Evening Star Newspaper, March 9, 1930, Page 35

EDITORIAL SECTION he Swundiwy Stae. Y MORNING, MARCH 9, 1930. . Editorial Page Special Articles WASHINGTON, D. C., SU Our Navies Untested Modern Warships, Outside Battle of Jutland, Have Had No Chance to Prove Power APMZ—--GPgu INADEQUATE PREPARATION BLAMED FOR PARLEY FALL Macdonald Forced by Political Back- ground to Hurry Calling of TARIFE FIGHT HINGES ON FLEXIBLE PROVISION Debenture Plan Is Second of Three Main Points Involved in Battle Between House and Senate. Conference. BY FRANK H. SIMONDS. ONDON.—What has been wrong with the London Conference? ‘This question, increasingly asked all over the world, does not easily find a single answer. Neverthe- less, there has been one thing wrong from the outset which has increasingly served to bring about trouble. great weakness of the Conference la in the fact that it was not preceded by any political preparation or even by that period of political investigation which might have forewarned those responsible for the calling of rocks ahead. ‘There was, to be sure, political preparation in so far as the United States and Britain were concerned. Conversations between Macdonald and Dawes, the visit of the British prime minister to America, his talks with Hoover beside the banks of the Rapidan, all these things contributed to clear away the debris of Anglo-American misunderstanding which had been born of the Washington Conference. It was mectly clear when these conferences taken place and the press and public opinion of the two English-speak- ing countries had spoken, that the way was clear for the American and British representatives to sit about a table and settle the problem of parity which had bedeviled relations between the two nations for almost a decade. But was this Anglo-American under- standing an adequate political basis for & five-power naval conference? What were the views and conditions of France, Japan and Italy alike toward an Anglo-American entente and toward each other? Here, after all, was the rub, for it was always clear in any event that, while these nations could be brought to water, they could not be compelled to drink. And long before the conference was called it was clear that France was hostile to the whole idea of a conference, totaly unprepared to adjust its own conception, its own needs, to conform to Anglo-American standards established by the briefly famous and now forgotten yardstick. Italy Had Parity to Gain. As to Italy, it was not less clear that the Italian government and people were determined to turn any international conference into an opportunity to es- tablish for Italy equality with France in | going all categoriés, as had been established in capital ships at Washington. But France was just as resolved never to permit Italy to obtain this boon at any conference at which France was preent. As to Japan, she was just as resolved to_exploit the new Naval Conference to enhance her own security in the Pacific and her prestige in the world by claim- a larger ratio in auxillary craft than was allowed by her colleagues and vol- untarily accepted by herself at Wash- ington. But it was just as clear that American, British and Dominion opin- fon was solidly against any such Japa- Rese expansion. ‘These were the political difficulties which faced Macdonald when he had returned from Wi decide for or against ference. He had to ask Prench, Italian and Ji positions were real, if each of three peoples meant what they said, and if they did, how it would ever be possible to bring about reconciliation between these mu- tually exclusive policies. Macdonald Took Chance. But it was in the face of these diffi- eulties Macdonald _deliberately that called the conference, gambling on the some _ inconceivable programs were supported by their re- spective m’oflfiup—-'uuld bow to his litical need of foreign success to ortify his home political front. But even in advance there were warn- | restrain ings. The Prench note of December said very clearly that France would hold to the French view and disclosed the additional fact that French opinion was bitterly ved because Macdonald and Hoover seemed to ignore France, while they made up their own program at the Rapidan. As for the Japanese, both at Washington and at London, their delegation formally demanded a 70 per cent ratio. Finally, Italy stood ‘where she had always Deadlocks Certain. ‘The conference met, then, in the face of certain deadlock. Nothing had been done to remove those obstacles which, it ‘was obvious, had to be removed before agreement could emerge. But mean- time every public had been consolidated behind the national policy of its own government, and press, political and public opinion had been worked up to 8 point which made concession abroad well nigh fatal at home for the politi- The | cians who represented the various na- tions. At the outset there was a surprising show of good feeling on all sides, which gave to the uninformed a notion that Macdonald’s idea of curing interna- tional differences by conference might work. But this atmosphere lasted only until minor questions had been dis- | cussed. Once the conference came to the main business and actual tonnage demands were introduced it