Evening Star Newspaper, November 17, 1929, Page 45

EDITORIAL SECTION The Sundwy Stae, Part 2—-8 Pages WASHINGTON, D; - C,, - SUNDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 17, 1929. SENTIMENT GROWS TO KEEP TARIFE OUT OF POLITICS ' New and Greatest Industries Do Not Care About Protection Barrier to Trade. BY MARK SULLIVAN. E shall see very shortly some kind of dramatic climax to seven months of tariff making—seven months al- ready, and maybe some more. Out of that prolonged experience some- thing must have been learned by every- body concerned—those who want & higher tariff, those who want a lower and neutral observers, Moreover, this recent seven months is by no means the total of experience that many leaders have had with tariff making. Senator Smoot of Utah has now been through four general tariff revisions like this. ‘The Democrat who sits across the aisle from him, Senator Simmons of North Carolina, has been through five. The oldest of the Senators, Warren . of Wyoming, has been through six. Even a comparatively young Senator like Borah, whose services began in 1907, has been through four. The late Sen- ator Burton of Ohio, counting his serv- ice in House and Senate both, had been through seven. In the Lower House, Congressman Cooper of Wisconsin has been through six. The Democratic leader, Garner of Texas, has been through four. Speaker Longworth has been through four. Something Learned. From the aggregate of this experi- ence something must have been learned. It is a fact that this present fariff ses- sion reveals some new conditions—not new conditions in the sense of any material change in the method of tariff making, but new conditions in the United States, which have a bearing on the tariff, One of these new conditions is the arising in the United States of a con- siderable number of very important in- dustries which do not care much—at least they do not care directly, whether a tariff is high or low, or whether there is any tariff at all. This new condition has not yet, apparently, registered upon the consciousness of some of the high- tariff leaders, such as Grundy of Penn- lylvnhnll. b ‘When Joseph Grundy began to come to Washington as a lobbyist (he does not in the least object to that word), during the '90s, the industries he rep- resented. and for which he demanded high-tariff protection were relatively more important in the fabric of Amer- ican business as a whole than they are now. Grundy represented mainly tex- tiles, together with iron and steel. (Though in a generous freemasonry he has always been for a high tariff for every sort of manufacture.) At the time Grundy began to come the textile industry bulked large. But at that time there was no automobile in- dustry whatever. Rode In Victoria. Mr. Grundy in his early peregrina- Hons about Wi rode behind a horse in a Victoria of the ancient type. ‘Today automobile manufacturing is the first American_industry in volume and importance—while Mr. Grundy's textile industries have gone way down the list; cotton goods is the ninth industry; ‘woolen and worsted goods is the eight- eenth; knit goods (hoslery, underwear, etc) is twenty-second; silk manufac- tures is near the bottom of the list, twenty-third. The the automobile industry does not want rhly tarift lt;r itself. 'n;g significance n‘lfl e contrast goes e arther; not only does the lu'omnflndmm not want 8ny tariff for itself—it rather deplores the idea of too high a tariff on other commodities. The reason is that the automobile industry has become a great seller of goods to foreign countries; the automobile industry, indeed, looks to its sales in foreign countries as the future field of its e: ion, Having this relation to foreign markets the automobile industry does not want to offend foreign countries—and high tariffs against imports do give offense to_foreign nations. Further yet, the automoblles shipped abroad must be paid for. Speaking broadly, they can most conveniently be paid for by other goods shipped to the United States from foreign coun- tri Consequently the automobile in- dustry prefers to sce the shipment of goods to the United States facilitated, rathier than impeded by a high tariff. ‘This one example is the most pointed {llustration of what has happened since the 90s. change, however, goes much farther. When Mr. Grundy first began to come to Washington there was hardly any gasoline business; there © was_very little business in electricai + machinery apparatus and supplies; there was no radio business whatever. Growth fn 30 Years. All these lines of business have arisen or become important during the last 30 years and most of them have come to have a larger weight in American business as a whole than the textile business or any of the other forms of manufacturing to which the tariff is a life and death matter. Further still; there are lines of busi- ness which do not care about the tariff, whose only concern is that business of the United States be good. Examples of this type are the railroads and bank- ing. These very important factors tend to side with the tariff beneficiaries at a time when those beneficiaries were the most important businesses in Amer- fca. Today the railroads and banking are either indifferent, or if they have an inclination at all it is toward the lines of business which have become most important and which