Evening Star Newspaper, February 9, 1930, Page 37

Edit orial Page EDITORIAL SECTION Che Sunday Star, Part 2—-8 Pages WASHINGTON, SUNDAY . ., MORNING, FEBRUARY. 9, 1930. OPTIMISM RULES PARLEY, DESPITE DIFFICULT TASK; Ceremony and Exploration Over, Con-i ference Enters Third Phase With Hard Work B3Y FRANK H. SIMONDS. ence has definitely and success- its third phase. more or less ceremonious; the second | might be termed exploratory; the tmrd} is manifestly business. We are now at ONDON.—With the second ple- nary session, the Naval Confer- fully passed from its second to ‘The first was in Prospect. , The fourth point. less troublesome. Nothing has happened since the American delegation reached | London to suggest that Macdonald or the British government is not prepared to carry out the tentative agreement made by the President and the prime minister last Autumn. And in the face the question of | Anglo-American parity, is in itself far | Mr. Hughes and Mr. Taft How the Lives of These Two Great Americans Have Run Parallel in Recent Times. BY MARK SULLIVAN. | are going to hear very short- ly & good deal about the Philippines and the Filipinos, | more than we have heard at any time since we first be- came acquainted with them in the three | years from 1898 to 1901—at which time 'PHILIPPINE INDEPENDENCE STILL LOOMING AS ISSUE If U. S. Should Relinquish Islands Po- litical Balance of World Likely Would Be Upset. take care of the rights of both Fili- pinos and whites. Nevertheless, Sena- tor Johnson—with some apparent re- luctance—admitted that “It is quite true a situation is developing in ref- | erence to Filipino laborers on the West | Coast that may ultimately become more or less menacing * * * Of course, some- thing must be done. Whether the difi- of this truth there is eally no Auglo- we heard more about them than about American problem whawver. Such dif- any one other topic, because the Philip- | {ndependence I do not know." pines, together with our other heritage | "Hiztoric precedents wowld seem to from the Spanish-American War, Porto | suggest that whenever California or the Rico, constituted the leading issue in | west Coast generally wants something the grethieciinl cleation of 1900, | done about Oriental immigration it be- London where the Paris Esace Oonter ence was when Wilson, Lloy OTge, | ficulty as exists grows out of the ob- Orlando and Clemenceau, the big four, | vious' B . {vious British need to adjust their retired behind closed doors to settle |strength to the tonnage demands of the | the major issues of peace. | European and Asfatic_nations. Thus, in In a larger sense these main issues effect, Americans and British can only culty can be met by granting Filipino We are going to hear about them very | # the description of the wall paintings | direct and continuous tradition begun have not yet been openly touched upon. ‘When one speaks of the opening phases as successful, what is meant is that the first meetings passed off without th: | disclosure of any fixed and challenging attitude on the part of any delegation which from the beginning raised doubts as to the possibility of ultimate agree- ment. The difficulties of actually agreeing remain, but between the dele- gates they are physical rather than psychological. All the statesmern here present would much prefer success tc failure in the conference. And that :s a real gain. Certain possibilities which have awakened American apprehensivn are also quite definitively abolished. It is certain that the United States will sign no political treaty of guaranty, and it is almost as certain that there will be no attempt to indulge in any such treaties, whether like the four-power pacific treaty of Washington or the much-discussed Mediterranean-Locasno pact. Limits Are Held Modest. Th a general way, we know now the limits which the conference has set for its undertakings. These limits are manifestly modest. Practically what Stimson and his associates are working for, in company with their colleagues, is some system of limitation of building programs for the naval powers for the next five or six years. When all the states have announced their naval needs, then the problem will be regu- lated in such fashion as to establish rough sort of equilibrium and abolish :‘xg chance of competition during this e. The success of this process can only come through surmounting five distinct obstacles which must be borne in mind at all times because they constitute the main problems of the conference. The most unpleasant if not the most con- siderable of these obstacles is the Italian demand for parity with France. It is a psychological, not a naval de- It involves Italian prestige, not power, since Italy will not build up to the French level. But French prestige is equally