Evening Star Newspaper, August 16, 1931, Page 23

EDITORIAL SECTION he Swundiwy Star, Part 2—8 Pages SUNDAY MORNING, AUGUST 16, 1931, BRUENING FIGHTS ON TWO | FRONTS TO SAVE GERMANY Chancellor Faces Abroad and Nati BY FRANK H. SIMOND:! HE Germans do not call their present chancellor “Machine- gun Harry,” nor do they em- ploy any such irreverent so- briquet as the “Wrong-Horse Harry,” which a recent essayist has bestowed upon the American Secretary of State. The reason is twofold. the first place nicknames have not the same vogue in German politics as in American and British, and, in the sec- ond, Heinrich Bruening does not lend himself to nicknames. And yet no Ger- man ever fails to tell you almost im. mediately that the man who no uides the destinies of his mation once L)mmmded a machine gun detach- ment. This detail is not merely significant because it discloses the fact that the German chancellor, like the former French Premier, Andre Tardieu, is a | French Hostility onalist and Com- | and London & few days ago the proposal | to lynch him on his return roused cheers in a crowded meeting. When he came home the police took him from one sta- tion while the public awaited bim at | another, so great was the apprehension | | for his safety. Not to recognize that he has actually taken his life in his hand | is to miss one aspect of Bruening's pres- | ent service. Fearless in Use of Power. As he has strength and determina- tion, Bruening has also complete fear- lessness in the use of power. The hand | of Mussolini Tests less heavily upon | Rome at this moment than that of | Bruening upon Berlin. The city is un- | der something very close to martial law, the police are armed and commissioned | to shoot to kill. Machine-gun lorries are | familiar sights. Public meetings are | suppressed, newspapers forbidden to ap- | pear, the press muzzled, public opinion silenced. The German lives under a | veteran of the war, In Germany one speaks of *he machine gun officers and | men as th &eroes of the forlorn hope, | the men who covered the great retreat | when the war was lost, whose courage. | devotion and unshaken' will constituted | not the least brilliant page in the his- | tory of German military achlevement. | Fights on Double Front. | The detail is, too, significant of the | resent role of Bruening. For he is| iterally heading the forlorn hope of republican Germany. If he fails and | falls, there is nothing left. Then we shall see either the folly of an imitation Mussolini or the madness of some Red disciple of Lenin and Trotsky. And as the German army in the final phase of the World War was fighting on the double front, with a victorious enemy in its face and a domestic révolution in its rear, Bruening today Prench hostility abroad and Nationalist and Communist upheaval at home. No conspicuous figure of the present day is less easy to describe than Bruen- | ing. His past is unilluminated by anec- | dote, his present is surrounded by a | cloud of mystery which is almost equally | baffiing to the German and the for- eigner. For Bruening is literally a new man. He has been in the Reichstag less than seven years and in the public eye little more than two. In that period he has never said or done any single thing which would supply an easy label or permit a quick summing up. Bruening Is of People. Like Ebert, the saddler-president, and Stresemann, the great foreign minister of the German republic, Bruening is of the people. Although he was a soldier, he began his service as a private, which | is an all-significant fact in Germany. | But, on the other hand, while his origin | is humble, he was a student at the Uni- | versity of Bonn, which used to receive the Hohenzollern princes for a brief period of education. In a crowd fronts | N et | all gise, called’ to direct national for- | | tunelh bas flung himself into the breach, regime which makes the old monarchial | situation seem not merely liberty but license. In a word, this silent, self-eflacing man, who a few years ago was still the undistinguished secretary of a relatively unknown politician, has in a few brief months made himself one of the great dictators of our own age—which is f miliar with dictators. He.is the peer o! Mussolini, Stalin, Pilsudski, but with one essential difference—in his domina- tion the personal element does not ap- ear. His devotion is utterly selfless. e has no following, no personal pro- | paganda, no private ambition. If he disappeared tomorrow, there would be | left no machine, no party. | What has happened is that in a time unimaginable storm and stress a , sincere and straightforward man, | 1f, more by accident than | of all the risks, faced all the dan- gers And because this volunteer has both & clear head and a consummate | courage he has so far managed to save Germany from herself. Supported by Hindenburg. Bruening's survival®to_tne present hour has been possible only because he has been able to rely upon the un- swerving