do not care about the tariff. The net of all this is that the center of gravity, so to speak, of American business has shifted from those that strongly want a tariff to those that do not need a tariff for themselves and on the whole prefer not to have a very high tariff for the country generally ‘The really important leaders of Amer- ican business, the ones that count for most, are now on the side that wants 8 low tariff or is indifferent. In short, Grundy and those like him do not cut as big a figure today as they did when he first came to Washington. Mobility of Capital. ‘To the writer of this article the most Interesting development coming to the surface in this tariff revision was a proof of the mobility of capital, the ‘way- capital moves to the ga t where conditions are most favorable. ‘What emerged in this tariff revision was associated with two American pole icies—our tariff policy and our policy about immigration. So long as we wel- comed and brought great masses of im- migrants to America, it was labor that was looked upon as mobile and fluid. Labor in enormous quantities was im- rted by capital to the point in Amer- a where it was convenlent for capital to make use of it. what it had been. promptly packed its where labor was. ‘This development, as it emerged in s trettore, 16 was ted by Henry Ford's tractors. was :r‘cucmytn the attention of the Senate— | lows: oad the Senate seemed much surprised | gence, if there the present tariff revision, int about this contrast is that |y Then we changed our policy about immigration, limit- ing it to roughly about one-tenth of ‘Thereupon capital and went —that Mr. Ford was making his tractors near Belfast, Ireland, and shipping them back to the United States for sale. Senator David Reed of Pennsylvania took disproving notice of the new des velopment and undertook to check it by some sort of action having to do with patent and copyright laws. Organized labor in America took alarmed notice to the new tendency. They gave out a considerable list of American manufacturers who, they said, have moved some or all of their fac- tories abroad, making their products with the less expensive foreign labor and shipping the products to the United States for sale. (Some of the heads of business on organized labor's list denied the charge.) Frequently to Surface. This tendency of capital toward mo- bility, toward moving to where condi- tions are favorable, kept coming to the surface again and again. Young Sena- tor La Follette of Wisconsin, together with his Progressive and Democratic as- sociates, argued for a considerable re- duction in the tariff on chemicals. In the coalition as it stood, this proposal should have had the support of the Democrats But Democratic Senator Copeland of New York observed the case of a chemical industry near Buffalo, Just on the American side of the inter- national boundary. He said he had been informed that if the tariff on this chemical were reduced the company would promptly move its factory across the Niagara River to Canada, and em- | ploy thousands of Canadian laborers, to | the obvious detriment of the American laborers now employed. Under modern conditions a factory is an easily movable institution. In the old days of heavy, brick-walled build- ings, moving a factory was formidable. With the modern steel and glass con- struction the cost of building or mov- ing cuts comparatively little figure. One inference or observation made about this tariff revision is that labor is rather more largely interested in pro- tection than capital is. The earnestness of organized labor about getting pro- tection was larger in this than in any previous tariff revision. In the old days the businésses that were beneficlaries of the tariff used often to make its re- auuf.! vicariously, asking for ‘“protec- on for American labor.” Then they used to import foreign labor and use it here in America in competition with the labor that was already here. Lesson Again Learned. There is one lesson that has been learned over and over and has been ad- mitted during or after—chiefly after— every tariff revision during the last 50 years. That lesson is, as it has always been said with an off-hand gesture, “the tariff-ought to be taken out of polities.” As a {mul aspiration, nearly everybody has always assented to that, But it does not need this article to tell any one that the present tariff revision is at this moment & political matter to as great & degree as any one can remember with politics * respectt positions taken by all three of the fac- tions—] rats, Republicans and Pro- gressives. During the very week in which this article is written, one felt that the major part of the maheuvers about the tariff had to do, not with its economic phase, but with its polit- ical consequences. Many Democrats g to estimate just what step about the tariff would lead to the election of the maximum number of Democratic Congressmen in next year's election; many Republicans trying to estimate what step would enable the largest number of Republican Congressmen to hold their seats; Progressive Senators from Western States trying to put Re- publican members of the lower house from the same States “in a hole” by compelling them to go on record with a vote for or against the debenture plan. Regular Republican Senate Leader David Reed of Pennsylvania, candidly