of the covenant, could be withdrawn. Instead, the situation has been seri- ously eggravated. There has been | In the short narrative of the life | MARCH 3, 1935—PART TWO. Capital Sidelights I BY WILL P. KENNEDY. There are career men in the secre- tariat of members of Congress as well as among those whe hold the impor- tant posts in keeping the wheels of legislation moving. Veteran House employes include such men as William Tyler Page, suthor of “The Ameri- can's Creed,” suthority on the Constitution, former clerk of the House and an employe at the Capitol for more than half a century. There is another 50-year man in the person of William (“Andy”) Smith, in charge of the Con- | gressional Record, with an office in, ! Statuary Hall. There are such others as Joseph J. Sinnott, both of the House and several Demo- | cratic national conventions; Bert W.: | Kennedy, former doorkeeper during | Republican majority; Joseph G. Rod- | gers, former sergeant at arms, and the | two reading clerks, Patrick J. Halti- = and A. E. Chaffee, to name only a lew. But somehow folks do not think of as career men. They rather look at {them as they do elevator boys and members of the Capitol police force— there holding & job to help them work their way through law school or some other special course—just making stepping-stones in their career. But there are some devoted workers who have made and are making congres- sional secretaryship their life work and profession and who take special courses to make tnem more efficient. Among these there is_considerable | rivalry to be known as “the best secre- tary” in the House Office Buildings. These are not boys or girls—grown men and women, with a record of ac- tual achievement bebind them—known throughouyt the entire Government service where a request from them gains immediate attention for their Congressman. Eugene T. Kinnaly, now secretary to Representative John W. McCormack of Boston, Mass. “Gene” has often been called “the best secretary”—and he, at the age of 45, with a wife and child, has just gone through law school “burning the midnight oil” and passed the bar examinations—just to fit him- self for better service. ‘“Gene” has been serving the pecple of the twelfth Massachusetts district for more than 17 years, and none has ever had any- thing but kind words and helpful service from him. He has done count- met him—and he has helped to give scores of young people a good start in life. Mr. Kinnaly graduated from the Boston High School of Commerce in the first class in 1908. The late Rep- | the most picturesque, charming per- | quarter of a century and one of the brightest minds Harvard ever sent to the legislative halls, selected Gene Kinnaly as his legislative assistant— and no member of the House ever had a more devoted ally. He served Gal- livan from July, 1918, until Gallivan's death in April, 1928—since then he has been doing the same kind of efficlent service for Representative | John W. McCormack, who is recog- nized as one of the busiest and most hardworking members.” In spite of his exacting office labors, Kinnaly, with the encouragement of { Mr. McCormack, has devoted his eve- i nings to the study of law and grad- uated from Columbus University in 1932. He passed the bar examina- tions last month, and intends to con- | tinue his splendid association with { McCormack, who is proud of his | secretary. more bloodshed in the disputed ter- ritory, and the military preparations |of Italy suggest, at the worst, the possibility of war, or, at the best, a desire on the part of Mussolini to overawe the Abyssinian government during the negotiations, “in a manner entirely contrary,” as the London Times observes, the spirit of the Italo-Ethiopian treaty of friendship of 1928.” * % * % There is nothing that the League desires less than to be involved in a quarrel between two of its con- stituent members, one of whom is so important a factor in its program for the reconstruction of Europe. But Italy's menacing action, if pursued, will leave the League no alternative. It is not necessary, however, to as- sume at this stage that Italy is con- templating a war of aggression and conquest, which would bring her into collision, not only with the League, but with the interests of other powers whose colonial territories border on Abyssinia. And there are other con- siderations no less relevant. Italy’s financial position is far too desperate to permit her lightly to indulge in such a costly luxury as a war. It is notorious that her new understand- ing with France had a financial as well as a political basis and that fact should be a powerful deterrent to a provocation war policy on the part of Italy. Moreover, Italy remembers Adowa and understands very well that Ethiopia is a tough military nut to_crack, altogether apart from the political complications which the at- tempt to crack it would raise. I share, therefore, the view that Mussolini’s saber-rattling is not a preliminary to war but an experiment in the art of intimidation. It is a dangerous experiment and may easily place the League in a