involved, and if it is true that Signor Grandi cannot go back to Rome without having attained parity, Tardieu ‘would return to Paris only to fall if he yiclded. To find a formula which would gatisfy Italian and French views will then take some doing. Next in order is the question of the French naval program. The French have adopted the principle that, short of treaties of guarantee, the nations must fix their own limits as to defense, and they have adopted a program which would involve construction sufficiently considerable to disturb the British esti- mate of British needs, which is the basis of the Hoover-Macdonald agree- ment. Although there is no question of guarantees, it is not impossible that this obstacle’ may be surmounted if | 8" France consents to slow down her an- nual building program a little for the next five years, always without aban- doning the right ultimately to fulfill it. Japanese Claim Causes Trouble. The Japanese claim to a 70 per cent Tatio in large cruisers, based upon the American number, which will be 18 or 21, i; the third cause for trouble, be- cause it would give Japan on the one hand numerical parity with the British, and on the other strategical superiority. Australia and New Zealond, even Can- ada, might be expected to object. Like this Itallan claim, too, this Japanese demand involves the question of na- tional prestige and domestic political consideration. Americans have mani- festly underestimated the obstinacy of Japan on this point. But if it is as yet an unsolved ridde, it does not today seem insoluble. nor are the Japanese ready to break the conference rather than agree to compromise. reach tentative decisions while the strength of the other nations remains | undetermined | “The Iast point is relatively minor. It |1s presented by the need of establish- tions Disarmament Conference and the | London ‘maval meeting. The French | have insisted that the latter is no more | than a preliminary, subordinate to the | former. “But if anything is accom- plished here. I do not think there will be much difficulty in finding a formula. If there were a_disposition to be cap- | tious, it might be hard. But no such | Tension Is Lessened. | | Looking back over the agenda which | I have just outlined, it is clear thai only the first three points can be held | as offering serious difficulties. But | | these difficulties are, on the whole, ren- dered less difficult by the obvious fact that as the conference progresses the general atmosphere grows less and less tense. Between the British and the Americans there is no_difference; be- tween the French and the British there has been steady improvement. Every one recognizes the reality of the prob- lems of Grandi and Wakatsuki, and the search for solutions already must give the Japanese and Italian statesmen proof of this fact. To state a personal view, I find the atmosphere and temper of the confer- ence, having regard for the several na- tional interests involved, far more friendly and favorable than I had thought possible before I came here. And I do not believe there is any real chance that the conference will break up in a row, or even come to such an abrupt and complete deadlock as did the Washington affair. On the other hand, because the negotiations are nec- essarily secret and the issues delicate, | there is bound to be a great flood of | Tumors and reports of crises, and not impossibly some fairly tense moments. Yet it is true at present that the at- ‘mosphere is one of complete optimism and mutual confidence, so far as the delegates are concerned. This is shown clearly in the growing belief that the conference will not last longer than two months, Against this feeling of optimism, how- ever, must be set the equally plain fact that part of.the pro . of_ success res sults from the very ed reduction in the size of the undertaking. Of dis- armament there will be nothing; of rcZuction, outside of the postponement of replacement of battleships, nothing, save, perhaps, that the British may get rid of a few very small obsolete cruisers: of limitation, there will be no more than a 5 or 6 year adjustment. Parity Issue Settlement Seen. But unless every sign fails we are et & settlement of the issue between the two English- speaking nations. The longer I stay in this country the more convinced I am |that the mass of the people of the | country—allowance being made for a | very few diehard groups—are sincerely |anxious to get the whole dispute out | of the way and are prepared to recog- |nize the American right to an equal fleet. In this respect, Macdonald cer- tainly has the majority of his country | behind him. | In this case I am sure there will be no repetition of the failure at Geneva, as there is today no parallel to the at- mosphere of suspicion which contrib- |uted so much to the disaster of 1927. And even if no other result were pos- sible here, which would be utterly un- likely, it seems not beyond the limits of the possible that this issue of parity might be settled, always, of course, without the smallest thought of any political compact. (Copyright. 