became clear that every country was standing just where it d always intended to stand and every delegation just where it had in advance promised its home public it would stand. Increased Armament Visioned. Moreover, these tonnage figures took the world by surprise because, save in the case of Britain, they disclosed a purpose which of itself automatically transformed a reduction and limitation | conference into a meeting which seemed condemned in advance to raise the limit of armament to almost astronomical heights. And as each national program was presented each public opinion dug in behind it. As a coi juence each head of delegation was confronted with the political consequence of surrender. He was in a sense the captive hence- forth of those demands which he had been compelled to present. ‘There was then an immediate clash of national purposes. Britain took alarm at the French figures, France be- came excited over the Itallan demand for parity, the United States entered an emphatic neg\flve to Japan's requests. Thereupon the atmosphere of conflict could no longer be disguised. The no- tion that a general world opinion would operate to compel all nations to con- form to a universal desire for disarma- ment-and conciliation, the fundamental notion of Macdonald, and it would seem of Hoover, too, proved inexact. In point of fact, world opinion was not angry at one nation because it seemed alone to block the way to suc- cess. On contrary, world opinion, perceiving the enormous building pro- grams presented by all powers save the British, who had already done their building, turned not against a nation, but against the conference. In all the confusion and turmoil, in all the angry and violent recriminations which were precipitated, the world saw nothing but the solid fact that the taxpayer was not g to get economy and the pacifist was not going to get peace. National Policies Assailed. ‘Then the French government fell and the conference was condemned to sit idly by for three weeks, during which the press of the world united in assail- ing the now impotent meeting for its armament program, and the press of of every other country. And the acci- dent to French politics resulted in al- most completely destroying the illusion that either international disarmament or international amity could be ad- vanced here at London. ‘THere, after all, is succinctly the don. There was no international polit- ical preparation. Macdonald, having become prime minister, rushed to Amer- ica and made an agreement with Hoo- ver and then rushed back to London and called an international conference. Had he undertaken to find some basis for agreement with France, as he bril- liantly succeeded in doing in the case of the United States; had he directly or through America sounded out Japan, he would have discovered either that an agreement here was possible or im- possible, ‘Wilsonianism Revealed. But politically, given his home sit- uation, he could not wait. He was in the same mood which led him six years 8g0 to journey to the Assembly of the League of Nations and agree to the protocol, only to have his country re- pudiate his acceptance a few months later. All his trained advisers sought to him; the foreign office and diplomatic corps looked on in positive horror, because they knew the realities of the situation. As for the mass of the they were fired with the Mac- idea, caught his enthusiasm, were delighted beyond measure with his American success. They believed he must know what he was doing, while he believed that once the meeting was assembled it would be dominated by world opinion. And here, after all, is the final proof of the Wilsonianism of the British prime minister. But nothing having been done to re- move or accommodate any of the dif- ficulties, they all came up, and the Lon- don Conference took on the appearance of a little Paris peace conference. And 'when every disagreement had been dis- closed at its maximum size the French cabinet fell and left every natlonal claim in sharp opposition to every o!hPr.dUp-tu-dlft. that is where we have arrived. public, donald (Copyright. 1930.) Soviet Seizes All Churches in Drive To “Speed Creation of Socialist World” BY REGINALD WRIGHT KAUFFMAN. GENEVA —According to apparently suthentic advices just received here, the endeavors of Russia's Soviet govern- ment to suppress news regarding the celebration of Christmas day within its borders covers yet another government- ally inspired biow at religion through- out that country. As religious Russia | observes the oid style calendar, the feast fell this year on January 7. new Style, and it appears that the authori- ties employed it in advance, not only against ail Christian denominations, but against the Jewish faith as well. The following orders were circulated $n bold-face type among members of the Communist party: “Rouse the masses for a decisive at- tack against the narcotics of religion Turn churches and church property to the uses of industry. Melt the church bells. By suppressing the last vestiges of religion, we shall speed the creation of a Soclalist world.” These commands were circulated a few days before Christmas. Their ef- Zect is only now gradually becoming At Krasnogorsk the Soviet officials elosed all thz‘ghlll’ches and seized their bells. During the carefully organized anti-religious _carnivals at Kharhoft most of the churches were confiscated. The same thing happened to the syna- gogue and churches at Artmoksk and at was silenced known. Arkhangelsk every bell #forever.” ‘The famous monastery of Louga been transformed has propa; ot d‘ the nks da bureau an mo; Mvm":lny. ‘The anclent church of for the uses of a Communist club and a public cinema is installed. The Kraskovo church fared similarly, while the government of Tver canceled all electric light service to gues, The religious buildings in the reglons of the Don have been taken from their owners and con- Belgorod is pre-empted churches and s! verted to shops. 