taking the position that it is best to let the coalition write its kind of bill, then put the responsibility on them, and have the lower house defeat the Some Democrats voting for the debenture plen when they don't believe in it and merely want to register a coalition vic- tory against the Republicans. Demo- crats maneuvering with much ability and considerable success to make the chasm deeper between the two factions of Republicans. And 5o on and so on. Politics Inescapable. Let no one suppose politics went out of the tariff-making when the Western Progressives got leadership on the situa- tion and with their Democratic allies took control. In the present method of tariff-making, politics is inherent and inescapable. When the rate on pigiroa (Senator David Reed patiently expl the correct term is “iron in pigs”) came up the Western Progressives and South- ern Democrats observed that pigiron, so far at is is concerned by the tariff, is a commodity made chiefly in Eastern Pennsylvania and New Jersey. There- upon the coalition gayly reduced the ex- isting rate, $1.12}, a ton, down to 75 cents & ton. The very next day manga- nese came up. The regular Republicans in the Senate finance committee had put manganese on the free list. But manganese is produced in several West- ern and several Southern States—and s not produced in the East at all. Whereupon the Western Republican and Southern Democratic coalition, with equal gayety now turned convinced pro- tectionists, put a tariff of a cent a pound on manganese. - Incidentally, some Democrats charged that the action of the regular Republic- ans in putting manganese on the free list had been politics of a particularly recondite kind; politics of with “reverse English,” as they say in the game of billlards. The intention of the Re- publicans—so the Democrats charge— was not really to keep manganese on the free list, but rather to put pressurc on the Southern Democrats and West- ern Republicans to vote for the bill as a whole. “Putting Out Bait.” This process is known in politics as “putting out bait.” The idea—if the charge is true—is to compel the Demo- crats from manganese-producing States to come around to the Republican lead- ers and to plead for a tariff on th: product. At which time, according the theory, the Republican leaders are supposed to say, “All right; we'll give you your tariff on manganese if you wll)_ promise to vote for the bill as a whole. Let there be no doubt there is politics in the making of this bill—politics pro- ceeding from every one of the three fac- tions, The politics was no whit less in this bill than in any of the six or seven bills that had,been seen by the older Senators and members of the House. One of the most thoughtful Repub- lican leaders in the Senate was seri- ously appalled by some things done in this” tariff revision, things proceeding from all three of the factions. His dis- Housing Our Diplomats 170 Buildings Are. Now Owned by United States, But Funds Are Almost Used for That Purpose. ITH close to $8,000,000 already allocated, out of an original authorization in 1926 of $10,- 000,000, Representative Stephen G. Porter of Penn- sylvania, chairman of the Foreign Serv- ice Buildings Commission, will soon have to seek from Congress additional funds to carry forward the commission’s pro- gram to provide every diplomatic and | consular post abroad with an Americar- owned building. Progress already made in carrying out the program and the great advantages found by American business men in the buildings so far completed have made Chairman Porter hopeful that the com- mission can obtain from Congress the funds it needs. under way, and when the program is completed about 170 embassies, legations | and consulates in foreign countries will be housed in bulldings owned by the United States. Act Passed in 1926. It was in 1926 that Congress, spurred on by the demands of American busi- ness men, as well as by representatives of the State Department, passed the foreign service building act. This set up a commission, whose members in- cluded the chairman of the Hours For- eign Affairs Committee and the Senate Committee on Forelgn Relations, the ranking minority members of these two committees and the Secretaries of State, Commerce and the Treasury. The pres- ent cabinet members are Secretaries Stimson, Mellon and Lamont. Until he resigned, & few month before the Republican national convention, President Hoover was a member of the commission, and took active part in formulating its program. One of the first acts of the commis- sion was to authorize the completion of Huge BY JOHN SNURE. . Work Is Just Starting, ONFRONTED by a long and dif- ficult series of legislative prob- lems, the second session of the Seventy-first Congress, the reg- ular or long session of that body, will open December 2. In both Senate and House, majority and minority leaders already are look- ing forward to the opening of the regu- lar session and making plans for its program. Beginning on the first Mon- day of December, it will continue, with a brief recess for the holidays, until late next Spring or early Summer. Con- tingencies might arise which would cause it to lengthen out still farther. It will be impossible in the next six months to dispose of the tremendous mass of proposed legislation which the two houses will be called