1930.) Rome Gave Its Art as Weil as Its Law; Discoveries Upset BY R. V. D. MAGOFFIN, Ph. D, LL.D. " Clever generalizations are not easy to make, but once made, they are easy to remember, and they are likely to be- | One | come conversational lifesavers. such clever phrase, made a good many vears ago, is still running strong. It is this: Palestine and its Jews, Chris- tians and Moslems gave the world its religion; the Greeks gave it its art; Rome gave it its law. ‘What makes the generalization a good @ne is that it has a great deal of truth in it; what makes it bad is that the burden of proof is thrown on any of the so-called originators if it steps out of its sphere and claims originality in auther of the other fields. It has been hard for Rome, for ex- emple, to gain a hearing when her friends claim for Roman art anything beyond its acknowledged merit in hav- ing produced second-rate imitations of Greek originals. But the archeological discoveries in Italy and the Roman do- minion within the last two or three decgdes, and the recent scientific com- parison of Roman art with Greek and other art, and the consequent evalua- tion of its merits, have put Rome on a rather high plane of artistic produc- tion. Meritorious Work. No longer is it to be believed that there was no Roman art before the time of the empire; from the fourth to the second centuries before Christ there was a large and meritorious amount of work done, both in painting and in A'fairly large piece of wall | pamnting was recently found in a tomb on the Esquiline Hill in Rome. It has | been taken to the new Mussolini mu- seum. It dates from the end of the fourth century B. C., and represents a group of Roman generals holding a conference. ‘The draughtsmanship is spirited and the massing of the figures in the back- ground is technically superb. It hap- pens also to be the earliest—to date— example in Rome of a superposed fricze decoration. The idea may well have been derived from Ionian models, but the departures in technique are so im- portant and so Roman that the style was believed to be native and it be- came the pattern which was developed mwkzm Roman triumphal arch-relief work. Back to Third Century, B.C. ‘When Vergil wrote in his “Aeneid’ at Ca rthage which portrayed events Old Generalization ! the Trojan war, he was giving his read- ers something they would understand. We hear of great wall paintings in | Rome as early as the third century B. C. with which a victorious Roman gen- eral edified the citizens by a painted | panorama of his great_ victories. Lucius Mancinus, who happened to enter Carthage first, after the city fell |in 146 B. C., exhibited in the Roman forum a great painting of the victory and explained the pictured events him- self to spectators and to such good pur- | pose that he won a consulship at the next election. Scipio, the commander- in-chief, who was the conqueror of | Carthage, was in the forum on various occasions, and one may imagine his | ing relations between the League of Na-| disposition is now discoverable. | O BY ROYAL J. DAVIS, NE Chief Justice of the United States who achieved his great- est_distinction in the field of statesmanship is being suc- ceeded by another of whom | the same thing may be said. Yet this/ unprecedented occurrence has about it no taint of “politics.” ridiculous if directed against the ap-| pointment in 1921 of William Howard Taft, ex-President; it would be equa:ly‘ ridiculous if directed against the ap- pointment in 1930 of Charles Evans | Hugher, ex-Secretary of State. Both' of these men were primarily | BY EDWARD ANGLY. ! LITTLE man no taller than | Napoleon and without the Em- ' peror'’s embonpoint has been | glven command of the armies of France. He is Maxime Wey- | gand, whom Foch loved as & son, es-| teemed as a daily collaborator and trusted above any other. A great many things that the late allied generalissimo | advised the civillan politiclans who govern Prance to do, they have left un- done; but they have followed his fond- est wish for his country’s army in mak- ing Maxime Weygand chief of the gen- | eral staff. { It really is Foch's mantle that Wey- | gand wears. He knew the old marshal’s | mind as did no other man. Day and| night through all the months of the| war they worked together. In the years that followed Weygand was Foch's con- stant companion, in the home as well as in the office, up to the very day last | March when the grand old man mut- | tered “Allons-y” and passed away.