Evening Star Newspaper, February 14, 1932, Page 29

ARMS PARLEY’S ONLY HOPE IS TO RETAIN STATUS QUO Each Nation Pictu Other, With Leag red as Fearing the gue Showing Its Impotency in Far East. BY FRANK H. SIMONDS. ENEVA.—With the opening_of the second week of the Dis- armament Conference and speeches by the delegates from the leading countries having been delivered, a clear picture of the possibilities of the great meeting is presented. The outstanding fact is that no disarmament in the American sense of that term is possible. The maximum of conceivable achievement is an agree- ment for the stabilization of existing armaments at their present level. Tke moral value of this possible at- tainment is reduced by the universal perception of the economic c throughout the world, which makes any increase in armaments everywhere defi- nitely impossible. Another probability is that an agree- nent may be reached for a wide and general examination into the question of air and gas bombing. Cites Obstacles to Pact. As to the inability to arrive at gen- eral arms recuction, there are four major reasons First. the conflict in the Far East. Japanese cperations in China served temporarily at least to destroy cenfidence 1n the whole system of peace created since the World War and founded upon the idea of pacts dic- tated by world public opinion and moral considerations "as contrasted with the old order of physical force. Japan h: reduced the League covenant, the nin power treaty and the Kellogg pact to scraps of paper. The effect has been incredibly devastating upon the whole League of Nations conception. The second obstacle is the present condition of Germany. The course that the Reich has taken in the last few months is viewed by all of her neigh- boss as disclosing her deliberate pur- se, by a campaign of sabotage. to . territorial, cial clauses milita As’ a conscquence. of the neighboring statcs, notably France, Poland and choslovakia, 1s prepared to reduce military strengtin while Germany remains in 2 Hitlerian mood. No basis of adjustment is pos- sible while the National Socialists in advance repudiate all adjustments which do not amount to a complete transformation of the results of the war. All Nations Feel Unsafe. The third factor potence of the Council of the League in the Chiness affair, which. ‘n 1ts European bearing, means that if the Hitler control in German; were fol- Jowed by ageression against Poland or a renewal of the Anschli movement., no immediate and effective action by the Council would be possible. All na- tions, feeling themselves exposed either through German or Russian dangers, are 1esolved to maintain their present military strength at any and all sac- Tifices. Finally, the economic and financial erisis in Europe has produced a fa is the utter im- | rallies and prayer meetings are without any meaning to most of the European statesmen, who lcok on in amazed and amused silence. For them the problem is one of political realities entirely. This moral and religious fervor is wholly meaningless. The presence and activity of these women constitute one of the | oddest circumstances, their enthusiasm contrasting impressively with the gen- |eral pessimism and synicism that are | dictated by the Sino-Jepenese War and the Franco-German-Italian conflicts. ‘The limit of possiblity for progress outside of the stabilization of land and naval forces is some preliminary ex- | ploration into the subject of air war- fare. This possibility arises from the fact that all nations are equally terri- fied by the prospect of universal de- | struction that is now inevitable by rea- |son of the progress and develocpment {of planes and gas. The whole frontier areas, populations of Berlin, London |and even Paris, are faced with the | possibility of annihilation. Tardieu's Adroit Move. The cleverness of Andre Tardieu, French minister of war. in laying down irst project and directing it toward air question is obvious. It was a ct bid for British support, for Great Britain is most alarmed over the pros- pect as the most exposed country. The successful seizure of his lead in the field foreordained it to be the single serious endeavor toward the present achievement. The excitement, and even anger, that the project has awakened in German and Italian quarters is evi- | dence of the skill of the stroke; it also is indicative of the jealousi's and rival- | ries that are seething everywhere. | The American role in the conference is patently insignificant. The gradual decline in the stature of American rep- resentatives in these international meet- | ings is exciting wide comment. After Wilson, Hughes and Stimson, the selec- tion of Hugh Gibson as head of the egation 1s accepted as a sign of & lack of American interest. Gibson un- questionably is the most experienced and ablest American diplomat, but he is without the prestige or official posi- tion to talk on an equal basis with prime ministers and foreign ministers. The situation in the eyes of the conference is that Gibson is President Hoover's telephone spokesman. Other represent- atives are negligible in European eves | as unknown and without political im- portance, i Nations May Withdraw. Were Great Britain and the United States to resort to force in the Far East. the conference would have to be adjourned automatically. If France and Germany come to grips, as is daily possible. the moral effect would be in- calculable. Japanese withdrawal from the League on one hand and Germany on the other are considered possibili- ties