desperate fix. It will be none the less desperate be- cause Italy has real grievances. Abys- sinia is a very uncomfortable neigh- bor. Britain knows this from the experience of the Sudan. France knows it from the experience of French Somaliland. ‘This is no reflection upon the Em- peror of Abyssinia, “the king of kings” and the “lion of Judsh.” In spite of his high-sounding names, he has little control over the powerful sub- sidiary “kings,” who are his feuda- tories and who are akin to the robber barons of the dark ages. They are ferocious bandits whose slave raids into the Sudan have only recently been stopped, and whose massacre of natives and French soldiers in French Somaliland last month is an example of the provocations to which the neighboring powers have to submit. * % x % It is not improbable that the re- ports of the concentration of levies on the Itallan Somaliland border are true, and that there is ground for the anxieties of Mussolini on the sub- Ject. But the remedy is not independ- ent warlike action, such as that which Japan took in Manchuria in 1931, It is to submit the matter to the League or, if that is objectionable to Italian nationalist sentiment, to bring into action the tripartite treaty of 1906, which pledges Britain, France and Italy to consultation on matters touching their Abyssinian interests. No country will object to Italy tak- ing the steps necessary to Secure the peace of her border, but the limits of the disputed zone must be the subject of free negotiation and the idea of an independent war on Abyssinia should be eliminated. That would raise vast issues to which neither the doorkeeper | the secretaries and clerks to members | To give but one example—there is | less favors for hundreds who never | | resentative James A. Gallivan, one of | ! sonalities in Congress during the last | The Foundations and the Depféssioh BY FREDERIC J. HASKIN. As though to illustrate the biblical | admonition to cast your bread upon | the waters, the great phsl.mmropic‘ organizations of the United States, despite manifold benefactions, stood, at the turn of the great depression, in better financial shape than when they entered the period. This is not true|$159,860,783. There was a slight in- | | crease in the first depression years, of every ome but, grouping the 16 whose reports are made public—and | !these include the largest and most famous—the grand total of assets at the end of the period is greater than | it was.at the beginning. This is due | to a variety of causes but, seemingly, in no case has parsimony bgen re-| sponsible. | It is a remarkable fact that institu- tions whose business it is to give, money away should emerge from a season of almost universal distress richer than they were at the out-| set. The explanation in some cases is | excellent management of the trust! funds, wise investments, and avoid- | ance of financial pitfalls. In other| cases there have been fresh mnmbu-’ tions to the furds which strengthened | their position. Here are the tremendously impres- sive figures. For 14 foundations whose reports are based on ledger value, the value in 1930, at the beginning of the | depression, aggregated $545,677,947. | At the end of 1933 a figure of $546,- | 957,208 is shown. It is entirely pos- | sible, indeed probable, that these fig- | ures, at least at the end of the period, do not reflect true value. There is not available a detailed report on jusi what securities are held in the port- folios. It is probable that in some in- stances, were sales forced, less than the ledger value would be realized. But, unlike active business houses, these foundations do not have to sell their securities. They may hold them for many years. Therefore, there is some reason to agree that the trustees | are sound in sticking to a ledger bass. | At any rate, huge incomes have been | produced which is an indication that most of the securities must be all right. Only two of the foundations have reported on a market-value basis and these have, indeed, revealed shrink- age, but the shrinkage is not all due to market decline, for enormous sums have been paid out. In 1930 these, two, on the market-value basis.‘ showed assets of $22,383.677. | Rockefeller and Carnegie Benefactions. One of the greatest of all such in- stitutions, the Rockefeller Founda- tion, came out with a richer fund than it had at the beginning. but this gain is obviously due to the additional | contribution made by the Rockefeller family. In 1930 the Rockefeller fund possessed $142,675.978. It had fallen by $1,300,000 in 1931, but accretions brought it back at the end of the pe- riod to $153,578,786—greater by more than $10,600,000. Closely associated is the Spelman fund of New York, which represents Rockefeller money, inasmuch as the elder Rockefeller | named the fund after his wife, Laura Spelman. At the beginning of the| period in 1930 the fund was worth | $9,452,397. Heavy appropriations were | made and in 1933 there was but $6,506,549 remaining. i Analysis of the operations of these various funds shows that while tome | devoted