| Through all the six sorrowful days be- | tween the death of Foch and the im-| pressive national funeral it was Wey-| gand who comforted the widow; it was| Weygand who escorted the great of 20| nations to his master's bier; it was;| Weygand who acted as intermediary be- | tween the prime minister and the arch- | bishop of Paris in arranging that} church and state’ should unite for the| first time since the break inhonoring ! an immortal French soldier. | Weygand could not have ‘slept more | than a few hours that week, but as his short, cavalryman’s bow legs paced off | the miles between Notre Dame and the Invalides, following the marshal’s coffin | to its tomb, he looked scarcely 45 years | old. This January he celebrated his feelings as his junior officer played “barker” for the painted scenes which told the story of triumph which he| (Scipio) had ‘won. i The geographical painted maps | which have become so much the vogue, | and for which credit is ysually ac-| knowledged to the medieval maps of | 400 or 500 years ago, are traceable to | Rome. They had a tremendous popu- | larity. H |- First One Displayed. 1 | Sempronius Gracchus seems to have | displayed the first one in Rome. It! | Was put up in one of the temples and | | Was a cartographical map of Sardinta, | | which Gracchus had conquered and | pacified in 174 B. C. We know about ,“ because the historian Livy copled | its inseription for his book on the his. | tory of Rome. Some of the painters were men from the East, Syrians, or Syro-Greeks, but the extension of the types of this topographical painting| soon made it a Roman possession. Portralt painting also came to be | quite Roman. It transcended the late Greek work of the Alexandrian period because of its realistic element. In very early times the Romans had the heads of their ancestors, made in wax or some other material, inserted on the inside of their shields. Whether at first they gere painted or modeled is not quite certain. It was a type of | work, however, which gained a popular- | ity that carried it, under Roman tradi- | tions, through Christian art on down. | It is probable that the medallion por- | traits of the Popes in Roman Catholic | cathedrals and churches, such as those {in the famous Church of St. Paul out- side the walls, owe their being to a sixty-third birthday. There is not a| gray hair in his round, bulletlike head. | With Foch in First Battle. eygand, beginning the war as a| ne:vumm colonel, was with Foch in the first battle of the Marne. He was with him the next year when Foch | commanded the northern armies of Prance, whose left flank joined the| British right. It was Weygand who ef-| fected the daily contacts between the two allied commanders. With his lucid expression, his politeness, his sureness in all military matters, he had a genius for getting along with foreigners—and that was a rare and badly needed qual- ity in the early days of the Franco-| British collaboration. In 1916 Weygand was sent to Italy. ‘There were complainis of too much ‘defeatism” in that country. Italy was shaking in its boot at the very thought of the new offensive that Germany and Austria were preparing. Weygand took stock of the situation, arranged for French and British help on the Italian front and returned home to help Foch again. ‘Duflnl the early part of the war his name was almost unknown to French civilians and the world at large. He was Foch's silent partner. It was only when he was appointed, in December, 1917, to succeed Foch on the Supreme Interallled War Council at Versailles that his name began to get into the papers. His shock of black hair alone would have attracted attention there at Versailles in a ‘roomful of gray-haired generals. He became an intimate col- laborator of Maj. Gen. Sir Henry Hughes Wilson, the British representa- | tive. They had known and respected | one another on the Yser in 1914, when Wilson was to Marshal French what Weygand was to Foch. ‘Weygand sat with the Supreme Coun- in | many centuries before Christ in Rome, 'cil only a few months, In the .Spring « | eager to make their mark in it, CHARLES EVANS HUGHES. lawyers, proud of their profession and difference touched with contempt. and each of them was tragic figure in an extraordinary presi- dential campaign: Taft in 1912 as th head of one faction of a divided part: Such an accusation would have been | Hughes in the very next election, 1916. | as the leader of an n\l%‘ardly united party. A whimsical imagination might see a fantastic parallel between this sequence of the two men in political defeat and._ thetr later. sequence the Nation. WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT. Seven vears after Taft graduated from Both law school he was a judge, and a