3hhmmmtmmum- Pl rlers’ Union has decided against all mail deliveries to persons professing any re- ligion whatever. More than 1,000 tkons, or holy pictures, are estimated to have been publicly burned on Christmas day and in several centers all trades union members who wanted to refrain from work on the festival were compelled to make public apologies. These details are, of course, entirely fragmentary, but plainly indicate & widespreading—and wider spreading— crusade. No distinction is being made in favor of any denomination. Bap- tist and Lutheran ministers and their congregations are among the sufferers, along with thousands of the Eastern orthodox faith. One report has it that the Moscow government proclaims its intention to banish from Russia every trace of public worship before the end of the present year. Canadian Lumber Industry Advances Commercial failures in Canada for the first 11 months of 1929 numbered 1,942, with an aggregate liability of $35,166,130. This compares favorably with an esti- mated aggregate liability of commercial failures in the United States in 1929 amounted to $628,990,632. Production of the Jumber industry in 1928 amounted to $139,424,754, an in- crease of 4.3 per cent over 1927. Production of sawed lumber showed an increase of 5.3 per cent in quantity and 62 per cent in value over 1928. The aggregate capital investment in the industry amounted to $175,729,448. The total production of the mineral producing industry in Canada amounted to $279,820,014 in 1928. The industry represented an aggregate capital in- vestment of uu.sav.m and gave em- loyment to 80,448 persons. each nation assailed the policy program | M story of what has been wrong at Lon-| °l] BY WALTER MILLIS. NDERLYING all the delibera- tions of the London Conference there is one curious and per- haps significant fact. Al- though a wealth of theory can be utilized in debating naval strengths, the world's practical experience with the ships and weapons under discussion is extraordinarily limited. It is so limited that a very large part of it is actually comprised within the history of a few hours—the brief and indecisive hours between noon of May 31 and the morning of June 1, 1916. The battle of Jutland was fought nearly 14 years ago, but it remains, with one or two minor engagements of the war, our only answer to the question of what a modern naval action is like. It is possible to balance ton- and gun calibers with a mathe- matical accuracy; but the real perfor- mance of ships and men under the flerce test of battle can be predicted only by experience. The battle of Jut- land is almost our only means of relat- ing the theoretical debates at London to terms of human experience, our prin- 1 guide when the question is asked what might actually happen should there actually be another war at sea. It still rises, a dark and gigantic back- d of mist and smoke and runnin, es of gunflashes, behind the small figures of the London conferences of today. The sudden loss of the British battle THE ACTION AT DOGGER BANK ON JANUARY 24, 1915. cruisers is, in itself, a famous example of the uncertainty of theory amid the tests and accidents of practice, Beatty, with six ships and 13.5-inch guns, should have demolished Von Hipper, with five ships and 12-inch and 11-inch guns, but it did not happen that way. In those first tense, terrible and fan- tastic moments, when at last after so many hours of preparation the two great fleets were actually racing side by side across the North Sea pounding each other to pieces in the mist, the fading light and the roar and crash of battle, reality imposed its hand upon the book estimates with an abrupt and terrible emphasis. What was it really like? The tactics and general outlines of the action have often been described, but it is from the personal narratives of the participants that one derives the s) picture. Many of these narra- tives from the British side were col- lected and printed (“The Fighting at Jutland”) shortly after the war, while Comdr. Von Hase, the gunnery officer in the battle cruiser Derflinger, pub- lished an almost equally vivid recor from the German side. The Jutland action, they show, began calmly enough, when at 3:30 in the afternoon the dim forms of Von Hipper's battle cruisers first loomed up to the eastward in the object glasses of the officers in Beatty's sguadron. “It was still hard to realize,” says the account of an officer in the foretop of (From a Painting by Willy Stower, from tually commencing. I had great diffi- culty in convincing myself that the Huns were in sight at last, it was so like battle exercises, the way in which we turned on to more or less parallel courses and waited for the range to close sufficiently before letting fly at each other. It all seemed very cold- blooded and mechanical, no chance of seeing red.” Crews Ignorant of Tactics. For the vast majority of men in both squadrons it must have been even more s0. Beatty had formed a line of battle and turned upon a southeasterly course; Von Hipper, some 10 miles away, had done the same in order to draw the British down upon the German grand fleet, which he knew to be advancing from the south. With the range rlé)ld.ly closing, the squadrons rushed on side by side at nearly 30 miles an hour. But the crews, nearly all confined in the tur- rets, casemates or below decks, knew nothing of all this. They could not even rd | see out, much less see the enemy. The news that the enemy was in sight had run quickly through the ships; they could tell by the feel of the engines that they were tearing through the water full speed, and presently (at they knew by the blast of guns that they were in action. But still they found themselves in their accus- tomed places, doing their accustomed the New Zealand, “that a battle was ac- jobs; it was in no way different from “Die Deutsche Flotte”—Copyright, 1926.) the battle practice which they had so many times experienced. So the men in the Indefatigable (the sixth and last ship in Beatty’s line) must have felt. It was scarcely 15 min- utes after the opening of the action, when they could hardly have shaken off this first feeling of commonplaceness, that disaster overtook them. The navi- gating officer of the New Zealand, the next ship ahead, saw that the Indefati- gable had been hit, and that her steer- ing fear had apparently been injured, since she sheered out of the line. A few minutes later, he said, the battle criuser was “hit by two shells, one on_the foc’s’le, one on the fore turret. Both shells appeared to explode on impact. Then there was an interval of about 30 seconds during which there was abso- lutely no sign of fire or flame or smoke except the little actually formed by the burst of the two shells, which was not considerable. At the end of the interval of about 30 seconds the ship completely blew up, commencing apparently forward. The main explosions started with sheets of flame, followed immedi- ately afterward by a dense, dark smoke which obscured the $hip from view. All sorts of stuff was blown high into the air, & 50-foot steam picket boat, for ex- ample, being blow up about 200 feet, ap- parently intact though upside down. ‘What it felt like in the Indefatigable 1o one knows, for there were no surviv- (Continued on Fourth Page.) Albania Seeing the Light Little Balkan Zone, Scene of Many Political Tempests, Making Rapid Progress to New Era BY H. A. DIEZ. TENNA.—Disquieting rumors have been emanating from Albania for several weeks. One message freshened up the old story that King Achmed Zogu was suffer- | ing from the effects of a slow-working poison; another said the King's friend- ship for Italy had cooled down to zero, and still another that a dangerous revo- lution had broken out among the Cath- olic Northern tribes. Most of these rumors reach the world through Jugoslavia, where the feeling toward Zogu is none too friendly, and, according to travelers returning from Albania, they are all unfounded. The visitors relate that this youngest and most medieval Balkan kingdom is progressing steadily on its way to mod- ern forms of life. Under the patronage and with the active help of Italy Al- bania is making up for the time lost during the Turkish suzerainty. King Zogu is an apostle of progress, and it is dangerous to stand in his way. He has not hesitated to stamp out ruth- lessly all attempts of slavophile factions against his regime and person. Many opponents went to the gallows, while others escaped over the borders and be- came political refugees. The rest yleld- ed to the existing order. Lower Classes Benefited. Under the influence of modernization the economic situation of the country has improved, and it is primarily the lower classes who feel it. The worker, the small landowner and the merchant are beginning to appreciate the new possibilities which the present system offers. They understand that roads are better than mule paths and that feuds are unhut the interests of the com- mun The establishment of the Albanian WNational Bank with Italian capital five years ago has provided a reliable cur- rency which facilitates the exchange of goods and an orderly administration. ‘The Albanian franc, equaling the Ital- {an gold lira of pre-war times in value, has been placed on a parity with other gold currencies, with the result that prices during the last few years have remained stable. ‘With the help of an Italian loan of 50,000,000 gold francs roads are being constructed, bridges built and harbors laid out. The yearly imports have in- creased 6,000,000 and the exports 9,000,~ 000. Sixty per cent of the exports go to Italy, then follow Greece and the United States. Agricultural products head the export list, with mineral oil second. Land Reform Begun. An important reform is now under way. Hitherto most of the land has been in the hands of the feudal lords, whose fortified farm yards and castles are spread all over the country, most of them in isolated positions without communications. It not so since c: and mule caravans were an almost universal means of trans- tion in these regions. Small trad- ers and artisans settled down round the strongholds of the chieftains, form- ing & few small townships, but more often only wretched little villages. Most of the population of 800,000 con- sisted of retainers, who lived in a state of semi-serfdom, tilling the “xround of their lords in eulet times furnish- ‘ KING ACHMED ZOGU. ing the warrlors for the tribunal bands that were involved in the eternal local feuds of their masters. Outlawry and brigandage flourished. As late as in the 80s of the last cen- tury the “Land of the Skipetars” was full of dangers for the traveler. As the local products could be brought to the markets only with great difficulty, the landowners had no interest in produc- ing much more than they needed for :aixenulves and the families of their It is an important point on the pro- gram of King Zogu to intensify agri- culture and provide for the increasing house demand the growing e: long | needs. ‘To reach this goal soon, and his advisers have worked out a land reform, whose basic principle is that in future every Albanian is to have his own land. Large Tracts Irrigated. The government owns large tracts of barren land, which belonged to nobody until the state took them. They are now being drained and irrigated and cut up into medium-sized holdings, which are handed over to colonists, who are expected to pay a small yearly amount to the treasury in cash or products, until the ground becomes their own property, But as there are not sufficient state lands to give sofl to everybody, Zogu also takes away part of the property of the big landowners, for which the latter receive an indemnification. To get this land cheaply he resorted a clever scheme. When the general land tax was introduced, he left it to the land proprietors to estimate the value of their estates. Naturally, they all put the value as low as possible. They are now pald the price which they fixed and protests are silenced by the knowledge that any complaint would be an admission of having cheat- ed_the state in the previous census. In the measure in which the poorer classes are recelving land for almost nothing, Zogu's popularity among his people grows. A few years hence he will have a firm backing in the new Egunb class. He does not believe in migration of country folk into the towns. Therefore the ground rates and taxes for small holdings and middle- sized estates are kept so low that the people have no reason to seek their fortune in the towns. No Land for Foreigners. With the new roads and the near- ness of the seashore, farming in bania has become a profitable unde: taking. Every Albanian who Wishes to settle down as a farmer can buy as much ground as he is able to culti- vate with his family, but no more. It is not permitted to sell land to a foreigner. This provision was made to safeguard the country against being sold out to alien colonists. But if a foreigner chooses to acquire Albanian citizenship, he can buy land under the same conditions as the born Albanian. As the government favors immigration, the process of obtaining Albanian citizenship has been made very simple and many Italians avail themselves of the opportunity. School System Improved. After hard years largely passed in asserting himself against the intrigues of his own countrymen, King Zogu has now reached a point where he can say that his endeavors begin to bear fruit. . Albania has a modern system of education. Attendance at the element- ary schools is obligatory for all chil- dren between 6 and 14. In the eight years they not only learn to read and write, but are also taught a handcraft. Those who wish to become artisans attend an artisans’ school later. A number of middle and higher schools have been opened in recent years, and in the latter the boys and girls are brought so far they can be sent to a foreign university. ‘The import of agricultural machinery is encouraged. In 1929 half a million gold francs was spent on agricultural machines from Germany. The ma- chines are delivered to the farmers for a small initial deposit and the balance may be paid in five years. One of the worst plagues of Albania is malarial fever. With the assistance of the Rockefeller Institute the govern- ment started a systematic fight against this scourge. Special courses are being held to teach the people how to. combat the disease. Every school teacher has to attend malaria courses. Six hundred thousand francs have been spent in research. ' The many swamps are being drained. F Use of Veil Abolished. Two-thirds of the population of Al- bania is Mahometan. The Mahometan clergy has now abolished the veil. whieh till Jast year was worn by all Mahome- to | tan women. This was done without in- terference by the King or the govern- ment, who, however, are of the opinion that the disappearance of the Turkish harem is a wholesome measure of tion. On the other hand modern night resorts remain banished from the coun- try. Zogu refuses to issue licenses for them. Instead he has given orders to establish clubs in all towns, where the officials and citizens can take their meals and sip their coffee. Strict regu- lations have been drawn up for these clubs. To nt the members from tarrying at Muu all day and night the “places are only open at certain 4 - BY MARK SULLIVAN. OON there will flame through the headlines two phrases—“flexible provision” and “debenture plan.” ericans of a few years hence — very probably — the phrases will mean nothing whatever. ‘They would have meant nothing to Americans of a few years ago. For the coming few weeks, however, they will be the high spots of an acute controversy. They will be indeed, the high spots of several acute.controversies, all focus- ing in one. They will be the bone of contention between House and Senate in the efforts of these two bodies to agree on a tariff bill; they will, at the same time, compose an issue between the Senate and the President. The several-sided fight will come to a conclusion of one sort or another some time about April 15. Thereafter, very likely, these two phrases will re- tire from the headlines to join some scores of phrases—now sounding mystic or meaningless—which at various times have been the battle cries or slogans or bones of contention in American politics. Phrases of Other Years. ‘Who today except in scholars in his- tory can tell off-hand what was the significance of the following phrases and what were the in which they blazed at the top of American politics? Some of these phrases described issues in Congress, like the present “flexible provision”; some were decisions by the Supreme Court that gave rise to politi- cal agitation, some were slogans in presidential campaigns, some were the phrases uttered by Presidents or by other public men, some were interna- tional issues, some had other reasons for their fame. I have purposely dis- tributed them in the list without refer- ence to chronology; some were as recent as Mr. Hoover's and Coolidge’s presi- dencies, or Woodrow Wilson's; others their vogue during the earlier periods of our history: Equalization fee. Pitiless publicity. Canadian reciproc- The message to Garcia. National origins plan. Platt amendment. ity. Long and short haul. The Dred Scott de- cision. ANen and sedition laws. Fifty-four-forty or ht. dec! “M; h‘!b is in the The Bland act. Open _covenants openly arrived at. "Tooht,proud to ‘When Coxey's army. Gridley.” . Three Main Differences. To get back to next week and the coming controversy between House and Senate over their respective versions of the tariff bill, there will be three prin- cipal differences. One will be about rates. Let us omit that here, for it is too complex to be adequately treated. The other two will be the flexible pro- vision and the debenture plan. On each of these the House is on one side, the Senate on t.h\e‘.hoflgx:‘;nd’l gx.z.mhvmlt happens that the President a - tion substantially identical with that of the House and consequently opposed to that of the Senate. ‘The flexible provision refers to a way for making occasional changes in the tariff on individual schedules durin periods between the wholesale general revisions by Congress. The general re- visions of the tariff occur, estimating very roughly, about once every seven years—Congressman Davenport of New York State the other day spoke of the revisions as “the seven years’ plague of locusts.” In the seven-year intervals between revisions, occasions arise when some particular tariff on one commodity or another ought to be changed. The flex- {ble provision is a mechanism for mak- ing these interim changes. There is such a mechanism now existing. It was created at the time of the last tariff revision preceding the present one in 1922, Like Series of Steps. ‘The existing mechanism operates in a way that may be described as a series of nesm First, somebody (usually some manufacturer or industry) applies for a change. The application is made to a permanent body of experts called the Tariff Commission. Second, the Tariff Commission investigates the figures and other data. Third, the Tariff Commis- sion makes a recommendation. The recommendation is made to the Presi- dent. Fourth, the President makes up his mind whether to do or not to do what the Tariff Commission recom- ‘mends. ‘The President can decide to do noth- ing, in which case the tariff stays ex- actly where it is. On the other hand, the President may decide to do some- thing about it. If he decides thus he can change the tariff (anywhere within a range of 50 per cent of the existing duty). The President merely makes a proclamation that from a given date onward the tariff rate on a specific com- modity shall be a figure fixed by him. By that act the thing is done and there- after the tariff rate is the figure that the President has fixed. ‘That is the way the flexible provision works now and has worked since 19! (In describing the mechanism here, clarity’s sake only the essential outlines are given; there are m.lni complexities in it) In the writing of the pendin; tariff revision now soon to be conclus the House in its version