on to con- sider, or to deal with more than a fraction of the great issues which will be presented. But the coming year is the year for the biennial congressional campaign and because of the exigencies of politics the chiefs of both parties will attempt to end the legislative ses- sion about June and give over the Summer and Fall to the business of nominations and elections and to car- rying the record of Congress to the people for their verdict. Just Starting to Fight. One house or the other of Congress has been active since the middle of last April. So much has been heard of farm relief, tariff, prohibition, lobby investi- gations and the like that it may seem strange to say the real work of the Seventy-first Congress is just about to begin. This, however, is the case. In spite of the long months of debate over farm relief, tariff and other subjects, Congress is just starting to fight. ‘The extra session, important as it has been, has been concerned with only a limited program, chiefly with farm re- llef and tariff. The committees of the House, with certain exceptions, have not been organized. This policy was adopted for the very purpose of blocking gen- eral legislation and centering attention on relief for agriculture and tariff re- vision. The multitudious issues which demand attention in the regular ses- sion for the most part have been un- touched. President Hoover, in pursuance of pledges he made in the 1928 campaign, called Congress in extraordinary session last Spring for the primary purpose of enacting farm relief legislation and re- vising the tariff law. It was generally supposed when the extra session con- vened that long before this the task mapped out by the Executive would have been completed. Tarift Measures Still Up. The farm relief measure was passed and its provisions are now being ad- ministered, but the revision of the tariff has dragged, just as a few of the veteran legislators predicted last Spring — e change can be brought about, there ought never again to be a general tariff revision; the thing is a scandal polic- ically and a disaster economically.” The wish to get away from the old method of tariff-making is probably stronger at this moment than at the | close of any previous tariff revision. If there is any way of escape from tariff revision of the old kind, the path to rescue lies along the lines of the Tariff Commission and of one variation or an- other of what is called the “flexible provision.” The flexible provision, the may, indeed, was caused by conditions inherent and unavoidable in any gen- eral tariff revision under the present practice. ‘This leader spoke to the writer of this article, in effect, as fol- “If we have sufficlent intelli- is any way by which b alternative forms of it and the ramifi- cations of it are going to come much to the front within a week or so. It is going to be desirable that the public should understand it. But it is & com- lex matter and must be made the sub- ject of a later article. About 40 projects are | NEW UNITED STATES CON LATES PROPOSED FOR SHANGHAT, CHINA (UPPER LEFT), ADEN, ARABIA (UPPER RIGHT), AND CALCUTTA, INDIA (LOWER the furnishing of the American Ambas- sador’s residence in London, and it ap- propriated the sum of $30,000 for the purpose. ‘The specifications for the furniture provided that the designs fol- low the lines of certain pieces on exhibi- tion at American museums, thus mak- ing it certain that the furniture selected would represent less the taste and se- lection of the individual than the ex- ample of the best in American designs, as approved by Americans over a period of years. The glassware follows a simple Co- lonial design, and its sole decoration is Task Faces Congress With Mass of Important Proposed Legislation Awaiting Final Disposition that it would. It has taken on the form of general revision instead of the limited revision proposed by the Presi- dent, and is proving a long, arduous and bitterly controverted proposition. For some weeks it has been plain that the Senate would not pass the tariff bill in the extra session and that it would have the subject still on its hands when the regular session con- vened; also that the troublesome, if not impossible, task of the two houses agreeing on & conference report would not be accomplished until some time in the Winter. ‘The regular session under such cir- cumstances has on its hands not only the problems which ordinarily would fall to it, but also the completion of the business of the extraordinary ses- sion. The revision of the tariff is not only not yet completed but a large share of the revising has yet to be effected. Policies Expected to Flare Up. The regular session of Congress has more on its Mands apart from tariff than it can possibly dispose of. Hence it may safely be expected that time for the next six months is not going to an etched seal of the United States. The chinaware is a simplified design in ivory color on the general lines of that now in use at the White House. On the outer rim is a formal band containing stars, and the decoration is completed by the gold seal of the United States. The silk for bedroom curtains and ca: pets for the upper stories were pur- chased in the United States from the lowest bidders on specifications prepared by the Bureau of Standards and the Federal Specifications Board. The