judge |of them looked upon politics with i:- he remained with the exception, of a | e Yet both of them were destined to|end of that time he received from | Altho be swept into the political maelstrom | President McKinley the appointment | he Was special ’k“‘“fe"sl;‘ c;‘mfl‘,;:“‘: to become a'which made him nationally known, |8t the New York Law Sci i |that of chairman of a commission to Daturally became a },‘;flzl- b “ll es as |set up civil government in the Philip- |naturally became a “lawyer's lawyer, | short period for a dozen years. pines. Secretary of War under in | Roosevelt's candidate for the presidency | Teaching the topmost judictal post in |in suceession- to the man from Oyster | Bay. Foch’s Protege Carries On “Spiritual Son” of Allied Generalissimo During the War Has Succeeded His Idol as Marshal of France MARSHALL MAXIME WEYGAND--FOCH'S MILITARY HEIR. ~—Drawn for The Sunday Star by Eric Pape. of 1918, when the allies and America finally agreed to have one supreme com- mander for their 10,000,000 troops un- der 10 flags, Foch, on receiving the ap- pointment, immediately sent for Wey- gand to return to him. It was Weygand who saw to it that Foch's intentions were fully understood by the generals under him—French, British, Belgian, American, Itallan and the rest. Every aay his car rushed along the roads back of the lines taking him to conferences with Haig, Pershing, Nivelle, Petain and sometimes the old “Tiger,” Clemen- ceau, who came up to the front from Paris many a morning. Foch had an idea_ that in dealing with foreigners gentle, logical persuasion was better than crisp orders and blunt commands. It was Weygand who wore the silk gloves for his chief. Eighteen months after the armistice the Red armies of Soviet Russia had swarmed over Poland and were threat- ening to suiround Warsaw and deal a death blow to the new independent state, once a part of the Czar's empire, > » but now the principal buffer between Bolshevism and the West. Poland asked for help. The French could not con- veniently send an army, so they sent Weygand and a commission of civilians, headed by Jules Jusserand, at home on leave from his post as French Ambas- | sador to the United States. It was something like that famous occasion when a governor of Texas, on receiving a frantic call for rangers from a mayor with a race riot_ripping up his town, dispached Capt. Bill McDonald. ‘When squat, bowlegged Cap'n Bill | stepped off the train all alone the mys- tifled mayor inquired, “Gosh, did they Jjust send one ranger?” . “Well,” remarked Cap'n Bill, “you've Jjust got one riot, haven't you?" Weygand was more modest than that, but equally effective. When he reached Poland the Bolsheviks were hammering at the outer ring of Warsaw's fortifica- tions, the civilian population was being evacuated, the British, who had also sent a mission, were encouraging the Poles to make peace with the Russians " st ssion_and sought by | The appointment led logically to his|0f his own profess| becoming the first civil governor of the | them for advice in difficult cases. His islands, thence to his appointment as | Sensational success in the investigations President | | Rooseveit and finally to his choice as|Attention was no surprise to those pro- Hughes, meanwhile, remalned the lawyer, interrupting his practice only to teach law for two years at Cornell, although after his return to New York S known and esteemed by able members | which first brought him into national | fessional acquaintances and assoclates. _These investigations were two—the | ol ) o mneae | (Continued on Sixth Page.) on a compromise basis, and something akin to despair was abroad in the land. Weygand was offered command of all the Polish forces. He declined that | honor. He had come simply to advise. ‘Thrr! was a general council of Polish | generals. Weygand rose to address | them, pencil in hand, a map hanging at his side. With slashing strokes he | explained where he thought batteries | should be placed to defend the capital, | from what areas troops should be with- | drawn, to what places they had best be | sent. Some of the Poles expressed dis- | agreement, with 't of his plan, among them Marshal Pilsudski. In a few words | Weygand told him what was what, as he saw it. | “General, you forget I am a marshal | of Poland,” Pllsudski was said to have | remarked. I cannot allow a French | general of division to speak to me in i those terms or in such a tone. There |is_only one man in the world from whom I should accept this sort of talk. His name is Monsieur le Marshal Foch.” Weygand replied, “Marshal Foch al- ways invited advice and suggestions from myself and others of his staff.” “Continuez,” said Pilsudski. ‘Weygand did. Under his inspiration and with the assistance of 600 officers