of the bill res tained the flexible provision in substane tially the form described above, with some changes not material to the Issue involved in the coming controe versy. ‘The Senate, however, in writing its version of the bill, flew into a minor passion of indignation about the Presi- dent having the power to make and proclaim these individual tariff changes. Omitting here much that the Senata said about the way the flexible provision had been operated under President Coolidge, the main contention of the Senate was that it is unconstitutional and otherwise undesirable for any Presis dent to have this much power. Power was the thing that excited the coalition in the Senate. Members of the coalition made many fervent orations about the mischiefs, the unfair dis- criminations, even the corruptions that are possible when a President has the BT pams e £ mefit of one or great to the detriment of another. Consequently the coalition majorit in the Senate, in its version of the bill, says that this power must be taken away from the President and must be given to Congress. The Senate’s version of the flexible provision is much the sion the Tariff Commission must send its recommendation, not to the Presie iven shall or shall not go into effect. That, in the main, is the distinction between the Senate version and the House version of the flexible provision. ‘The difference between the two goes to the very heart of a controversy, a jeal- ousy of power that is as old as our Gov- ernment itself. The difference is whether a given prerogative shall be in the pos- session of the President or of Congress. m;rhlx cIAAlla of questions is always come up. Always changes are on inthat nio-man's 1and of power and President. Always within no-man’s land pendulum of power is oscillating; it is never still. Sometimes the oscillation is faint and unnoticed by the public; at other times, as at present, the oscilla- tion is violent and becomes the focus of public attention. vision, to changes is & formidable ‘&om for any President to . With the expressed by coalition orators in the Senate against leaving such power in the presi- dency, one may, as a matter of prin- ciple, sympathize. Hoover Equipped for Job. Doubtless few would deny that Presi- dent Hoover is better equiped probably than any other man in the United States to decide whether a given tariff on a given commodity ought to be raised or lowered. Doubtless, most per- sons, especially business men, would say the country is fortunate in having as President & man with so much capacity to know what is best about the tariff. Doubtless, there is hardly a person who would suspect that President Hoo- ver would exercise that power with an eye to any motive other than the good of American business. Even the coali- tion orators in the Senate—strongly un- friendly to President Hoover and also a power for political And President Hoover is as automobile accidents or germs as the rest of us. He is as likely to re-elected in 1932 and as certain not re-elected in 1936, as is mon fate of any President. celvably some successo: near or distant, might make polif capitgl out of this power, or ital, or even personal capit use it to. reward friends or to enemies. A strongly partisan lican President might use the raise the tariff and never to A strongly partisan Democratic dent might use the power to low: tariff and never raise it. Any dent, Republican or Democrat, might conceivably use the power to reward (Continued on Fifth Page.) Shift in Population Is Seen as Cause Of Behavior Problem Among Children ‘The shifting of population from rural communities to urban centers has caused a definite increase in behavior problems among children, according to a recent study by Dr. Sydney Kinnear Smith, chief psychiatrist of the Ala- medo County Hospital, who will con- duct a special course in child guidance for the University of California Ex- tension ‘Division. The well defined movement of city growth is disclosed by recent figures which show that whereas in Colonial days more than 90 r_fl:r cent of the pop- ulation “lived on farm,” 1928 sta- tistics show that but 24 per cent of the population is dependent on an agricultural mode of existence. And further, although little if any attention was ever given to child problems in Colonial times, a recent re, of the New York Academy of Medicine shows that it costs $80,000,000 a year to main- tain institutions for mental and ner- vous disorders brought about in child- hood and that such disorders cause an annual economic loss of $300,000,000. “The possibilities of a faulty environ- ment are increased a hundred fold,” de- claves Dr. Smith, “by - shift. in Y tivity improperly suj quent attendance at the ‘movies’ in increased opportunities for spe money.” On the other hand, declares the psy- chiatrist, it is extremely hard to just how far these difficulties counteracted by urban advantages. “It is & question,” he says, “whether more advanced school procedure, de- linquency. But we can say that there need be no hesitation in that city surroundings are conducive of con- duct disorders as contrasted to s rural o ey & con 8 Te- cently published under the title ¢ “Adolescent Emotions and Their Con- trol,” and besides chief