Am- bassador's residence itself was the gift of J. Pierpont Morgan. hang heavy over the head of either house, nor over Washington in general at matter. On the other hand, it will be a Winter and Spring jammed full of important developments, legis~ lative, investigative, political and other- wise. The fires of politics always burn fiercely enough in any regular or long session of Congress in view of the fact it is the session immediately preceding congressional and general elections. In the coming session, however, they may be expected to flame up more fiercely than usual. One substantial reason for this is to be found in the developments of the extraordinary session. Since the middle of last April the Capitol has been swept by bitter controversies over agricultural relief, tariff and other sub- jects. Especially farm relief and tariff revision have stirred feeling. ‘This has been particularly so in the Senate, where the struggle between the regular or administration Republican Senators on the one hand and the coalition of Democrats and insurgent Republicans on the other has been marked by acute differences such as one seldom sees. To some extent the administration What Makes Us What We Are? BY BRUCE BARTON. ECENTLY there came into my possession the photo- graphs of five brothers whom | have known very well all my lifi i were taken when the elde the five was only 8 years old. The first thing that impressed me was the resemblance of each one to all the oth Anybody, looking at them, would have known at once that they are children of the same father and mother. Even more striking was the fact that today, when their aver- is 40, they seem to have nge, ittle. | had no difficulty in laying the baby pictures on the desk and saying, “This is Joe, and this is John.” * % k X One might almost jump to the conclusion, from such an exhib that experience and will power have, very little to do with character. Yet | know that each of the five boys h changed, by the exercise of his own will. * K k X ‘The hot temper of the eldest has been cooled by self-control; he has become far sweeter and transformed into power. By exercise and self-discipline physica kne: en built up health. There are many men who seriously question whether we humans have any free will. They believe that we are en- the dowed at birth with all the qual- ities which subsequently become “The domi nant characteristics are ily discoverable even at the age of two or three years. From baby- hood | wa and my brother idle not changed u: | have worked always and he has only drifted.” * X ok X Another told me that he and his wife went to an orphan asylum to adopt a little boy. For a couple of hours they watched two hundred youngsters playing on the floor. One of them was trying to fit the cover onto a tin can. he struggled place, only to take it off and rt all over again. “we'll” that baby,” I discussed this subject once with a shrewd observer of the human race. He mentioned the man who had been the leader of his class at college and has never been heard of since. “Perhaps he had some hidden illnes | said. “Perhaps he just couldn’t amount to anything.” My friend disagreed vigorous- ly. “He could have changed himself,” he said. “Deep down in his heart that man knows why he has fa Personally, | believe this. The pictures of my five friends tend to confirm this belief. They are what they were as children, but they are also different. Each has molded himself, and not merely been molded. Not birth alone, but will power, has made them what they are. | Carolina, among the Democrats, and the (Copyright, 1929.) ‘The Paris embassy is the biggest project of the commission up to date. On March 11, 1928, the commission allocated $1,250,000 for the purchase of a site on the northwestern corner of the historic Place de la Concorde for an office building to house all American activities in the French capital. The final payment and transfer of title were made August 4, 1928. Throughout the hearings on the bill officlals expressed | the desire to consolidate, 50 far as pos: sible, all the business activities of the government in the principal foreign capitals. Central Site Selected. Callers at these offices average 100 a day. The commission wanted to put into effect the principle of consolida- tion first at Paris, a city visited annu- ally by hundreds of thousands of Amer- fean tourists and business men. Here- tofore our business activities have been carried on in about 15 separate offices, and an American might have passed an entire day visiting three or fous of these. At the consulate general alone callers number 600 daily. ‘The commission selected a site on the Place de la Concorde for two reasons. In the first place, it wanted to locate the American. office building as near the center of activities of American visitors as possible ,and, in the second place, it wanted to protect these offices from the noise and darkness of a crowded community by installing them in a building with a sunny outlook, fronting on wide open space. The Place de 1a Concorde has been an open center for more than 100 years and the au- thorities of the Prench capital intend to keep it lo{ Parle' b o iris has a requirement that a bulding cohstructed on the Place (Continued on Sixth Page.) ‘ has been drawn into this controversy. ‘The struggle which has been aroused over the tariff