who followed him from France the Po- lish armies hurled back the advance of the invading Reds. Three weeks after his arrival in-Warsaw Weygand was being hailed at the “savior of Poland.” Four more months of fighting and the Poles had won a complete vietory. They counted captured Russian prisoners by the tens o thousands. Only Budenny's cavalry in the south remained and it was galloping back to Russia as fast as weary horses could take it. Wey- gand made ready to return to France. Delegations that came to bid him god- speed and to thank him told him he was Poland's savior. “No,” he sald. “Preparatory military operations were executed by Polish gen- erals according to the Polish plan. My | role, as well as that of the other French | officers, was limited to flling certain | gaps in the details of execution. It is( the Polish nation that has been its own savior. This magnificent victory con- solidates the Polish state, whose exist- ence is indispensible to France's ex- istence.” On reaching home, where the post- war rumblings of revolutionaries had | not yet been calmed, Weygand had | something to say about the menace | he had seen in the Northeast. “Bolshevism is an atrocious system.” he told the French public in a brief statement. “Its. tyranny is 10_times worse than that of the Czar. I hear now that certain persons are wishing to conclude an accord with Lenin and I am astonished. It is a shameful thing to make a compact with crime. Persons may say that economic and political reasons call for a concHatory policy with regard to the Sovief Well, I'm not a political man at all and I do not understand politics, but I am a soldier, and as a soldler I see that Bolshevism constututes a grave military danger to my country. That is enough for me.” Decoration of Conqueror. France decorated the returned con- queror with the sash and cross of a grand officer of the Legion of Honor. He promptly ulgped out of the limelight and back into his office in those small military buildings along the Boulevard des Invalides, on whose roofs the sink- ing sun throws the shadow of the gilded dome that shelters the tomb of Na- poleon. The door of Weygand's office opened into the room where Foch | necessarily to scon because the question of their inde- | | pendence is more important than at any time since we first took possession of them. To say that the “question of their independence” is imminent is not y that their independ- ence is imminent. The matter may be decided one way or the other. All that is here asserted is that the question, as a question, is knocking at the doors of Congress for decision more vigorously than at any time during 30 years, House Blocked Independence. ‘This is a strong assertion, because there was at least one time, in 1916, when the question seemed very immi. nent indeed. On that occasion the Sen- ate, by a majority of one vote, actually passed a resolution which would: have made the Philippines independent, and only the reluctance of the House pre- vented the resolution from taking ef- fect. As it was, on that occasion, Au- gust 29, 1916, Congress went so far as to pass the Jones act, the preamble of which declares that “It has always been the purpose of the people of the United States to withdraw their sovereignly over the Philippine Islands and to rec- ognize their independence as soon as a stable form of government can be estab- lished therein.” From time to time since then the question whether “a stable form of government” has or has not been estab- lished in the Philippines has come to the front. But never has decision on that question, or on the whole question of independence for the Philippines, been so clamorous as now. The reason for the present immi- nence of the problem is that Filipino independence has, for the first time, and rather suddenly, become involved with' the question of immigration into the United States. And immigration is a topic which forces its own way; on no other subject is Congress so quick to take notice. Congress is quick to take notice, and as a rule the almost equally prompt action of Congress is to take the step which will limit immigra- tion. Ramifications Far-Reaching. ‘The relation of the Philippines to the | United States is one of the largest ques- tions in the whole field of American statesmanship. - It has extremely far- reaching ramifications. Many thought- ful persons feel that abandonment of the Philippines by us would be an in- ternational disaster. would- give an altered direction to his- tory in the Far East, yet it is quite pos- sible we may shortly decide this ques- tion on one aspect alone. Retirement by us from the Philippines would be apt to give a considerable tilt to the present balance of the world, none too stable at best. Would there be a psy- chological