only income to their eleemosy- | nary work, others, recognizing the! peculiar emergencies of the times, ap- } propriated from principal. Where this was done wtihout further enrichment from gifts, the total inevitably fell. While the Rockefeller Foundation may be better known becanse of its activities in so many flelds and the fact that the two Rockefellers, father and son, still are living, considerably more money is represented by the benefactions of Andrew Carnegie. ‘The Carnegie Corp. in 1930 had but heavy later withdrawals brought the balance at the end of 1933 down to $158,124,064. Then there is the Carnegie Foundation which in 1930 had $32,130,025 and was reduced to $30,844,518. The Carnegie Institu- tion of Washingtor, the body which engages in a wide range of scientific work, had $37,659,125 in 1930 and in 1933, $39,036,436. In this case it is understood that excellent earnings of the institution’s investments actually resulted in a profit. Then there is the Carnegie Endowment for Interna- tional Peace. In 1930 this endow- ment had $12,032,033. By 1933 it had fallen to $11,995405—certainly a slight expenditure if maintenance of peace could be ascribed to the efforts of the organization. Organizations Pour Out Millions. The General Education Board's fund was considerably depleted. This fund is made up of various contribue tions including sums from the Spel- man, Jeanes, Slater funds. In 1930 it stood at $53,731.649 and at the end of 1933 at $42,768,140. The needs of schools in distress were heavy dur- ing the period. The general educa- tion fund is under general supervie sion of the United States Govern= ment. The Buhl Foundation, arising from the great Buhl hardware fortune, rhowed $12,433,151 in 1930, but, in spite of benefactions, 1t had been built up to $13,091.004 at the close of 1933. One fund seems to have been inactive during the period. The Winifred M. Burke Foundation, arising from the Burke banking fortune, had $4,000,000 in 1930, showed a gain of $600,000 in 1932 and in 1933 had $4,600,000. While there is no detailed explanation at hand, these round figures are strong testimony that the fund was inactive. The Commonwealth Fund is another which has many contributors. It care ries on hospital work, grants fellowe ships, makes researches and performs other services. In 1930 it showed $42,950,712 and, in 1933, $43,229,397, A fund which stuck to its income, holding its principal endowment in= tact, was the Maurice and Laura Falk Foundation, a Pittsburgh steel fortune benefaction. The fund stood at $10,000.000 in 1930 and still does. Some trusts allow trustees no dis- cretion as to appropriating from principal. The Milbank Memorial Fund. aris- ing from the railroad and banking family of that name, had $10,702,093 in 1930 and $10.344278 at the end of 1933. Meantime there had been fluctuations. The Russell Sage Foun- dation declined from $15,000,000 in 1930 to $13,709.200 in 1933. In 1930 the New York Community Trust had $8,672,383 and in 1933 but $7,703,600, while the Julius Rosen- wald Fund, founded by the late head of Sears, Roebuck & Co., and spe- cializing in Negro benefactions, showed $13,711,295 in 1930 and but $5,168,273 at the close of 1933. In the course of this period these institutions poured out many millions for the benefit of mankind. Gains in Retail Trade Are Likely to Continue BY HARDEN COLFAX. An increase of 14 per cent in the total dollar value of retail sales in the United States for 1934 as com- pared with the figures for the pre- ceding year Is revealed in & compila- | tion by the Department of Commerce | just made public. ‘The figures collected, trade by trade, show that retail trade volume for the whole country expanded in both dol- lar value and physical quantity last year as compared with 1933. The rate of increase varied greatly among the different trades, ranging from the catalogue sales of mail order houses, with a 25 per cent increase, to the food group, with a 7 per cent increase. In between were the auto- motive group, showing a 22 per cent increase, followed by restaurants, clothing stores, farmers’ supply al’\di country general stores and furni- ture and household stores, each show- ing an increase of some 18 per cent. Next lowest to the food group were the variety stores, which registered an advance of about 9 per cent. Compared with the total values of the retail trade of 1929, which is perhaps an unfair comparison but a natural one, the total retall sales in 1934 throughout the United States recovered'to 58 per cent. In 1933, the low point of the depression for re- tail sales was reached when they were just 51 per cent of the 1929 “normal” Most groups of stores were at the low point in the Summer of 1933, although the farmers’ sup- ply and country general stores, the mail order business, the variety, auto- motive and furniture and household groups had reached their low point | the year before, and began to re- cover’in 1933. * KX K % The figures of the Department of Commerce show that the stores hit hardest during the depression were the furniture and household group. They reached their low point of 32 per cent of the 1929 figures in 1932. The next year, jewelery stores and farmers’ supply and country general stores touched “low,” with 33 per cent, while the lumber, building and hardware group reached bottom in the Summer of 1933, with 35 per cent. Restaurants, variety stores and sec- ond-hand stores seem to have been least affected by the depression, variety stores suffering less than any others. The showing of restaurants is par- ticularly interesting. Figures indicate that, after the repeal of the eighteenth amendment, a large number of new restaurants, beer parlors and other eating places were established. Next to restaurants, the automotive group picked up most impressively, especi- ally when it is considered that sales of motor cars were not even an element in the retail picture a few decades ago. After the necessity to eat, the average American seems to find his need expressing itself in terms of a motor car. The sale of automobiles, incidentally, influenced the sales of other elements in the same group, in- cluding furnishings for gasoline and filling stations, garages, tire and bat- tery stores, etc. In small towns and rural areas, the sales of general merchandise were fair- ly uniform throughout the different sections of the country during 1934 as compared with the figures for the preceding year. In the South, a slightly larger percentage of mcreasei was z The figures indicate three rather distinct tendencies in domestic retail trade at present. The buying power of the farmers would seem to have im- proved more rapidly than that of workers in cities. Then, there has been an increase in restaurant patron- m‘mhlnl prices have advanced, ¢ & Fifty Years Ago | In The Star I “One feature of interest in Sature day's parade,” says The Star of Feb- i ruary 23, 1885, with Picturesque 1o rerence to thé dedi- Uniforms. cation of the Washe ington Monument, | «was the Continental uniforms. The Revolutionary troops indulged in more of what Congressman Robinson would call ‘lummery’ than their descendants, | but they fought well and lived simply. | Their uniform is one of the most pic- | turesque that has ever been devised, |and its historic assoclations would | commend it to a people less careless of tradition than we are. The uni- forms of today are plain to monotony, | but tkey have been evolved from the | experience of mankind in the exi- gencies of modern warfare. The ele- | ment of the picturesque is avoided purposely from a realization of the truth of the motto that ‘death loves a shinning mark’ It is desirable again that in the more complicated maneuvers all the troops of the Army should be uniformed alike to avoid confusion. Were the regiments of the contending armies to consult their tastes in dress, a general engagement might bring on a chaos of forces dis- astrous to both sides. Thus the tend- ency is strongly toward a simple and inconspicuous uniform, though the English stick to their red coats and special troops here and there through Europe are permitted to keep their gaudy suits at their own risk.” * * % While the need of a building to house the Library of Congress was in- cessantly urged N"'_i of a New fitty years ago, leg- Library. islation to that end was postponed from Congress to Congress owing to differences as to the proper site. The Star of February 27, 1885, says: “According to Mr. Spofford’s report, 41,246 books and pamphlets were added to the Congressional Library during the year, and as the shelves were already more than full, it is to be presumed that these additions sim- ply increased the heaps that gather dust on the floors and in dark al- coves and out-of-the-way corners. Something must soon be done to these heaps of reading. If Congress will not do anything to enable the people to use them, it might authorize a bonfire, thus disposing of the question as the Arabs got rid of the Alexandrians’ library, or it might authorize the con- | struction of vaults, carrying out its silver policy in a literary parallel. Something must soon be done or the heaps will so choke up the highways and byways of the building that the people will be unable to use the library for the books, and Congress itself will ultimately be crowded out of the Capi- tol by the growing volume of the volumes.” — perhaps partly as a result of the Gov- ernment adjustment program, and this has helped the farmer to buy more readily. The Department of Commerce fig- ures show that there has been a rela- tively sharper recovery in the sale of motor cars, jewelry and other luxury goods, perhaps due to the fact that, during the worst months of the de- pression, the purchase of such articles was curtailed sharply. Government experts believe there still is a large re- placement demand for automobiles to be satisfied and that the general pub- lic seems to be increasingly willing to buy not only conveniences, but lux- uries. It is believed, therefore, that the gains in the retail trades which were evident in 1934 are likely to continue during the present year. (Copyright, 1936