has been frequent] likened to that historic struggle, with its far-reaching political consequences, which arose over the Payne-Aldrich bill in 1909, in the days when insurgents like Dolliver and the elder La Follette were pitted against the Senate leader- ship of Nelson W. Aldrich. ‘West and South Against East. In consequence the regular session at the outset will be confronted not alone with legislative tasks of great gravity and difficulty, but it will have on its hands the unfinished tariff revision task of the extra session and the condi- tions will be much complicated by the political and other antagonisms which have been developing through' the Fall and last Summer. These antagonisms are not alone po- litical. They arise in no small degree from the clashing of industrial and financial interests with agricultural and consuming interests. The course of events in recent months has demonstrated more forcefully than ever that it is impossible to bring about & general revision of that highly com- plicated structure, the tariff law, with- out engendering these antagonisms. To & considerable extent they have resulted in the formation in the Senate of an alliance of the strength of the West and South against the East plus certain industrial sections in other parts of the country, Insurgents Hold Balance. President Hoover will have important recommendations for legislation to make in his first annual message to the Congress, which, it is expected, will be prezented to both houses on Decem- ber 3. These recommendations, how- ever, in this instance will hardly be controlling as to the legislative course of Congress. The House may be ex- pected to adhere closely to the wishes and purposes of the “administration. On the other hand, the Senate will ap- parently continue under the sway of the Democratic and insurgent combina- tion which has shown its power so often in the course of the tariff con- troversy. tor George W. Norris of Nebraska, with Senator William E. Borah and Senator Robert M. La Follette, jr., factors of influence, will apparently hold the bal- ance of power. It may be doubted whether any great piece of legislation can be forced through the Senate which does not in at least measurable degree meet the views of this element. Regulars Disorganized. This is likely to be the more true because of the fact the regular Repub- lican forces in the Senate are disor- ganized or, at least, by no means com- pactly organized. Senator James E. Watson, Republican leader, has been compelled in recent weeks to absent himself by reason of health. ‘This has added to the weakness of the regular Republican or adminis- tration element, already more or less demoralized by ' the superior strength of the Democratic-insurgent coalition, which has such leadership as that of Senator Joseph T. Robinson of Arkansas and Senator F. M. Simmons of North insurgent chieftains already mentioned, with the veteran Norris, one of the ablest parliamentary -strategists of Con- gress, at their head. Some talk has been heard of a new | is TARDIEU BELIEVES FRANCE TO BE NATION BY FRANK H. SIMONDS. OWEVER hrief the stay of Andre Tardieu in office—and all pres- ent estimates give his cabinet but a brief existence—his ar- rival as president of the council nevertheless significant. Hitherto French politics and French cabinets have been conducted and headed by men who had arrived before the war. Briand, Poincare, Herriot, Millerand, even the perpetual Painleve, had be- come more or less familiar figures be- fore 1914. But Tardieu was entering the Cham- ber of Deputies for the first time the year the World War began. True, he was already one of the most distin. | guished of French journalists. After | brief apprenticeship in the diplomatic | service he had gone straight to a news- paper job and his articles 6n foreign affairs, printed in the Temps, were un- rivalled in their influence as in their documentation. But the journalist was only just be- come a politician when the war whirled him away from his desk and buried him, like 50 many others, in the ob- scurity of the front-line trenches. From these he emerged presently to be- come the lieutenant of Clemenceau, the representative of France in the United States, and at the peace conference the intermediary between American and { French delegations. H i He Suffered for Clemenceau. | When, however, the United States | rejected the Treaty of Versallles and the French people, as a whole con- demned Clemenceau as the victim of the intrigues of Lloyd George and the | illusions of Woodrow Wilson, Tardieu suffered with and for his chief. His book, that famous defense of the Clem- enceau policy at Paris, failed of its major purpose, which was to prove that at the peace conference Clemenceau had gained all that was possible and all that was necessary. With the retirement of Clemenceau, Tardieu’s fortunes declined. His news- paper, begun with the assurance of the collaboration of Clemenceau, who never wrote a line for it, disappeared inglori- ously. In the election of 1924 Tardieu was beaten. He had risen with Clem- enceau, fallen with him and now seemed destined to disappear with him. He was a man without a party, a fol- lowing an issue. Socialist coalition which ruled France was in trouble, when the franc was be- ginning to shake, when France was be- coming alarmed for its