influence on England in In- ? On France in Indo-China? Immigration Angle Introduced. ‘The Philippines as a_subject involv- ing immigration was introduced into Congress quite formidably one day last week by Senator Tydings of Maryland. There are not many Filipinos in Mary- land (unless an occasional Filipino servant on a war vessel at Annapolis). Senator Tydings, however, is a Demo- crat, and the Democrats have a party tradition that causes them to incline toward Filipino independence. Last week Senator Tydings disavowed taking a decisive position on the broad question “whether or not the Philip- pines should or should not be given their independence.” But he said, ac- curately, that “the question of Philip- pine independence is one that is com- ing to the fore in this country.” His particular reason, and the particular aspect of the Philippines ~that he brought forward, is the presence of some 60,000 Filipinos in the United States, and their increase at a rate which is reckoned as 12,000 a year. Practically all these Filipinos, Sena- tor Tydings said, “have settled in the Western States: in Oregon, Washing- ton, California, where they are trying to- make a livellhood.” These three States are on the Pacific Coast, a whole continent in distance from Maryland. But it was Senator Tydings whose interest. led him to bring up at great length the matter of race “riots” on the Pacific Coast, due to the presence of the Filipinos. He put it on the ground of the broad interest that the whole Nation has in the presence in America of races which are not as- similable, and therefors give rise problems. “Shall we,” he asked, “per- mit Filipinos to come and settle in our country and inject, perhaps, another stream of racial discord to those streams which are already loose in the United States?" Filipinos Have Right to Be Here. The point made by Sertor Tydings is obvious to everybody. So long as the Philippines belong to America Fili- pinos appear to have an unrestricted right to come here in as large numbers as they please. The total number of Filipinos is 13,000.000, and they, said Senator Tydings, “can come into this country whenever they see fit.” If we should give the Philippines their independence, they would then be a foreign nation. Thereafter, we could set up against the Philippines any bar- rier of immigration we choose. We could set up against them the same barrier of absolute exclusion which we have set up against other Asiatics. “It is absolutely illogical,” said Senator Tydings, “to exclude Japanese and Chinese and permit Filipinos en masse to come into the country. If we are going to be absolutely forthright about this proposition, if Filipino immigration means nothing, then we should take down the bars and let the Chinese and Japanese come in as well. * * * On the other hand, if we feel that it is not wise to mix up the various races, we should give this Phlne of Philippine independence careful and serious con- sideration.” Senator Tydings read extensive news- paper accounts, chiefly from news- papers on the Pacific Coast, having such characteristic headlines as “Labor Union Here Filipinos. “‘Filipinos Here Are Warned to Leav “PFilipino Labor Competition Blamed for Series of Riots,” “Orientals Will gontuct to Do Two Jobs for Wages of ne.” Oriental Objection Vigorous. Upon introduction of the subject by Tydings of Maryland, Senator Johnson of California took notice the allusion to his home State. He rather deplored the use of the word “riots” as being too strong. worked every day, surrounded by his s h Wwas emphatic in saying that the State of California is abundantly able to Without doubt it | 1 comes pretty earnest on the point—and ultimately gets the exclusion that it desires. It is just short of 50 years since California made up its mind to exclude the Chinese, and succeeded in having the exclusion brought about, although the rest of the country was dublous, both about the exclusion and about the means through which Cali- fornia achieved it. And it is just about 25 years since the Pacific Coast made up its mind it wanted to limit and later to prohibit Japanese immigration —and ultimately the Pacific Coast was as successful on this point as it had been about the Chinese. . Osias Recalls Placards. Incidentally, the Delegate in Congress from the Philippines, Mr. Osias, con- tributed a bit of information which is likewise faithful to the precedent of history. He explained the principal |reasons why Filipinos are coming to our Pacific Coast in unusual numbers just now. “The American shipping, interests are placarding the entire Phifippines with the allurements of this country, These advertisements are being translated into the different Philippine languages and seek to depict this country as the land of opportunity. In response to the propaganda of these interests, Fili- pinos have come in great numbers, * * * I do not know that the Fili- pinos are to blame. We are living under the United States flag; we have been enticed by alluring advertisements presenting this country as a land of golden opportunity. .". . The only proper remedy to this and allied prob- lems lies in granting us complete in- dependence.” It was the steamship companies wanting passenger fares, together with Some American business desiring cheap labor, that had a large hand in bring- ing to America, between 20 and 40 0, the large numbers of im- presence ultimately ::ut”ldtl us to ]Tdnpt our immigration striction policy with res) kg Y with pect to Would Japan Get Control? ‘Whether or not it is desirable to di- vest ourselves of the Philippines and give them independence is one of the major problems of American statesman- ship. It has angles that are practically never mentioned in the present debates gress. What would become of the Philippines? 1Is it certain they could or would remain independent? Would ' they ultimately drift toward Japan? 1If we should withdraw our sov- ereignty from the Philippines would we at the same time and to the same ex- tent curtail our naval interests in the Pacific Ocean? 1If it were known defi- nitely that America will withdraw from the Philippines what effect would that knowledge have upon the Naval Con- ference now under way in London? It we should withdraw from the Far East would Japan and Great Britain, to- gether or separately, regard themselves as faced with increased responsibilities in vtv?t,.l: duarter of ;he world? out any doubt there are delicate aspects to this question, but these as- pects are not being considered in Con- gress. For the moment, or at least very soon, it seems that Fillpino immigra. ;l.\:cr:o :l«imflw’m1 become the largest single n driving us to a decisic F‘flllplnt: lnfiepfl;denca T mmigration is the most actio; o voking subject with which m"q.’}'é’- tion of Philippine independence could be involved. = Last Summer, in the Senate, Philippine independénce was involved in the farm problem, and six important farm and dairy organizations demanded that we set the Philippines free; the motive was frankly selfish, Tariff, Not Altruism, Farm Objective. From the Philippines come certain products, chiefly fats, which compete with some American 'farm and dairy | products. Also from the Philippines | comes sugar, which competes with | American beet sugar. Because the Philippines are under the American | flag_her products come here free of | tariff duty. The farm organizations and their representatives in the Sen- ate demanded independence for the Philippines—not for the sake of the Philippines, and not for any altruistic :{'tll"vtebebu:l wholly in order that we g able to set up a tariff aga: their products. P i Al To the Senate, hard-bolled as it is, he proposition put so baldly, seemed Ittle “raw.” The Senate, or at least a sufficient number of the Senate to be decisive, did not quite like to have it said in history that America set the Philippines free” wholy as an incident of a tariff debate. The tariff was able to make this question fairly imminent. Immigra- ,!.mnt will make it much more immi- | nent, Present Status Bar “Unfair.” There are many angles to the ques- tion and many differing proposals. | There is one bill which would exclude the Filipinos as immigrants, while con- tinuing to keep the islands as part of our territory and while mdking no change in their status. “If that bil} |passes,” says the Filipino Delegate, Mr Oslas, “it will be a great injustice. The remedy is to see that the American« Philippine question be ' immediately brought before Congress for final solue tion. The only proper remedy * * + les in granting us complete independ- ence.” Senator King of Utah has a proposal which would “declare the Philippines independent forthwith. Representative Nelson of Wisconsin has a bill lookin, to a commission of nine Americans an nine Filipinos, who would study all the problems involved and make recom- mendations to the United States Con- gress and the Filipino Legislature. Senator Bingham of Connecticut has a somewhat similar proposal for a com- mission. Senator Vandenberg of Mich- n has a bill looking to a kind of gradual and experimental independ- ence. It proposes quasi-independence for a probationary period. It would set up a Commonwealth of the Philippines, with immediate political and economic autonomy, which would last, as an ex- periment, for 10 years. If the experi- ment should be successful, the United {States would withdraw and make the | Philippines finally independent in 1940. Island Romance Moved Poels. i roblem (and also a lem for the St Co (Continued on Sixth Page) 4