support of Hindenburg, Presi- dent of the republic. It is against this amazing alliance of the old Germany and the new that the combined assaults of the Communists and the Nationalists have so far broken down. The Reich 1s today governed by a set of decree laws formulated by Bruening and counter- signed by Hindenburg. The Reichstag has been dissolved—and in that Relch- stag Bruening's majority was largely | fictitious—the ordinary rules and regu- Iations of life have been suspended. Germans tell you almost the sirgle detail that Bruening keeps a copy of “Walter Pater” on' his desk. What an extraordinary contrast, that volume | of Marius the Epicurean at the elbow Why Cubans Stir Revolt Machado Regime One of Persecution and Abridgment of Liberties, Declares Noted Island Statesman. Dr. de la_Torriente, Who Scores Present Regime. BY DR. COSME DE LA TORRIENTE. WAS with Geh. Garcia when Lieut Rowan delivered to him in the City of Bayamo the famous mes- | sage in which McKinley and Gen. | Miles informed him of the en- trance of the United States in the war of Cuban independence, in compliance with the joint resolution of the Amer- ican Congress of April 20, 1898. This joint resolution declared that Cuba was and ought to be a free and independent people and it directed the American Government to declare war upon Spain to obtain this end. Under the orders of Gen. Garcia 1 he | of the man who is ruling a turbulent |took Part in the attack and siege of a professor, but as a poll utterly unconvincing. S on the government bench at the 3 faced by the tumultuous deputies, he | -np::n shy, nervous, totally out al‘ PiWhen he speaks, too, he has neither | g:e ""uaxmi 'bque:'ée t Breitscheid. | e e o Hehv‘:lmueumm'uhe-w-un the greeted him with insults and ended by stoning his car. In Breslau his recep- tion was not less unfriendly. Record Marked by Blunders. As chancellor, too, Bruening's record | is marked by blunders of appalling | magnitude. It was his misealoulation | (strangely reminiscent of that similar | mistake of Stanley Baldwin a few years 8go which gave Labor its first govern- | ment) in dissolving the Relchstag last Autumn that cleared the way for the | great Hitler sweep of the September election. His assent to the Treviranus declaration for treaty revision and of the Curtius proclamation of the Aus- | trian-German tariff union produced the French political repercussion which in turn was responsible for the present German financial erisis All these men of the contemporary German government. Bruening himself, ‘Treviranus, Curtius and that nephew of the old Hohenzollern chancellor. Buelow, are young. Most of them are under 50. And all but Buelow were in the war. All save Buelow lack precisely that experi- ence in foreign affairs which is most essential at the moment. And along with this comparative youth and inex- perience goes a natural aspiration to lift their country out of its present helpless and wellnigh hopeless posture Possesses Courage and Will. ‘What, then, is Bruening's great qual- ity? For it is clear that no man could direct German fortunes in the present | critical hour without some _eapacity. What Bruening possesses is a rare com bination of courage and will. He can- not be frightened and he cannot be moved. And in modern Germany that means something gquite definite, for while the public men of other countries always face possible defeat and retire- ment, the German statesman has con- stantly to reckon with the assassin just around the corner. Ergberger and Rathenau were murdered because they urged Germany to follow the single pathway open to her—that of co-opera- tion with Britain and Prance While Bruening was absent in Paris Germany with a Tod of iron! They tell you also that Bruening knows his France and England and loves his Lon- don. And in the manner of the man | there is something more English than | German, as in appearance there are lacking all the familiar German traits. In all the world today no other public man bears quite the burden of respon- sibility of Bruening. Not merely the fate of his own country but that of Europe may be decided by his success or failure in beating off the attacks allke of Communism a: Fascism. If he lasts, Pranco-German relations may | take a new amd better turn, because, | while he failed immediately in his re- cent Paris trip, there is no mistaking | the fact that he inspired confidence and removed many obstacles. | Struggle Unknown to World: | ‘The acuteness of the struggle in Ger- many is too little appreciated beyond the frontiers of the Reich. The degree to which despair and misery have shaken the courage and darkened the reason of the mass.of the German people escapes the notice of a world occupied with its own troubles. That this new and young German republic in barely more than a decade should have been able to produce three men like Ebert who bridled the revolution: Stresemann. who brought his country back to inter- national relations, and Bruening, who is restraining the passions which could lead the German people to something approximating suicide. testifies to the reality of the revolution of 1918. For not one of these men could have played * qreat Tole in pre-war Germany t is an odd circumstance, too, that at a moment when Germany seems ripe for a Caesar her fortunes are directed by a man who looks like a monk. who has the aptitudes of a mathematician who has the manner of a recluse, but who has also the experience and the record of a machine gunner. To an American correspondent who rode with him on his return from London Bruen- | Ing said as the train crossed a corner of the old front “I fought -over there, and when 1 think of the critical situations in I found myself at that time I | new confidence to go on.” You get a glimpse of the inner man in this, the sole semblance of self-reve- lation ‘the great hegira to Paris and Berlin produced. The spirit of the ma- chine gunner slips forth from the dis guise of a cleric. And although it ma: well be that Bruening is once more en- gaged in a foriorn hope, few men have deserved better of their country or of the world in the post-war period than his man. whose literary tastes run to but ances suggest Iron Chance whose political perform- Bismarck, who was the Construction Rushed on Great Britain’ New 8.000-Mile Ai LONDON —With the forging of th 2.670-mile air link between Cairo and Tanganyika, two-thirds of the projected empire airway between London and Cape Town, 8,000 miles in length, will be in operation. By June it is expected that Imperial Alrways wil be able to run » weekly service in either direction over :.l’l"! rou te, one of the longest and most rline to Cape Town diate air stations along this 5.750-mile toute over the African continent. and 17 wireless stations. It will be possible at all times to maintain wireless con- nection with the alrliners. It is said there will be no more danger or dis- comfort in such an air hop over vast stretches of Africa than in a long over- land trip by train on the continent of No Night Flying. The African route will be divided into three main sections—Cairo to Khartum, | Khartum to Mwanza, and Nairobi to {Cape Town. On the first section the - | alrliners to be used will be three-engined | if the journey #tand of steamship. Thire are 27 main 4 Armstrong-Whitworth Argosies. Short | | Caleutta fiying boats, simliar to those to reach their ove: ciore dusk, X Santiago in company with the Ameriean soldiers; and now, when the liberties which Cuba with her blood acquired with the effective help of the Americans Must Disarm or Rearm! Nations Must Come Back to Equality in Armament, Declares Noted British Statesman. BY VISCOUNT CECIL OF CHELWOOD. NE morning next month the delegates of the governments (o the Ve League of Natons at Geneva | will find in the official journal of the Assembly a statement which I stalement to which I refer is the com- mon policy upon disarmament adopted by the International Federation of congress at Budapest. and it is a very important indication of the direction in which public opinion on this subject is When T say public opinion, T am. of course, fully aware of the fact that. in many countries the League of Nations adherents which they have, for instance in my own_country or in Japan or in Belgium. But the delegates to the subject were, generally speaking, men of weight in their countries who repre- sented the general tenor of moderate ment may be described as the highest | common measure of agreement between | those who, however conscious of their united in their convictions that if peace is not to be gravely jeopardized, the 1932 conference must make a real Definite Treaty Necessary. What. then, are the proposals of this statement? In the first place, we say a definite disarmament treaty, the first as it must be, of a series of such treati In support of this we give several obv nite unconditional pledge given by members of the League of Nations under article 8 of the covenant;” the formal the allies’ behalf at Versailles “to the states disarmed under the treaties that the exceptional regime applied to them system of universal limitation and re- duction”: the evidence of so many great statesmen. economists, jurists and his- ments” had led. and must lead. 1o war the disastrous effect that the failure of the conference would have. in mind we formulated 2 definite pro- posal which has begun to take shape in the ranks of the disarmsment move- Here it is “The situation is such as to justify | even now a considerable reduction of | tion of personnel and matertal which | should be effected, the federation es- | teems that, provided elfth Assembly of the | trust they will read with care. The League of Nations Societies at their moving Societies have not the large number of federation's Tecent meetings on that opinion therein. In short. our state- national aspirations and difficulties, are | progress toward genuine disarmament. that the conference must culminate in ous and imperative reasons: “The defi- promise which M. Clemenceau gave on is only & stepping stone to a general | torians that the “mad race in arm With these obligations and necessities ment both in Europe and America. armaments, and apart from the reduc- | tions are laid down l:mflze erent. hieve an round of 25 achieve an all-a; reduction per cent on the total amount budgeted | for armaments.” | Would Outlaw Chemicals. LEFT: PRESIDENTIAL PALACE IN HAVANA, BEFORE WHICH MANY RIOTS HAVE BEEN STAGED. RIGHT: NEW CAPITOL BUILDING WHERE CONGRESS DOES MACHADO'S BIDDING. ONE OF CUBA’S GREAT STATESMEN Note: Dr. Cosme de la Torriente, the real causes back of Cuba’s revolt, who, in this article, is revealing was the first Ambassador from Cuba to Washington and was president of the Fourth Assembly of the League of Nations (1923) Court of Arbitration at The Hague, of International Law and many other scientific societies. At the present time he iz @ member of the Permanent a member of the American Institute He is a writer of mote on pudlic and international matters and a doctor of law and philosophy at the University of Havana Dr. Torriente was a colonel in the Cuban Army in the War of Inde- pendence against Spain and was chief of staff of the division of the Cuban Army which attacked Santiago in conjunction with the Americans. He was under orders of Gen. Garcia, @ famous Cuban hero, and whose jame has been perpetuated by Elbert Hubbard in his “Message to Gareia.” U by the government of Machado, and when we are without legal means to prevent it, and when we have been obliged to take up arms to end this tyranny and the despotism of the present oligarchy in Cuba, I feel that I should lay before the American people | is being suppressed almost to extinction | adopted the Constitution of Cuba which | destruction, remained unrevised until Machado at his pleasure changed it in order to | perpetuate his regime, in violation of the very precepts of that constitution. Presidents of the Island. Preceding Machado, the Presidents of FARM RELIEF MORATORIUM HELD DOOMED TO DEFEAT Interest on $1.600,000000 Debenture Bonds of Land Banks Stands in Way of Legislation ITH the opening of the Sev-, enty-second Congress, still more than four menths awa; there come from the agri cultural 1y plans and rumors of plans by the dozen. all di- rected toward farm relief. And.promi- nent in the foundation of & majority of these projected measures is the magic word “moratorium.” That & bill or bills seeking to declare & moratorium on farm mortgage pay- ments will be introduced is a foregone | conclusion. To the grain farmer who bas sold his wheat at the lowest figure | he ever received or who is planning to | feed it to his live stock or use it for | fuel this sounds like the approach of | the millennium. But, say agricultural | lencers, the probability of such a meas- | ure becoming a law is so remote as to | be_almost negligible. | Punds available for loans on farm | collateral are obtained through the pur- chase of bonds by investors. These in- | vestors now hold debenture bonds to the |amount of $1.600,000,000, amount has been lent to farmers through the Federal land banks and the joint stock land banks. As the bor- rowers pay their interest the money in | turn is paid over to the holders of the banks’ debenture bonds as interest on | their investments. It follows that if a moratorium were declared on farm loans | there would be no money with which to pay interest on outstanding bonds, and | the holders of these bonds would be- come Involuntary “angels” for the bene- | it of the farmer. Yearly Cost Put at $43,000,000. | ‘The only way in which this could be | avoided would be for Congress to set up | a fund for the retirement of debenture bonds. Three per cent interest alone on the $1,600,000,000 outstanding would amount to $48,000,000 annually, to say | nothing of the principal payments which |are required by law at six-month in- | tervals. Any measure which is likely to | point to an increase in taxation is not | 70ing to prove popular with the Seventy- second Congress. It is for these reasons | that agricultural leaders feel that a moratorium proposal, however sincerely it may be proposed, is doomed to defeat. ‘Then, 100, there is the question as to |the actual need of such legislation. | Here farm authorities inject a note of it was essential that Ma- | optimism that in the face of the present |chado should come into power. The | depression is refreshing. The Federal | political liberties have been completely | Farm Loan Board is authority for the | suppressed by him and by the oligarchy | statement that in all the farm loans that supports him. There is no r t | included in the $1,600,000,000 that has | for human life, and many men of all |passed through Federal hands 89 per races and of all the professions have | cent of the lost their lives without any charge, |inte trial or sentence of a trivunal of justice. | dot Gen. Mario Menocal, an Active Leader in Revolution. rest and principal payments on the and the remaining 11 per cent are and that | trowers have met their | not predictable. say agricultural leaders, but in their opinion it is the most that can be expected to Tesult from the coms ing agricultural agitation. So far ‘as Government stock in the |12 Pederal Land Banks is concerned, # has been reduced from the origingd $9,000,000 advanced from the | Treasury in 1913 to a mere $237,73% And farmers. through the agency ot {more than 4,600 farm loan associations have an approximate $66,000,000 in- | vested in the stock of the banks, or an | estimated 993; per cent of ail land {bank stock. | . The efficiency of the Pederal Land | Banks and the Joint Stock Land Banks in meeting the needs of agriculture, or | that portion of it that stands In need |of credit. is another argument that is advanced by farm exprts as insuring | the defeat of any moratorium kfu- Jation that may be advocated. Before | the Federal farm loan act became fully op:rative. according to Louls J. Taber, master of the National Grange, interest charges in the South and West varied | from 7 to 12 per cent on farm mort- | 8ges. and in the North and East the | charges ran from 6 to 8 per cent. As | & result of the passage of the act, these | charges have been stabilized at an ) | proximate 6 per cent throughout the | country, and Wall Street itself is au- | lhorni for the statement that its opera- |tion has saved American hr-g | $160,000,000 to $180,000,000 annually | interest charges and commisisons alone, ! Payments Met Promptly. | In addition is the further advantage (in_the long-time amortized A ‘Ilmpongd“mchm;hemmwlr is compel reducs slightly every six I':onlh.l.r He l;:ly -ll\rwbudle run for a 3-year per! or he has the option of making :ynenu in whole or in part after a given period. This | say agricultural leaders, E'. made for | thrift and stability—and they prove ithllr statement bz Enlnt% to th | promptness with which the farmers a: |8 whole have met their payments ar | they fell due. | ,, Further evidence of the soundness of the system lies in the satisfactory mar ket that its bonds enjoy, say farm leaders. Banks, of course, do not lenc their own money; funds available foi borrowers come from the o bonds, and if there were no bond bu; there would be no farm loans, | system has operated to the double ads | vantage of both borrower and investor, |in that the latter has a safe and de- | pendable type of security and the |farmer is enabled to obtain funds at Cuba were the great Estrada Palma, | Gen. Jose Miguel Gomez, Gen. Mario G. Menocal and Dr. Alfred Zayas;. and | although - there occurred political dis- | turbances during the administration of I'some of them, ‘the political liberties of | |the Cubans, however, survived every | test to which they have been subjected and were reafirmed and stren; with the passage of the years. that which has occurred and that which is now occurring, knowing full well that ! we shall obtain’ their sympathy and moral support. This is the purpose of this message | to the people who sent the message to | Gareia, that great Cuban hero, so well | known to the United States, and who | with Marti and Macco and Maximo Gomes made possible the Republic of Cuba. Gen. Leonard Wood called the Con- stitutional Assembly, which, in 1901, of the Cuban Republic should so suffer | its greatest blows and be menaced with | Hundreds of petsons have been kid- | naped and imprisoned for long periods | of time in military fortresses and, sub- | | jected to th= authority of the military | brances. or to the whim of the President him- | self, without ever having any trial or | given an opportunity to defend them-L selves or taken before any of the civil | unexpected happen * gthened ,e;:‘m which alone have the jurisdic- | moratorium on farm loans be ofl%fl. t In order that the basic foundations | soldiers. to try the citizens who are not Machado had always been an enemy | (Continued on Fourth Page. and the convention for giving financi assistance 10 a state victim of attack That is not to say we believe “se- curity” ta be completely achieved. Fear of war between members of the new in- ternational society, the imperfect un- derstanding of and provision for the united action of this society in pre- venting and suppressing war and in eliminating the causes of war—all this stands in the way of the “more com plete disarmament” which the federa- tion believes to be necessary. Hence our statement declared that, in order to secure further progress, “means should be sought to strengthen the mutual guaranties of security and loyal observ- ance for treaties.” In addition to the more familiar means to that end, we made radical proposals concerning two formidable aspects of modern warfare— namely, the air arm and the chemical arm. We called for the “international or- ganization of aviation under the aus- pices of the League of Nations in order to insure to the Council the best means of communication and of super- vision and the prohibition of all prepa- for The Sunday Star by J. Scott Williams. siders that the principle of limitation and reduction of armament should be the same for all states, and, conse- quently, that “1. Each state should be bound to limit the amount budgeted for its navy, army and air force. “2. The prohibition of certain ma- terial, naval, land, or air, enjoined in the treaties should apply to all state signatories to the convention “3. The observance of the obliga- fons thus contracted by the states should be insured by a permanent dis- armament commission established at the seat of the League of Nations and exercising its control equally over all nations.” Each of these paragraphs deserves a word of comment. Twe Classes Impossible. By the first the broad principle of equality is laid down. It is declared that no special regime in the matter of disarmament can be indefinitely main- ration for chemical and bacteriological warfare.” Must Effect Equality. ‘These suggestions become of particu- lar importance when read with the fourth section of the Budapest resolu- tions. It is in the following terms: “It is indispenssble that the League of Nations should officially recognize the e of equality in between the ‘vi torious’ powers and that the 1932 con- ference must begin to effect such equal- ity. { “This equality must not be attained by duced _un: proport! increasing armament already re- der the treaties, but by the the federation con- t | schemes are being worked out. resolution proposes that the first steps toward equality should be taken at the conference next year. Second, it is laid down that equality t. engage disarmament It would be tragic if it ended only in rmament. | | | | apart from the strength of the arma- ment of different countries, the methods | of limitation and reduction should be | the same for all countries. For instance, if and so far as it is decided that bud- getary limitations should apply td any countries, 1t should apply to all of them. | Similarl, t least in principle, prohibi- tion of particular kinds of armaments should be accepted equally by all coun- | tries, Concerning Aireraft. | For instance, the “‘vanquished” coun- tries are forbidden to have military air- craft. That prohibition might well be | made general. It is here that the pro- | vision for the internationalization of | aviation becomes important. For if | ! there is to be no national air force in- | ternational precaution must be taken to prevent the conversion of civilian air- | craft into military machines. | Finally, whatever control is agreed to | for the supervision and enfcreement of | the disarmament treaty should be ap- | | plied ually to all states, whether | “vanquished” or “victorious.” This Is | clearly right and desirable. Nothing | can be said in favor of insisting on | special precautions against the breach | of disarmament obligations in the case of particular states. Whatever is use- | | ful ‘to secure performance in one case is | | or ought to be equally useful in others. ‘This principle of equality is funda- | mental to the Budapest scheme. It | | was unanimously stcepted there after it had been unanimously drafted by a subcommittee which met at Paris a| |few weeks earlier. The changes made | |in the draft did not weaken any of its | main principles. What will the gov- ernments say to it next year? 1f they agreement will be compara- | for it ought not to be diffi- cult to carry out the principles of the resolution into figure: All that can be said at present is that delegates from Prance, Geimany, Italy, Belzium, Hungary, Poland, Britain and other® countries assented to it in | Paris and after several weeks' con- sideration repeated their assent w | Budapest. How the proposals will be | regarded in other countries remains to | be scen. In my country I believe they would Be warmly and generally ac- icepted. I trust the same to be true elsewhere. For in this case govern- ments will do no more and no less than public apinich approves. W interest rate, with am time ir which to retire his ing only a few months late. And, they add, more than half the farms in the United States are free from mortgage ineum- | May Modify Federal Reserve. System. It has been pointed out that even should the only about 12 per cent, or one farmer in eight. would it thereby. Of the total farm country, gress, however bel | has not the aul ity to regulate the | payments that shall be made to banks | outside the Federal system, or to indi- viduals or corporat holding mort. gages on agricultural Jand. However, there is a likelihood that out of the plans that will be proposed there may come some modification of the Federal Reserve banking system. Just what direction this reform will take is easiness on pa; credit niza- tions holding farm paper. . Latvia Finds Commercial Agreement With Soviet Union None Too Profitable RIGA —Latvia, with & desire to be | friendly to its big neighbor, the Soviet | Union, has completed three and one- |trade representation proposed to local half years out of a five-vear commer- 'manufacturers to hire their plants on cial treaty and now realizes the high |the condition that all necessary raw cost of friendship. Though one of the | materials and semi-manufactures re- smaller countries, Latvia’s experience is |quired in production will he supplied significant to other countriss, not ex- |by the Russians, who agree to pay a cluding the United States, showing dis- | certain price for every unit or piece illusionment to which trade relations | thus manufacturéd. may lead. | "‘These offers have been rejected by The Latvian-Soviet Russian commer- | local manufacturers because of feared cial agreement, which was concluded |loss of control. One manufacturer said: after much heated argument in the |“I would cease to mester my plant Summer of 1927 and became effective 'and what about my workers if the November 5, 1927, in the main provides 'Soviets cancel the treaty? Who in for the purchase by the Soviet Union |such case will recover for me that small of commodities from Latvia valu:d at but stable market whica I would have $7830,000 annually. Latvia in its turn |10 give up f I agree?” granted the ans preferent! - port rates over and above most favored | Indusiry Is Recevering nation treatment, tariff drawbacksrang- | Latvian industry has been slowly re- ing from 15 to 50 per cent. During the | covering since its complete destruction first three treaty years these amounted |during the war. The treaty with the to $515700, constituting 3 per cent of |Soviet Union has been concluded with the value of Latvian commodities the man object of procuring a new shipped to the Soviet Union. market for lLatvian mnnuluun:. Charge Against Soviets u::’:’ ?:.mn ?y local muu;h.dm The provisions of the treaty have nearly balanced. Now pessimism 3 not been carried out by the Soviets, | masmuch as the treatment accorded by it is alleged in Latvian quarters. As the Soviets to local industry invites a matter of fact, Latvian exports to |criticism. Soviet orders come in at ran- Russia under the provisions of the |dom. Some industries especially ada) treaty totaled during the first three [io Soviet orders have been idle years $17,907,000 in value as against | months. Other industries are too small $23,490,000 provided for. This leaves |to execute such orders during the time an ' unshipped balance "of $5,583,000, | stipulated by the trade representation. equal to 24 per cent. ‘The Soviet trade | Some lines of manufacture are representation in Riga claims that | ignored. Instead of three months’ credit, orders to the value of, $23,470,000 have (12 months are required by the Rus- been placed during this period. But sians. The ecxpected benefits have this figure cannot be checked. The largely turned into disorganization of Soviet trade reprogentation has its own | industry and general disillusionment. bookkeeping and demands that its The discount rate for Soviet nobes at figures must be trusted. times gocs up to 35 or 40 per cent. All attempts of the Latvian author- | The Latvian government is going io itles to have Soviet orders registered | help by facilitating credit operations. have been rebuffed, the Soviets taking refuge in the capceling clause incor- Say Preducis Come Back. porated in the triaty. Latvian manu- | Some manufacturers complain that facturers concerned do mnot disclose | products sold Lo ihe Russians re-enter their Sovict contracts eicher, fearing to | the Latvian market at something lke lose busindss. Thus the Latvian au- /25 per cent below factory prices. Lag- thbrities are still at a Joss to verify | vian harvester machinery which leaves whethes or not the treaty is carried out. | the local factory in bright vellow comes back from somewhere in bright red or Outlook More Glaomy | blue, embellished with _sickie and The fourth year of the treaty has hammer. This product is offered fo the value, as against $3,15,000 provided for. In reply to complaints the Soviet A most interesting declaration was made by Count Apponyi on the subject |of this the most important part of the | federation's policy i | behalf of the assumed a still gloomier aspect. As far as can be ascertained, during the only in quantity but he een >E iE i reading of clauses to &’ denial of the right of German, Austrian | | Latvian farmer on 12 moaths' Mn.‘ | tempting prices, alleged to ‘umevem-nu of the 1ve-year plar. That Latvian leading products—lumber {and flax—have been ruined by the grec/ Eastern neighbor might be a fact too well known to be emphusized. (Copyright, 1931). Rnssia-n;Now Televise Two Images on One Set LENINGRAD, Russia (#).—Russian scientists also are joining in the drive Academiclan Joffe is to the effect that '.".'.mx:-:i.a-mm ean be televised at once instead of SR e ; 3 S e, -