economic and financial future, Tardieu suddenly an- nounced his candidacy in the Belfort district, that fragment of Alsace left to France when the Germans took Alsace- Lorraine. This new cafdidacy of Tardieu was, moreover, not alone an appeal to the electors of the Upper Rhine, but was designed to awaken the interest of all PFrance. Tardieu appealed for election to the Chamber of Deputies, not as a member of any party, not even as follower of Clemenceau, whose judg- mt:n';."w 3 “"pm-flu r e a new War France, the France which had its eyes fixed ufion the reorganization of na- tional life, of national business, of na- tional effort on modern lines. ‘Tardieu’s triumphant election put him instantly in the front rank of the }mbm: men of France. It was, also, the forerunner of the downfall of the Radical-Socialist coalition, the return of Poincare to power and the creation y of that Ministry of National Safety which, under the guidance of Poincare, stabilized the franc and restored order in French political life and prosperity in its ‘ecoromic endeavor. Spokesman for New Regime. And, measureably, Tardieu became the spokesman for this new regime. He had been the lieutenant of Clem- enceau and men now began to speak of him as the heir of Poincare. He had in some measure caught the dominating spirit of post-war France, which sought peace abroad and caution at home, which wanted to have its domestic af- fairs run by a Poincare and its foreign relations guided by a Briand. Speaking for the new France, which had escaped alike from the pre-war de- pression resulting from the defeat of 1870 and the humiliations of later years and from the super-nationalism which had been fired by the victory of 1918, ‘Tardieu preached a gospel far more suggestive of Hoover than of Gambetta. He made himself thus the prophet of a new France in a new world, the world of Ford, which was replacing that of Bismarck. In his poltical principles Tardieu cut in between the radical and the na- tionalist, between the Left and the Right. In all matters which might concern business and finance, his posi- tion was that of the Republicans of the United States, but in foreign affairs he tended more and more to support the internationalism of Briand. Above all, his message, again and again pro- But two years later when the Radical- | WITH FUTURE Young Premier, Without Party, Proves Nation Can Be Led by Buginess Man Rather Than Politician. claimed, bade France be proud of what had been accomplished in the 10 years following the making of peace and be confident for the future. He Leads No Party. The position of Tardieu politically, then, is at once conspicuous and con- fusing. He is the leader of no party. He belongs neither with the Right nor the Left. The Radicals and Socialists are as hostile to his domestic politics as the Nationalists are suspicious of his foreign policles. His strength, such as it is, lies in the fact that the majority of the French nation are beginning to show the same impatience with the in- trigues and petty maneuvers of the | old-fashioned political game that Tar- | dieu voiced as far back as 1924, Moreover, in all that he has done administratively, Tardieu has been amazingly successful. He has earned and deserved the title of “the Amer- ican.” minister, first for public works and then of the interior, he brought the energy of his own vigorous personality and the stimulation of his progressive mind into what had been the stagnant backwaters of officialdom. Naturally Tardieu’s Prmeas has pleased none of the politicians whose methods he has rejected and whose shortcomings he has exposed. And, a bit like Clemenceau, Tardieu lacks the art of ingratiating, and if he is a splen- did administrator (which “The Tiger” never was) he is a poor politician. Yet he has made himself felt, he has become a power, he has risen to be prime minister, if perhaps only for a day. But even if he falls now, Tardieu has completed the task which he ob- viously set for himself when he staged a “comeback” five years ago. He has become the one conspicuous French public man who is identified with busi- ness rather than politics. To be sure, Poincare, as the savior of the franc, also has claims, but Poincare is growing old, he has recently had a breakdown and a trying operation. And he has made more enemies than friends and the grudges endure. ‘Tardieu, after all, is a young man and he is coming to be regarded as a safe man. With Poincare in two min- istries he earned the right to annex the prosperity issue; now associated with Briand, he can lay claim to that of peace. And prosperity and peace are the dominating desires of France. To these slogans, too, Tardieu adds his own, which is “progress.” From the American point of view, ‘Tardieu’s career is of unusual interest, because, as a consequence of his close gouucc K/u:uAmeflun business and nance, he become the protagonist of the idea of Americanization of French industry. But, on the jother hand, as his last book disclosed, while he is a convert to American business methods, he remains loyal to the his- torical traditions of his own ecountry. One must credit Tardieu, too, with the courage of his convictions. When he decided to take office in the Poin- care cabinet of 1926 it was against the advice of Clemenceau. .