in all minds. One of the most fa- mous of foreign ministers expressed the situation to me as follows: “The watchword of the disarmament conierence must be ‘durch halten'—to hold out. All Eur.pe 1s in the midst of e lictic | reversion. Fas | crisis which certainly will last for T O e of co-opera- | two vears more. While the crisis lasts, Hon, countries large and small are en- |and until a stable government reappears gaged in the construction of tariff walls | in Germany. supreme efforts i be o in making customs reprisals, Dis- | directed at saving what remains of the Trust and even hatred of the foreigner | League and awaiting a moment when is evorvwhere rampant. The state of |We can recommence. Today the League ming of all peoples is wholly unfavor- |iS a being without prestige or power. able to any large gestures of reconcilia- | All exposed countries must Tely up fion, The press of Europe roveals an | force alone to maintain themselve: American antipathy unequaled since | Americe and Britain pressing for con- Shie close of the war | siderzble achicvement now can only There is supreme concern in circles of | gTavely complicate the situation. Na- respensible statesmanship here to pre- | tions may talk security, but their real vent the conference from degenerating Problem is survival into 8 l'mmle vgm_ch gauld“bru‘tfi com- | Real Agreement Impossible. ete chaos and. incidentally, the rul % s & the League. This hope is particularly | The thing that Americans must evident_among the small nations for |Te2lze ¥ they e wnom the League constitutes their sole | Prosent conference 1s that Surepe 's 9 e of future security, since they never | Completely disorganized and so fevered ®ill be strong enough to defenc them. | that any measure of real agreement ls Sives and fo preserve ihe shattered impossible. Distrust, suspicion lndhac- structure for the future by preventing §‘1‘:‘-p Joar tie ?2312‘23,.; il a;;;‘c‘;' and violent battle in the €oN- | sopiments and are helpless to modify 2 . them under the present state of their Like a Burning Home. own public opinions. This is no con- Those responsible for forcing the | ference in any true sense cf the word, etnference at this time have a heavy | no meeting of minds, because their responsibility before them. The world | minds have been left in safe deposit situation is exactly like a meeting to | by at hcme. German, French and consider remodeling a house that actu- | even British orators are making cam- ally 15 in flames. The absence of every | paign speeches, maneuvering for ad- kind of political preparation and the | vantage or, in the German case, fight- presence of acute traditional and con- | ing to save their national life. temporary rivalries complicate the ta “I am an optimist,” said one of the and explain the despair expressed pri- |greatest League champions and a vately in many quarters. veteran foreign minister, “but my cp- A pathetic detail of this conference | timism is limited to the hope that we is the presence of hundreds of women. | shall sign here a convention Which mostly American and British, totally | means nothing toward disarmament, to unaware of the political realities, who | be sure, but yitnesces the fact that we are engaged in a crusade spirit that 1s | haven't brokeh up in open hostility.” sometimes hysterical. Their petitions, (Copyright, 1932.) World War Would Find U. S. Outclassed; By Other Great Powers in Aeronautics (Continued From First Page.) | which $11,723,000 is destined for ex- == .20 - "~ penditure on the air forces of the do- minions. France, despite her overwhelmingly war, the report shows, France and Great Britain could build the greatest number of planes at the start of hostllities. on | ! | BY STEPHANE LAU | Editor in Chief of Le Ma OME fifty powers of the world hate started from Geneva on the road to disarmament. It is a hard and long road—much harder and longer than the fa- i mous road to Tipperary. If we leave | aside all the moral obstacles. such as mistrust, prejudice, fear, jealousy. in- trigue, we find many material obst:cles prove to be stumbling vill the 50 powers sur- | which may | blocks. How mount them? First of all. there is not the small- | est doubt that throughout the journey one thought will be uppermost in vir- tually every mind—the idea of not limiting armaments to an extent that would compromise security. The mere word “security” generally makes Anglo- | Saxons jeer or protest. The French | especially are accused of having the | monomania of security. Now, what do the United States and Great Britain say to explain their need of keeping up the strongest war fleets of the globe? | “We want," Senator Borah once said. | “our merchant ships, when they put THE ARC out of one of our ports, to have the assurance, if war breaks out anywhere, that they will not be intercepted or will not be dealt with regardless of our rights. In a word. we want to frotect our commerce, which s a vital neces- sity for us. All the arguments on earth will not militate against such a necessity.” “Don't forget.” Lord Balfour, on the other hand, stated at the Washington our islands we have food enough for only 20 days If we do not want to run the risk of being starved and strangled we must keep our sea communications free at any cost.” Invasions of France Recalled. So America fears for the security of her trade and Great Britain fears for the security of her food supply. It may be two different kinds of security. but all the same it is security. Why, | then, when France. which has becn invaded four times in 120 years, speaks of her security, are ¢hey pursing their lips in Manchester and shrugging their shouvlders in Chicago? As a French writer put it: “The first time we were invaded it may have been an accident; DE TRIOMPHE Conference, “that in DE L’ETOILE AT PARIS. the second time it may have been a relapse; but the third time it looked like a chronic disease, and the fourth time brands it as an incurable habit." Is a nation that is the victim of such an incurable habit not excusable for taking precautions? The question will have to be answered. And there we have the first difficulty. A second difficulty. if the various powers agree to a limitation of their armaments, will be to find the common principle or, if you prefer, the com- mon measure upon which they can work to reduce their armies or navies. There are no two nations alike, just as there are no two men alike. Every na- tion has its own geographical configura- tion: one has many sea coasts and an- other has practically none: one lies on a single sea and another faces two oceans; one has distant colonies and the other has no colonies at all; one has a range of high mountains as frontier, forming a natural barrier, and another has its borders, so to speak, open to every wind. The same might be said of the moral atmosphere in which a country lives one is located in a part of the world where there have practically never Suppressed Docum ent by Approved Seven Nations May Be Starting Point for New Conference. BY EDGAR ANSEL MOWRER. ERLIN. — The so-called sup- pressed Layton report, which sibilities for a basis of negoti- ations for the Lausanne Repa- | rations Conference, likely to be called | history, which hitherto has not been re- | vealed. Drawn up by the British delegate atthe Basel Conference, Sir Walter Lay- | the close of the conference to all tht‘ other delegates. | This correspondent is in a position this document. which have been kept a | rigid secret. The story is as follows: | Early in the Basel Conference the op- | headed by Charles Rist, deputy gover- | nor of the Bank of France, and the | other group, captained by Karl Mel- | the British think contains pos- within a few weeks, has a remarkable tor, this document was presented at to describe the origin and contents of | position between the French group, chior, Hamburg banker, for Germany, | Sir Walter Layton, for Great Britain, | tri and largely supporied by the so-called | neutrals, came to a head. Evolved as Compromise. The possibility of agreeing on a unanimous document seemed impos- sible, since the French refused to allow concrete proposals, such as giving Ger- msny a moratorium for scvera! years, to be included. As a compromise the following plan was evolved: The delegates would draw up a neu- tral, colorless report and publish it Meanwhile, they would prepare another “secret” report, which would never be published, containing concrete pro- posals. The French and German peo- ples would particularly be excluded from such information. At the close of the conference its president, Alberto Beneduce of Italy. would personally travel from capital to capital and deliver the secret document, The chance of visiting such places as Tokio was apparently pleasing to Signor Beneduce. but it seemed impractical to the others. The delegates finally got together and prepared and published .the well known report. In the meantime Sir Walter, who is lan indefatigable author, had compiled a possible draft for the secret document. Without telling either the French or their group. or the German delegate, for fear that strife would break out | can never pay. again, Sir Walter preserved and slightly modified his original document. On the last day each of the repre- sentatives received a copy of this re- port with a private statement from Bir Walter that it represented the views of 7 of the 11 delegates, including the American, Walter W. Stewart. The | other four delegates, the Prenchman the German, the Belgian and the Jugo- slav. hid not been consulted. ‘This document is today in the pos- session of the 11 governments. The English hope it can be used as a bas.s for the forthcoming negotiations. The report itself is fairly short and generally favorable to the so-called German thesis. It begins by saying that no repara- tions can be expected from Germany within the next five years. It admits it might be possible to increase the present German export surplus, but does not favor this, as it would likely taudse a further upset of international ade. It discredits the idea that reparations might in the meanwhile be paid in | merks and left in Germany, since the | German budget is already cracking under the present load. Therefore no reparations can be expected during this time. French and Germans Displeased. Here the repert deserts the German thesis. The fact that th2 Germans can- not pay now does not prove that they Sir Walter implies that they ought to pay something eventually. Since a settlement ought to be reached, he suggests that bonds be issued guar- anteed by the German ratlways. No interest would be paid on these bonds until such time as the railways begin to mak= a profit. In other words, he would take the railways both as an index of reparation possibilities and a source of future pay- ments. This is the gist of the report and one which the British would like to see adopted Both the French and Germans claim to be dissatisfied—the Germans because they do not wish ever again to pay anything and the French because they would receive too little. But the eco- nomic crisis is pressing and it is pos- siole that both governments under pressure could be induced to discuss the possibilities afforded by the “sup- Fpressed Layton report.” (Copyright. 1932.) been disorders or troubles, and another. | on the contrary, is in the midst of \m-: vest and anarchy: one has never been attacked or invaded, and another has been constantly the theater of wars or invasions. How can all this be recanciled? Shall we say that Japan. facing the whole of the Asiatic chaos. is going to reduce her armaments in the same pro- | portion as Australia. facing only the| ___(Continued From First Page.) | Murray, for the State organization | favors him —Murray figures in the sii- uation so far as a rather forlorn out- sider. Also, Roocevelt, through being | the favorite of the organization, will have ample machinery for getting his case before the people and getting out immensity of the ocean? Shall we say | that France, possessing the biggest co- lonial empire after Great Britain, an| empire scattered all over the world, is not entitled to a larger navy than Italy., whose colcnial provinces lie at her door? Shall we say that Poland. living under the threat of a territorial revindication from Germany and bor- | dering Soviet Russia, is just as safe as | Norway and does not need greater se- | curity than Sweden. adjacent to the North Pole and never having been at- tacked or invaded? There is. of course. Lord Robert! Cecil's proposition, which tries to solve all these problems in a simple way. “Let us not be sidetracked.” he wrote, | (Continued on Fourtn Page.) BRITAIN’S on Trade With BY GASTON NERVAL | ESPITE the unfavorable effect which Great Britain's aban- donment of her traditional free trade policy will have on | Latin American products,| Latin Americans liv in the United States have received with certain grati- fication the news of a tariff wall in England. Such gratification grows out of the conviction that the protectionistic pol- | icy adopted by Great Britain may i have far-reaching effects cn the com- | mercial relations of the United States | with the Latin republics lying on the other side of the Rio Grande. | ‘The first reaction toward the British announcement, as registered by the edi- | | torial opinion of the country, has been | | promoting This, it was explained, is due to the fact that production methods differ | widely. The United States with its| distinctive machine production methods could not get away so rapidly at the outset because its plants would first have to tool up and prepare for quan- tity production. The other powers could begin turning out planes at the start because of the manual production methods they employ. though after the first six months their rate of output would be much slower than that of the United States. The estimated production of military | airplanes the first month after declara- tion of war puts France ahead with 200 planes, Great Britain following with 150 Ttaly would produce 80, the United | States 75, Russia and Japan 60 each | and Germany none, it is estimated. | Production at the end of the seventh month, however. would show a different | picture. The British Empire by that time would have built 1,025, the United States and France 1.000 each, Germany 750, Russia 300, Italy 250 and Japan | 150, according to the estimates compiled Jor the report. larger air force, is expending & total | one of concern and disapproval. Nevis- | of only $44.502,000 during the current | papers throughout the Uniled Statcs | , > . ! have printe n ld characters 2 | fiscal year, the report shows. The €X-| ,iement’ of the Commerce Depart- | penditures of the other powers are as ment pointing out that 43 per cent follows: Italy, $29.950,000; Japan, $29,- ‘ of the United States’ exports to Great 920,000 and Russia, for the calendar year, $76,595.000. The Russian figures, it was explained, are not accurately comparable because they are based on the ncminal value of the ruble at 50 cents to the dollar. ‘The pay of the air forces and civilian employes is not included because the American and British pay is incom- parably higher than in other countries and because compulsory military service in peace-time in other cases enables the air forces to obtain skilled mechanics at very low cost. ‘The reason the American dollar has gone for less actual return in air strength, it is pointed out by national defense authorities, is because labor costs and prices of materials are much greater than in other countries and be- cause of other factors which affect the price of the equipment. The United States, however, spends The British Empire would find itsclf ' jss for what it gets in the form o guperior in schools and training centers available in case of war, with a total ©of 208 as against 175 for the United | States, 51 for Russia, 26 for France, 20 | for Italy, 15 for Japan and:12 for! Germany. Though there aye 450 so-called civil training centers in the United States, only 166 have training | Tacilities, Leads In National Wealth, The national wealth which the air powers have to defend, estimated in| United States dollars, shows that the | United States leads all the other air powers with a total of 406 billions, the British Empire being second, with 130 bilions, Germany third, with 80 billions and the others scaling down to Italy, With 30 billions. Though the United States ranks behind other powers in its military air strength, its expenditures for air de- fense have been very heavy. and on the basis of estimates for the present fiscal year of 1931-1932, our expendi- 1 of eny ctherJ The survey shows that this couniry will spend for air defense during the current fiscal year, minus the pay of the air forces and their civilian em- | ployes, a total of $81.946.000. The ex- ponaltures of the British Empire dur- | ng t great, pth a he sams period are virtually as | total of $81,331,000, of | 8 o | commercial aviation than any other nation in the world, the survey shows. Britain will be affected by the new | British tariff.” And they have com- { mented with alarm upon the harmful | results of such a measure coming frem Uncle Sam’s best customer. Opposition Strengthened. Of course, the first consequence of this alarm hes been to strengthen high tariff opposition, for the highly pro- tectionistic tariff adopted by the United | Stctes in 1930 is blamed for having started this tariff war, the latest chap- ter of which now comes in the form of British retaliations. Anti-protectionist advocates point out that Great Britain, being the largest importer of United States products, the wall she is now raising against foreign trade will injure, directly or indirectly, all American business and labor. They remind Congress that Canada was the best customer of the United States until the tariff war started, but that soon after the Washington legislators adopt- {ed high protective duties Canada re- |in order to relieve the seriousness of | ! wide .economic depression have played | velopment which confirms the warn- | ings of two years ago—like the adoption | taliated and ' trade between the two Despite its enormous superiority in civil aviation, this country ranks third in tne total of expenditures for the support of civil aviation. France leads with a total of $21441,000, Russia standing second with $16,425.000 and the United States third with $11,- 778.000. Aviation costs form a relatively small percentage of total defense costs for the air powers, according to the report. The percentage of total defense ex- penditures devoted to aviation, both military and civil, is as follows: Great | Britain, 16.12 per cent: Japan, 16 per cent: France, 14.94 per cent: Russia, 13.38 per cent; the United States, 13.02 per cent; Italy, 12.73 per cent, and Ger- | many, 8.77 per cent, Among the seven powers, however, PFrance pays proportionately the most for her national aviation, as compared | with the total cost of government, yet | factured goods in this country. they are only 3.03 per cent of her to-: tal expenditures, The United States pays 2.26 per cent of its total govern- mental expenditures on aviation. ¢The report, which is the first really comprehensive collection of data of the kind to be made available to the pub- lic, throws a new light on the relation of aerial defense to national affairs and on the relative stre: of the nations in the air, | countries suffered enormously. They add that this seems to be a universal ‘ movement, for many other nations of | Europe and Latin America have also raised their tariff walls since that of the | United States became effective. Latin Americans find in all these de- ! velopments confirmation of what they predicted, as did also a large part of the population of this country, when the highly protectionistic duties of 1930 were being discussed, They warned then of these retalia- , tions and the ill effects on world trade {that a high United States tariff was .bound to bring about. They empha- sized the harm it would cause to the industry of the United States, for the reduced buying power of the nations affected by the tariff would force them to cut down their purchases of manu- X They even pointed to a third danger—the flight of American factories to foreign lands to get over the tariff walls which those countries were certain to adopt in retaliation, and the resultant em- ploymient of foreign workers. Warnings Disregarded. All these arguments and the more recounding cnes in. behalf of interna- tional friendship and co-operation, sub= I LATIN AMERICANS LAUD | TARIFF WALL Abandonment of Free Trade Policy Viewed as Having Widespread Effect United States. tlely voiced by the diplomatic represent- atives of those countries which were to be most affected. were disregarded by | the gentlemen at the Capitol, and the highly protectionistic Hawley - Smoct tariff act went into effect. The fact, alone, that all their pre- dictions are being confirred, should be | sufficient cause of rejoicing for th: who opposed the passing of tre high tariff Jaws of two years ago. But this moral satisfaction is not all. | Material benefit will certainly be de- Irived from these enlightening though unfortunate experiences, in_the way of low-tariff public opinion which may eventually force a change in the present state of affairs. This trend is already being registered by editorial writers throughout the country. In the last Congressional elections several Democratic candidates were | elected cn promises of tariff revision and reductions. And one of the first things the Democratic majority of the House did last December was to sug- gest the negotiation of reciprocal tariff cgreements with individual countries. present conditions in the foreign trade of tbe United States. Undoubtedly the critical phases brought into the situation by the world- a most important role in furthering this anti-tariff sentiment in the - United States. but, at any rate, any new de- of protective walls by other countries— is bound to augment the growth of that sentiment. And when the country erecting the wall happens to be Great Britain, Uncle Sam’'s best customer, such consequences may be expected to be particularly felt. Other Reasons Cited. ‘This, however, is not the only reason why Latin Americans here look with favor upon Great Britain's departure from her tracitional policy of free trade. Aside from the effect it will have in stressing in this country the dangers of excessively high custoxs duties, that action will indirectly. and eventually, exercise a beneficial in- fluence on inter-American trade. ‘Those who since the close of the World War have been endeavoring to promote closer commercial relations between the United States and the Latin American republics, find en- couragement in the new position adopted by Great Britain. When Canada increased her customs duties, not long ago, in retaliation for the action of the United States, she ceased being this country’s largest cus- tomer. Now that Great Britain, who inherited the leading role in the fofeign trade of Uncle Sam, establishes a tariff wall, exports to the British Islands will naturally decline. Latin = America is next to Great Britain and Canada in the export trade of the United States. Thus, it is only logical that when artificial barriers are crected around those two regions, the attention of business men in this coun- try should be more and more diverted toward the South. Not that similar barriers do_not exist in Latin America —though there they are primarily for (Continued on Fourth Page.) LIFE OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY LIKENED TO LINCOLN’S Task of Emancipator Called Incomplete Without Crown Being Placed on Head of Suffrage Pioneer. BY ANNA E. HENDLEY. WASHINGTON and a Lincoln have come in our great cen- tury, and in_between their birthdays was born a Susan B. Anthony, whose life has been A given to a noble cause; once the target for the cruel and bitter shafts of ridi- cule, now deemed the noblest among women. The task of Washington and the crown was placed on the brow of woman as well as man, and when the great soul of Susan B. Anthony passed on to immortal life, her name, her memory on earth should take its place among the martyrs and saints of liberty. Washington emancipated his country from the tyranny of a king. Lincoln emancipated a race and removed the blot of slavery, Susan B. Anthony emancipated woman from civil, legal and political oppression. All of these heroic souls suffered from the lack of understanding by the people of their age, but all lived to see the triumph of their causes, and all will have a per- manent place in the history of the ages. Susan B. Anthony was born among the Berkshire Hills of Massachusetts February 15. 1820, with the spirit of the reformer and in the atmosphere | of progressive thought. She was the second child of Daniel and Lucy Reed Anthony. Her mother, Lucy Reed, was a member of the distinguished Reed family, known to English history from the eleventh century. Recognized by Quakers. When Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Lucretia Mott called that famous first Woman'’s Rights Convention in 1848 at Seneca Falls, N. Y., which was Mrs. Stanton's home, and it adjourned to Rochester, near by, members of the Anthony family signed the immortal Decleration of Principles, there adopted. Quakers from the earliest days rec- ognized the equal rights of woman. ‘Miss Anthony began her work as a | | teacher, but early in life she found the school room too narrow. She became interested in the temperance reform, 2nd her first public address was made on that question. She found that its masculine advocates did not care to hear women speak on this or any other sub- ject and would not accept them as del- egates to any of their conventions. At this time, in 1851, Miss Anthony first met Mrs. Sianton, and this marked the beginning of her public career “and of their friendship, which continued for | over 50 years. The two_organized a woman's tem- perance society, but after two years both became convinced that women were dealing with effects only, and that their first and greatest need was for the ballot—to deal with causes. Thence- forth they directed their efforts to- ward speaking and working for this object, with the collateral aims of bet- ter laws and larger opportunities. The slavery question grew more and more acute and Miss Anthony found herse}f in touch with William Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips and others who spoke for the rights of women as well as for the freedom of the slave. “The Civil War was declared and wom- an suffrage as an issue was lost sight of. Early in 1863 Miss Anthony went to | ‘ol against th Tincoln could mot be complete until | Scanton began & Tevolt agalot t e | to shoulder for the past 10 or 15 years, |to obtain suffrage for women. | consecrated every hour of her time, | zation was greatly furthered. A nine- |and Miss Anthony's chief lieutenants New York and with other suffrage leaders opened headquarters in Cooper Union to roll up a petition for the emancipation of the slaves. The war ended and then came the struggle over the fourteenth and fif- teenth amendments to enfranchise the colored man. This was the most tragic chapter in the history of woman suf- frage, for when Miss Anthony and Mrs. amendments, which would enfranchise millions of men who were recently slaves and leave out women, they found themselves wholly deserted by the men with whom they had worked shoulder and who were now willing to sacrifice the women to secure votes for colored men. Many of the leading women were won over by the promise of the Republicans that they would immediately take stegs ‘The amendments were adopted that put bar- riers against it in the Constitution which had never before existed and the party, during the next 50 years, absolutely refused to redeem its promise. Convention Called. Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton and the few who stood with them called a convention in New York City in 1869 and organized the National American ‘Woman's Suffrage Association to obtain another amendment to the Federal Con- stitution which would enfranchise wom- en. Miss Anthony never ceased her strenuous labors for this amendment until she passed away in 1906, at the age of 86 years. She did not live until the final victory was won, but she saw the entire status of women revolution- ized and every right practically con- ceded which was demanded at the first women's rights convention in 1840, ex- cept the granting of suffrage, and that was ultimately assured. ‘Wkile Miss Anthony worked for the temperance cause and the abolition of slavery, she subordinated every canuse to that of suffrage. To its service she every power of her being. It was her work, her recreation, her “politics, her religion. In 1883 Miss Anthony's desire to effect an international suffrage organi- month trip to Europe resulted in the forming of a strong cummittee to pro- mote this purpose, which later brought about the organization of the Interna- | West the vote on primary day. Murray has almost nothing of organization or cam- paign machinery. But suppose the question should arise whether Roosevelt’s views on econcmic issues are really as liberal as most of the Western Democrats demand. Sup- pose compzriscn should be made be- tween Roosevelt's liberaiism and Mur- ray’s radicalism. (Murray repudiates the idea he is a radical, but the word is as convenient a one as the present writer can find to describe Murray's, | 1eA us say, unusual views on some pub- lic guestions) Murray is kin to the present political spirit of most of the He is running frankly es the friend of the distressed and discon- tented. He believes times will be worse in June than they are now. and on t predici’~n he bases what hope he has of getti-g the Democratic nomina- tion (or at least making a considerable commotion in the Democratic conven- tion). Murray believes in cheap money, makes that an outstanding point in the program with which he proposes to save the Nation. Suppese, in the North Dakota cam- paien, the respective views of Roose- velt and Murray, the respective shades of their liberalism should become an is- sue, be widely exploited and hold con- irol of the minds of the voters as they g to the polls. It would be a material incident in the campaign as a whole, with influence on Democratic national | action in June. if it should turn out in North Dakota that Murray beats Roose- velt, or even makes a formidable show- ing against Roosevelt. Leaders Hesitate. The lack of exact public knowledge about Roosevelt's convictions and atti- tude toward public questions consti- tutes one of the reasons why maay of | the major leaders of the Democratic party in the Nation hesitate about giv- ing assent to ncminating him. Talk with these leaders reveal that they are | troubled in mind. They would like to “go along” with the project of nomi- nating Roosevelt if for no better reason than that he is so far on the way. In a personal sense they have nothing against Roosevelt; they like him. But they arz troubled by uncertainties in | the public understanding of his atti- tude on public questions. They think the picture of Roosevelt's position on riany questions is indefinite and dim: and they fear that when his attitude on every question is made clear, as it must be in the ultimate campaign for the presidency. the party may suffer. They do not accuse Roosevelt of carrying water on both shoulders, nor of any other form of deliberate balanc- ing. They merely think that the pic- | ture of him as a public man has not | sufficiently emerged. They think it possible Roosevelt may have straight- edged convictions, but they do not know, and they think it important Roosevelt's convictions should be known before he is nominated, and ‘before the movement to nominate him goes much further. ‘That, roughly, is the state of mind of a majority of the Democratic leaders who are of national importance. As some of them put it, “If he's radical enough to suit North Dakota, how can he Dbe conservative enough for New York?” Putting the same doubt in| terms of another issue, they say, “If he’s nct too wet for Georgia, how can he be wet enough for New York?" Roosevelt will have to be clear and| | or likely to get it. | nation. | year, for only 60,000 were issued. Roosevelt Leads for Nomination In Spite of Declaration by Smith ! votes as Roosevelt in New York State, in that event Garner would have a very good chance. ‘The heart of Roosevelt's strength can be understood by dividing Democratic leadership into two groups—the im- portant national leaders and, on the other hand, the little local leaders and workers in the counties and precincts. The important national leaders are & unit in. let us not sayv. oppasing Roose- velt. but being doubtful about nomi- nating him. and being very certain *hat the nominaticn ought not to be fore- closed at so early a date, whe'her behalf of Roosevelt or of any one els Of the little local leaders, however, a considerable majority are committed to Roosevelt. To preserve their leader- ship in their respective communities, they have been more or less obliged to identify themselves with one candidate cr another. Most of them havs adopted Roosevelt, not through any particular affection for him. but as the fruit of circumstances. With Roosevelt so far out in front and having the only or- ganization working on a Nation-wide scale, it has been natural for a local leader to line up with the New York Governor. To do otherwise, to oppose Roosevelt, would call for explanation. Many of these local leaders have a much stronger personal loyalty for e: Governor Smith than for Roosevelt, but they have not thought of Smith as either greatly wanting the nomination Had Smith been a real candidate for the nomination, or had be made his recent announcement earlier. many local leaders would have committed themselves to him. These local leaders, moreover. wish above all things to avoid strife. They think from their point of view that the party has an almost certain chance to win the election: they think that almost the only thing that would destroy the chance would be a fight over the nomi- They see Roosevelt much in the lead and they like to think of his nomination as a predestined program. They do not speculate much about Roosevelt's qualities as compared with those of Newton D. Baker or of Speakar John Garner or of the other aspirants. They merely feel that it is a Demo- cratic year, that any acceptable Demo- | cratic nominee can win the election, and that Roosevelt is, at the least, a perfectly acceptable nominee. The effect of Smith's curiously worded announcement last week will appear in the primaries of Eastern States, such as Massachusetts. New Hampshire and | Penr.sylvania. If Smith, after restrain- ing himself to a purely passive attitude should, nevertheless, get considerable numbers of delegates, and especially if he gets them at the expense of Roose- velt—in that event Smith will be an extremely formidable person in the con- vention. . Canadian “Nickel” In Most General Us OTTAWA, Ont—The 5-cent piece or the “nickel” as it is popularly termed, is the coin in most general use in Canada. Last year the royal Canadian mint here delivered no fewer than 5,620,000 5-cent pieces. a total that exceeded that of 1-cent pleces, of which 5,140,000 were issued. ‘Ten-cent pieces, or “dimes,” were third in the point of delivery with a total of 2,294,000. The 50-cent piece, a silver coin, was in comparatively little demand last A total of 848,000 “quarters” were minted. During the year the mint struck 11,618,690 coins and issued 13,970,000. No gold pieces were minted. The gross value of rough and fine definite on prohibition, otherwise Smith | gold and fine silver received by the will pravent him from getting the nom- | mint last year was $35,638,176. Deliv- ination, The Democratic Race. Roosevelt will have more delegates| than any other candidate. Next to him Smith will have the largest number. The aggregate of the strength of the| other candidates will be more than abundant to prevent the nomination of Rooseveit. Most of these non-Roose- velt delegates will follow the common | leadership of and be in sympathy with | the major leaders of the party, such men as ex-Gov. Smith, ex-Gov. Cox, tional Council of Women, which met for the first time in Washington, D. C., | in 1888. Thus was the gospel of the lcqua:lty of women carried to other lan Towers of Strength. At this time came Anna Howard Shaw to the rescue. She and Carrie Chapman Catt were towers of strength who was the nominee in 1820; John W. Davis and others of similar experience and elevation. (I name these as types, without imputing particular views to them.) If these decide at the time of the convention that it is not desirable to nominate Roosevelt, they will have nlenty of delegates to enforce their de- cision. If the major party leaders had to for many years. By the close of the ninetenth cen- tury, persecution and calumny had passed away and Miss Anthony was honored and eulogized wherever she went, but suffrage was still denied by Congress. In 1800 Anthony placed the (Contin¥d ou Fourth Page.) make_their decision today, it would probably be against nominafing Roose- velt. Certainly they would lean far that way. The one consideration that will at all times make them pause i5 a wonder whether any other candidate can carry New York State as surely as Roosevelt presumably can. If the lead- £rs conid he assured that Speaker John Garner of Texas et A3 many eries to the finance department had a value of $35.176,551. Trade bars sold were valued at $545,541. Paper currency of denominations ranging from one dollar to higher units used in Canada is made by private companies for the government and the chartered banks. Oddly enough, the two-dollar bill is not unpopular in Canada. |Russians Use Planes To Fight Farm Pests MOSCOW. U. §. S. R—Aviation in the Soviet Union is playing a tremen- | dous role, not in transportation and communication but in agriculture. Fighting agricultural pests via the air seems to be a method the Soviets have found to be rather successful. Last year Soviet airplanes success- fully protected some 250,000 hectares (a hectare equals 2.47 acres) from varied pests and insects that devour farm products. This year planes will be used in an area of approximately 1,500,000 hectares of infested land. By the end | of 1932 Russien agronomists expeet the | locust to be entirely I'D‘g\ll.