- with him at that time, I asked he heard of Clemenceau. “Well,” he re- plied, “he opposed my taking this job and so now, while we correspond regu- larly, we only discuss non-con! subjects like God and Moses.” His Stand Took Courage. That courage shines through his re- cent decision to undertake to form a | cabinet. All wisdom seemed to counsel waiting. A premature ing of power might insure a new defeat and another period of waiting. - But for Tardieu it was inconceivable that at a critical moment France should be with- out a government. So he took the risk. And patently the risk was great. But over against it must be set his con- viction that there is a new France, or a new spirit in old France, the bellef that France can and will play as great a role in the modern world, the world of big business and high nce, the world of rationalism and cartels, as it played in the age when war and:diplo- macy were all that counted. Tardieu would be the first to reject any suggestion that he has anything in common with Mussolini or that Fascism could have any place in Prance, yet at the least, like Mussolini, he is a young man, who has arrived politically since the war and has made a clean break with all the methods and the men of the pre-war political world. He has the same faith in the new France that Mussolini has in a new Italy, but along with this faith goes an unshaken alle- giance to democracy as opposed to torship. His program is rather that of Hoover than of the Duce. In sum, Tardieu has staked his polit- ical career on the gamble that France is a twentieth century country, not an eighteenth century survival. And it there is any measure of accuracy in his calculation, even if he fails now, he will still, in the French phrase, continue to be a “coming man.” (Copyright, 1929.) Refuting the commonly made charge that most of the insect pests that af- flict agricultural crops are of foreign origin, Prof. Harry S. Smith of the Uni- versity of California citrus experiment station gives figures to show that less than half of the major insect pests have been imported. Prof. Smith heads the blological. control work at the station in Riverside, Calif. He has compiled a list of 183 species of such insects. Of these he finds that 81 are undoubtedly of foreign origin, a total of 44.2 per cent. Of the re- maining 102 species it is entirely prob- able, he says, that some are of foreign origin. He includes the entire North American continent as native, and therefore classes the boll weevil as not foreign. Of the seven orders in which the 183 species of insect pests fall, says Prof. Smith, the Hemiptera, or bugs, are most numerous, with 54, of which 23 have been introduced and 31 are native. The Lepiloptera, or moths, are second, with 50, of which 27 are native. Others are Coleoptera, or beetles, 42, of which 23 are native; Diptera, flies, 11, of which 6 are native; Hymenoptera, wasps, 8, half native and half foreign: Orthop- tera, grasshoppers, crickets, etc., 7, all native; Thysanoptera, thrips, 6, 4 of them native. Of the number introduced bugs and moths tie, with 23; beetles come next, with 12; flies, 5. wasps, 4; thrips, 2, and hoppers, ‘none. Discussing the possibility of eradicat- ing or controlling insect pests, Prof. Smith says that introduced pests which have become firmly established in fauna here often present possibilities of bio- Republican leadership to displace Sen- ator Watson in the Senate, but. thul does not appear probable if the Indunll member regains his health. . In _the House the %'mul Repub- cwflnu‘fl on Page. logical control that should not be over- looked. 1In the case of those species for which no satisfactory control has been developed, ite introduc- tion an absolute necessity. Only 81 of 183 Insect Species on U. S. Farms Found to Be of Foreign Origin eradication attempt would be inadvis- able. Where for a considerable portion of the year there are no adults flying and the habits are such that the other stages are easily destroyed by thorough work and the known distribution is not too great, such an attempt would be well worth while. “It is obvious, then,” concludes Prof. Smith, “that the duty of governments, so far as applied entomology is con- cerned, lies in this program: Quaran- tine, to exclude insect pests which have not yet been introduced or which mre of very limited distribution; eradlica- tion, applied to those individual cases Where an introduced pest is of very limited distribution and where a ocare- ful biological and economic study of the conditions gives reasonable hope of success; biological control, to reduce the population of an insect pest below the danger line or to reduce it to the point where mechanical methods give more nearly perfect resuits, and, finally, as an additional safeguard, to develop the mechanical and cultural methods of control to the highest possible de: gree of perfection.” Irish Capital Lacking Benefits of Library When Northern Ireland set up a state with its capital in Belfast and with a separate judiciary and administration of all departments it remained without some of the advantages enjo; e Free State capital, Dublin. &“fi.".{ ;E- no national library. Dublin has only a great national library, but Trinii College Library is one of the finest ir . and 15 still entitled by law of every book There are, he points out, many cases ammmummwh{cnu lished. Belfast up by establishing state.Hbrary: