Evening Star Newspaper, March 17, 1929, Page 37

t EDITORIAL SECTION he Sunday ST, Part 2—8 Pages WASHINGTON, D. (., SUNDAY MORNING. MARCH 17, 1929, RACE MINORITIES PROBLEM THREATENS WORLD PEACE Presence of Germans in Polish Corridor| | Bringing Protest Dangerous | BY FRANK H. SIMONDS. HILE, pressed by the Ger- mans, the League of Nations / has once more considered the question of minorities, the actual discussion hi again disclosed the fact that this prol lem of subject fractions remains today bevond the capacity of the League to| solve, Nor is it less unmistakable that it is the supreme problem of contem- porary Europe, the real cause of future war, the still impassable barrier to any | real system of permanent peace. For this problem, too, there have so far been discoverable only two solu-| tions, both of them ironically enough emploved by the Turks. In the case of Armenians the Turks employed mas- sacre, in that of the Greeks they Te- sorted to expulsion. an expulsion bal- | anced by a similar Greek action against the Turkish minorit in Thrace and Macedonia. By these two operations the Tu where, outside of Constantinople, they bave to deal with only one serious mi- nority, the Kurds. And the Kurds are | today bombarding the western world h' appeals containing the assertion t. with them, the Turks are em-| ploying the Armenian method. | But appiied to Western and Central Europe, even to the eastern frontiers of Poland, no resort to massacre or expulsion is possible. And. as a con- spquence, the problem of minorities re- @eins and is destined to remain. Figures Are Impressive. | When one undertakes to estimate the | numbers of these subject factions they prove to be impressive. Thus. leaving | out the case of Russia altogether, the | aggregate must reach to something like 20.000.000. Czechoslovakia, for exam- ple. has no majority race and the sem- blance of a majority is only attained by fhe more or less complete association | 6.500,000 of Czechs and 2,500,000 of | Over against this bloc stand | 50,000 of Germans. 250,000 of Mag- rs and 500,000 Ruthenians. And in| he case of the Germans and Magyars, | both are obviously drawn toward the asses of their fellow race brothers liv ng in Germany, Austria and Hungary, | just beyond frontiers which are fre- | Quently lacking in any physical circum- stance. | Of 30.000.000 inhabitants of Poland. & full third belong to subject minorities, Germans. Ukranians, White Russians, | Lithuanians and Jews. Even France has found in her recovered Alsace an ob- | stacle born of the Teutonic character | of the mass of the people of this prov-| ince. which is giving her increasing dif- | process Shows Question to Handle. been taking Germans a migration of the forcible place. flecing _before Polonization. a_migration of Magyars, | induced alike by persecution and b the alienation of the land. And this steady stream of exiles, this visible of uprooting German and Magyar populations, awakens reper- cussions which cannot be ignored by German or Hungarian statesmen. In theory the League is responsible. It is a body to which, by the very peace treatie the minority question must be referred. But in practice what can the League do? In the recently notorious case of the Germans in Upper Silesia, how is it possible to- decide between the Polish claim that the Ger- man minority is an agency of Ger-! many—seeking to resist the consolida- tion of Polish territory. to keep open the question of Upper Silesia, against a later German attempt to recover it— and the equally impressive proof of- fered by Germany that the Poles are have arrived at a situation | persecuting the German population in | a thousand ways, to the ruling race? In all the larger minority issues you are faced always with the double fact. The subject minorities resist absorp- tion and look for liberation through reconquest. This purpose and the fashion in which it feeds the aspira- tions in Berlin or Burapest stimulate persecution. Nothing is more inevita- ble than that the Poles and the Ru- manians, seeing their minorities re- sistant and their neighbors resolved to regain the lost lands, should spare no pains to force the emigration of these unwelcome and patently perilous mi- norities. always possible Alsace Situation Different. ‘The situation is slightly different in Alsace, where the Teutonic population is resisting assimilation but shows no desire to return to Germany. And since the Germans signed the Locarno pact, renouncing the aspiration to recover Alsace-Lorraine. the difficulty becomes one of French domestic administration. 1t is slightly different in Czechoslovakia, where Massyrk has been wise enough to bring about a measurable fusion of in- terests. The Germans of Bohemia and Moravia, while they would certainly pre- fer to be German rather than Czecho- lovak citizens, would have to face utter economic ruin were new frontiers drawn on ethnic lines and, as a result, bar- riers set up between them and their natural markets. ‘Were it possible to bring about a situ- ation such as exists in the case of Alsace; were the Germans prepared to undertake to recognize as permanent their eastern boundaries, as they have ficulty, while Italy has been confronted | their western, the problem of the Ger- by more sensational opposition alike | man minority in Poland would rapid) from the Austrian Germans of the Up- | disappear. Once assured of territorial rr Adige and the Southern Slavs in all | s . the single reason for oppress- he hinterland behind Trieste and Pola. | ingy and forcibly n.?;imuatlm'rnthe Gos- man minority would come an end. Hungarian Minorities Menace. | Byt, on the other hand, for the German, Most striking, perhaps, of all the| Upper Silesia and the Polish Corridor minority problems &nd next to the have the same value as Alsace-Lorraine German the gravest menace to European | had for France. 5 stability is the case of the Hungarians.| And, in this situation, what can the Over 40 per cent of the ten millions| League do? Certainly it can order the belonging to this race were by the|Poles to provide more German schools peace treaties distributed among the |in Upper Silesia or old West Prussia, but. Rumanians, Czech und Jugoslav states. | how can it do that without ordering the As to the Germans, not only are there Germans to provide similarly adequate six million and a half condemned to H | | i BY JOHN SNURE. NOTHER great battle over tariff is about to be fought out in Con- gress. Indications are that it will be comparable to the historic controversics that have been waged periodically in the House and Senate since the Nation, more than a century ago, took up the protective policy. [tariff revision include those in 1922, when the Fordney-McCumber act was Simmons act was passed early in the administration of Woodrow Wilson, and in 1909, when the Payne-Aldrich meas- ure was enacted, early in the adminis- tration of William Howard Taft. Once Called “Local Issue.” 1t was Gen. Winfield Scott Hancock, brilliant soldier, but ill versed in poli- tics, who was laughed at for declaring the tariff a local issue. When he ran for the presidency it was the fashion to depict the tariff as the great point | of variance between the Republican and the Democratic parties. The Republican In recent years great struggles over | written: in 1913, when the Underwood- | Representative Smoot of Lt will have party stood for protection to American industries; the Democratic party ab- horred the idea of protection and stood cither for theoretical free trade or, at most, for a revenue tariff. If Gen. Hancock were alive today, he r{ | would have the satisfaction of knowing | that the tariff in recent years has been diminishing in prominence as an issue | between the parties; that it has be- come more and more plainly a struggle |of clashing interests. Sometimes the issue is sectional, or more or less local. | At other times the conflict is Nation- { wide in its scope. Political leaders, it is true, are at- tempting to preserve the idea of the historic conflict of the parties over tariffi—that is, some political leaders |are doing so. However, when Alfred E. | Smith in the last campaign abandoned his allegiance to the historic low-tariff policy of his party he made it difficult for the Democratic party longer to con- jure with any theory resembling frec | trade, or even’tariff for revenue. Southern Views Changed. He was doing nothing more than a number of Democratic leaders in Con- gress have been doing, though not quite | s0 openly, for years. It was well known when the 1922 tariff revision was made that many of the Southern Democrat: wanted high tariff rates on the products of the industries that were growing by leaps and bounds in the South. They inveighed against the excessive rates of the Fordney-McCumber measure, but did not hesitate to throw a protecting arm about the manufacturers and pro- ducers of their section. The result was | that there were some strangely mixed l1oll calls as the bill advanced on its | Hawley d Senator Simmons of North ( charge of tariff measures in Congress, Polish schools in East Prussia, where live in poverty and peril within the new Austrian republic, but six or seven millions are scattered just across new frontiers on all sides, in Poland and Prance, in Belgium and Denmark, which now count small ties in Eupen and Slesvig, in Ccechoslovakia which counts, as I have said, more than three million and a quarter. Again, while it is clear that there are certain obvious revisions of frontiers which might reduce the minorities— that, for example, a million Magyars could and should be returned to their mother country—in the main no solu- tion is discoverable in this direction for the simple reason that the min- orities are either hopelessly inter- mingled with other races as, for example, in the case of the Magyars of the Carpathians, a mere enclave in an alien sea. Revision of frontiers, speaking in the larger sense, would merely change the character of the minorities, either Poles, Czechs, Slovaks and Rumanians must be subordinated to German and Magyar rule, as was the case before the World War, or the present condition must be continued. To suppress the Polish Corridor, obviously the gravest peril to peace in Europe, would mean no more than restoring some =ix hun- | dred thousand Germans in Danzig and West Urussia to the reich and re- establishing direct tangency between East Prussia and Brandenburg at the | cost of turning nearly a million Poles | over to Prussian rule and depriving | Poland of an outlet on the sea. To| restore the old Hungary. even without Croatia and Slavonia, would be to re- turn more than three millions of Ru- manians and above two millions and a half of Sloveks to a rule that both ab- horred before 1919. Subject Races Once Dominant. But if the easy solution is lacking. if a revision of treaties is impossible, just as clear that the existing cond; is intolerable for the minorities. And it is intolerable for two reasons: First of all, the minorities in the main belong to races which were once dominant, and in their period of power persecuted the then subject and now supreme peoples abominably. The treatment of the Poles in Posen and West Prussia, of the Ru- manians, of the Czechs was such as to leave bitter memories and to render inevitable similar persecution employed by the new masters today. The second reason is even more com- pelling. One might believe that old n | there is a large Polish-spe: g popula- tion? And how can it make either the Poles or the Germans obey? If and when the Germans and Poles decide to accept voluntarily some state of fact as to their common frontiers, to agree upon a status quo, then the minority question will lose importance for both peoples. But today, while it is clear that the German minority in Po- land has suffered much hardship, has been subjected to much stupid and even brutal persectuion since 1919, fundamental fact is that the presence of this minority offers Germany the necessary opportunity to prevent Polish consolidation and to keep alive German Topes, And when Germany appeals to the League of Nations to protect the Ger- man population of Poland it is at the same time endeavoring to enlist world opinion against Poland, to keep alive the idea that the frontiers of Paris were unjustly drawn and that the German determination to recover the corridor and Upper Silesia is founded upon justice. It is also calculated to fortify the opinion, very current in Britain and not unfamiliar in America, that there can be no peace in Europe until the frontiers-of Germany in the East are revised, (Copyright. 1920.) Co-ordination Need In Research Cited The necessity of giving studious atten- tion to the outlining of new research projects and scrutiny of them as to objectives, point of attack and line of procedure was recently indicated by Dr, E. W. Allen, chief of the offices of ex- perimental stations of the Department of Agriculture. Dr. Allen pointed out certain defects that are some times exhibited by new projects. He classified the defects as follows: “Blanket pro- posals, unduly broad and indefinite; failure to take due account of previous work; defectis technique: procedure adequate for attainment of the objectives; demonstrations or purely routine undertakings; and an assign- ment of inadequate support.” While it is true that some commercial research suffers from such causes it is not the rule. On the other hand such misdirected research is the regular thing IIn our universities. So called academic rancors and surviving passions might freedom makes it next to impossible to the | Future of Democracy Challenged by Nationalists, H BY COUNT CARLO STORZA, for Foreign Affairs o e Ambassador 10 France. N old Europe, perhaps even here in | America, there are some intellec- | tual currents which are trying to | Jaunch the fashion of a certain | skepticism about the future of de- mocracy. When anti-democratic regimes have become possible in countries pre- | viously accustomed to a democratic con- ception of life there i no doubt that it is because a sort of literary movement | —the fruit of a mixture of war sensa- | tions and industrialistic interests—has | prepared the ground by throwing dis | credit and irony on democratic prin- | s c“¥n this has happrn;‘d y after great wars ;‘Lfiw«? emachE too great an importance to such a recurring phenomenon. ‘War as paved the way for the new condi- tions—war, with its miseries, with the | habit it fosters, whl: ltl lasts, of car- | r laws and rules. | miflt‘x—lem‘l? we ought. to remember that | nd of the bloody period of the | Revolullm'lll ;:lnd olprfhec )::-L ic Empire, al urope, France in- | ;C)ln\llszfi, |um2d ‘white” out of reaction. | | “"But,’ without turning to history, we | frequently in | reason enough | at the e French Ve les under our very eyes. [ uai to spare us the necessity of arguing on theoretical terms. ‘We may ."& practical philosophy of history | ?:;:, t';mparem@sv, national tragedy that | our generation has witnessed. This | tragedy cannot be the fate of Russia— | Russia was Asia before the revolution, | and still is Asia; she was an intolerable Police Tegime under the Czars, and she is an intolerable police regime under Soviet dictatorship. Russia does not of- | fer us any permanent lesson: she is still | ng through a series of dramatic es. Nobody knows whether things will end in some new dictatorial ad- ' venture or, as seems more probable, whether they will crystallize, perhaps slowly, into a form of atomic agrarian | pas: phas of Oregon, Representative Garner rolina, who nway through Congress, and especially through the Senate. In the coming extra session much will be heard of the historic differences of | the parties. | Democratic leader on the finance com- | mittee, is expected to make a fight for | the purpose, ostensibly at least, of keep- |ing the Democratic party to its old | moorings. ~ But everybody knows that |will be a vain endeavor. The fight which the Democratic leaders in the House and Senate will conduct for low tariffs will be in the main political. Democrats Feel Pressure. A few of the Democratic leaders, in- cluding Representative Cordell Hull of | Tennessee, undoubtedly are earnest ad- | vocsites and sincere believers in low | tariff rates, in the tariff for revenue | theory, perhaps even in free trade as a | matter of principle. But most of the | Democratic membership in Congress will have back of it the same demand for high tariff that Republican members have back of them, and to a large ex- tent it will yield to that demand. The rapid industrialization of the South since the World War has created |a situation which is profoundly affect- |ing tariff views. Southern industries are quite as clamorous—in some cases |even more so—for protection against | foreign competition as the industries in the North. Democratic members of Congress from the South are feeling the pressure of Southern industries for high tariffs and they are put-in.an embarrassing posi- tion because of it In one sense. the extra session. which will deal primarily with farm relie{ and Mistakes of Past, Notably democracy, which, after all. would be | best as far as the peace of Europe and | Asia is concerned. Fall of German Empire. The tragedy I was thinking of as the one which we have had the opportunity BISM tional conscience, in fact, may be dated from the morrow of the humiliating |battle of Jena, where Bonaparte's {armies seemed so_triumphant. German correlate research in a university and it is for this reason that in comparison to staff so much more is accomplished in commercial organizations. If it were possible to direct intelligently the affairs of a large university the accomplish- ment of a single institution could be | made to compare favorably with the remaining host of universities and col- leges in America taken as a group. The experiences of those who have tried to | bring about such co-ordination, even in s'a minor way, however, is not such as to encourage others to try it. die down were it not for the fact that | these minorities in most cases represent | the foundation of policies for the re- covery of lost lands. For Germany the | presence of a million Germans in the | borderlands, in the Corridor, Danzig | and Upper Silesia supplies the inevi- | table bases for aspirations and purposes to recover the lost provinces. And e actly the same situation exists in the | lands taken from Hungary and in the iands taken by Rumania The subject Germans and Magya are. in fact, enemy forces within the national frontiers of the new states. ! They constitute at once a basis for the | demand for the revision of frontiers and a force to resist the efforts of the Poles and the Rumanians to con- sclidate their national existence, There Are Two Sides. A recent study made by the psychol- ‘These minorities are responsive 0 ogy classes at the University of Cali- the impulses coming from Berlin and | fornia has yielded some interesting data Budapest. ‘They are encouraged inon childhood memory. “While the aver- their struggle, not alone by advice, but ' age age at which the students could by financial assistance, and their strug- | call upon their memories for impres- gle is to prevent the final consolida- | sions is 357 years for girls and 3.30 tion of the existing condition. They | for boys, some of the subjects were able do not disclose the smallest will or | to recall incidents that befell them as intention to become loyal and willing | eaerly as 6 months, 1 vear and 6 months citizens of their new countries. and 2 years.” The majority of the Yet, one must at the same time con- | carly memories were of unpleasant sider the situation of the German or |events. The women recorded 42.6 per Jungarian government, of Stresemann | cent unpleasant and 35.2 per cent pleas- or Gount Bethlen. Every day and ant. The figures for the men were 53.2 every hour bring appalling eviGence of | per cent and 25 per cent, respectively. the unhappy condition of the minori- | The remainder was of various degrees e, JFor rears A vast migration -has ! described as doubtiul or mj Majority of Earliest Memories Unpleasant 1 of witnessing through all of its phases, from the greatest prosperity down to | the greatest catastrophe, is that of the greatness and fall of the German Em- ire. It might be well to make a prelim- inary remark: There is in France a party—a minority, despite journalistic appearances—which _constantly de- nounces the German peril, the awaken- ing of the Boche, and by its words runs the risk of keeping alive the very dan- ger against which it pretends to be the best traditional French guardian. So far as home policy is concerned, these gentlemen are all in favor of autocracy, of dictatorship. They do not seem to have reflected on this; that if there is really a German danger for France at present it was created by the strong man in power, by the autocrat of their hearts—Bonaparte. ‘When the Corsican was first consul Germany was a loose confederation of about 300 states, independent of each other in essential matters and bound only by some lip homage to the Holy Roman Emperor, so-called in spite of his being neither holy nor Foman. It was Bonaparte—this highly overrated politician—who laid the first foundation of German unification and therefore of German power; he reduced the endle: German principalities to about 30. But this was only a material advar tage which he gave to Germany. Bona- parte did more. He gave the Germans a soul. ‘The birth of the present German na- \thinkers and _German youth were |awakened by the burning humiliation The new Germany, the Germany which in the twenticth century was the ad- miration of the world, began at Jena— a defeat; not at Sedan—a victory, Distress of Ttalians. T would like to remark, if I may di- gress a moment, that people really worthy of a future can be judged in the days of national sorrow, not in the days (of glaring, bragging falsification of patriotism. During the World War I was on the Balkan front, and happened ito cross the Adriatic on the very day when the Germans broke our Alpine front at Caporetto and were invading most of the glorious Venetian plains. I learned the news at sea through sarcastic, insulting wireless message: sent in German while our destroyer was trying to escape Austrian and German submarines, I still remember those |days as among the saddest of my life. T succeeded in going at once to the north, where my three brothers were all {on the firing line. I saw the usual miserable torrent of refugees flying before the enemy, as the Belgians had_done, as the French had done. Then finally I saw our new front. 1 felt at once that Italy had conquered. Never before had I seen such a dogged determination in the men. On all their faces there seemed to be written, “It is owr homes we de(end.un enemy must ARC not get through.” apparent defeat May I add, since I have started this digression, that just after the war I went to Constantinople as high com- | missioner for Italy in Turkey? At the ]time everything was disorganized in the Turkish offices there. Everything was on sale. It was easy for me to obtain copies of certain deliberations of the Sublime Porte. The tragic and beauti- ful days of Caporetto came back to my mind when I read that on receiving an ostentatious, self-satisfled report of the Austro-German successes in the Alps the grand vizler, Talaat Pasha, had de- clared: Tt is the greatest defeat since the {Marne; if the Italians have made a stand it means that they believe in final victory and that our victory, great as it may seem, is only a poor tactical suc- Fhed Italy was victor in So a_cunning Oriental saw the future more clearly than emperors and learnea statesmen in Western Europe. The Italians found the strength for a supreme defense, because they were a free people determined to defend a free country. Germany created & new conscience for herself after Jena, not because any anointed Emperor rallled the Germans around him, but because the professors, the students, the citizens of every rank felt the shame of being the dust of a people, not a people. It was this process of German moral unification that reached its culmination 40 years later, in 1848, when the German Diet at Frankfort proclaimed the resurrection of the German Empire—that German Ewplre which Bonaparte had removed | tion. Tariff Battle Now Near Struggle About 1o Break Out in Congress Gives Prospect of Going Down in History Owing to Intensity Senator Simmons, veteran | ! #5 tariff revision. will be a general scramble for higher rates. But it will not be en- tirely that. Politics still will play its part in tariff making. Clashing sec- tional interests and clashing industrial interests will disturb the legislative waters, ‘The world movement for tariffs since the war has not been without its effect on American public opinion. The large majority of both houses undoubtedly will take a hand for protection to pre- serve the home market. But there will be wide difference of opinion and much controversy over the question of just what measure of protection is adequate. ‘There still is a powerful element, in and out of Congress, that will look at tariff rates from the point of view of the consumer, insisting that excessive rates will operate as a tax on the public and that the maximum of tariff rates should be in accord with the principle of the famous Iowa idea of two decades ago. This was that the tariff should not be a shelter to monopoly and thas the tariff should measure the difference (Continued on Sixth Page.) Is Autocracy Returning? German, Being Tgnored to Vienna, where it had become a sim- le Hapsburg monarchy, with nothing eft of the old German medieval tradi- According to the Frankfort de- cisions, the empire was to be built on a popular basis. The reigning Hohen- | 70llern—who was found fo be insane a few years later—refused the crown be- cause he did not want to have anything to do with democracy. Germany Born Earlier. Germany sometimes is thought to have been created by violence and au- tocracy -on bloody battle fields in 1870, 22 years after the last pacific oppor- tunity of 1848. In reality Germany had |been born earlier and probably would have attained a great future even with- |out. the dangerous laurels of 1870. She already had her great writers, she al- ready had a_marvelous development of | instruction, her industry had shown a | forceful revival—indeed no power in the world oculd have delayed the recon- struction of the German reich. In the same way nobody could have prevented the almost contemporary unification of Italy. Both unifications were historical necessities. Germal probably would not have been Prussianized; it is even probable that the process of unification would have been less hasty. But that process was certain all the same, given the beautiful expansion of German thought, |the rapid increase of riches, trade and industry, and, after all, what are even a few decades in the history of a great nation? In a slower way Germany might have become an imperial state with & people of free citizens, not witha crowd of admiring, uncritical courtiers. I almost believe that the greatest fac- tors of Germany's misfortunes were two persons—Bismarck and William II—the first having a much greater sense of re- sponsibility than the second, as a genius must have in proportion to a simple amateur. Bismarck surely had some- thing approaching genius; certainly his was a powerful personality. But what I am persuaded of is that, though he had great diplomatic gifts, he did not have the essential gift of seeing into the fu- ture through history. The mere diplo- | mat. does not need this sort of genius; he works merely for immediate success. ‘Thus did Bismarck work. Creation of Triple Alliance. Once only in his life did he see far into history, but on that day he was in hnDR' contradiction of his old habits of the animal of prey. It was just after the Prusian victories over Austria in 1866, when, alone against his King and, of course, against all the generals, he forced a peace which did not take an inch of territory from Austria. That very day he created the triple alliance, with which he won for decades the German hegemony in Europe. But, apart from this episode—prob- ably not admired by realistic politi- cians who believe in the marvels of au- { tocracy—what is the career of Bismarck but a series of errors or miscalculations? He did not seize the opportunity of |creating a ' colonial empire for Ger- many when it could be had for the |asking. In this mistake are to be {found the tardy violences of the it Bismauckian German policy, with the interventions at Tangler, Agadir and so on—all those incidents which were the forerunners of the World War. | _He planned the destruction of the Polish element in the reich, and the |Poles of Posnania remained true to their Polish sentiments—both the rich i Poles in their castles and the peasants in_their villages. He irritated the Alsatians when a mild policy might have induced them to become more or less good Germans. By bullying them he made their Celtic spirit. still lve under their German { Cq!:‘&wd on Fowth Page.) DEMOCRATS ARE DIVIDED | AS G. O. P. WELDS FRONT Passage on House Floor Between Garrett and Two Colleagu BY MARK SULLIVAN, N the closing day of the recent Congress, the 3d of this month, a casual_exchange of remarks took place between two Democrats. ‘The question able standards and locked upon in a calm mood, was fantastically unimport- ant. It involved a difference of 11,000 in the total number of immigrants that may be admitted to the United States each year. It was a matter of deciding between the census of 1890 basis and | the so-called “national origins” bas a resolution was pending > for a year the taking effect of the national origins basis One of the participants in the ex- change was Finis J. Garrett of Tennes see. He was the official leader of his party in the House (though he retired from Congress at the close of the recent session). In this role Mr. Garrett had the function of parceling out the time. allocating so many minutes to one speaker, so many to another, and so on. speech. He was not arguing. In so far as one could gather, he was not in an | argumentative mood: in discussing the status of the resolution he merely said: do not think it ought to pas . and I hope this body will stop it.” Reseniment Fills Air, Instantly there was resentment in the air—resentment from members of Mr. i Garrett's own party. Representative | McCormack of Boston, Mass., putting a question in the form of a statement, said: “The gentleman is speaking as the minority leader or individually>” | Mr. Garrett replie { dividually, of course. Thereupon a second Representative, Douglass, also Democratic, and also | from Boston, spoke up: “I just want you to know you do not represent. the Northern Democracy in your position as a Southern Democrat today. To that Mr. Garrett replied: “Mr. Massach claim to. Congressional Record reports there was “laughter and applause.” Republicans Amused. Representative Douglass of Massa- chusetts concluded the exchange by saying: “And you never will have the right to claim it either.” One may guess that the “laughter and applau: came from the Repub. i before the House, judged by reason- | | Mr. Garrett was not himself making a | Oh, T speak in- | Speaker, I hope the gentleman from tts will note that I did not | Upon which retort the painstaking | es From Boston Is Held as Cleavage Barometer. a place on the ways and means com- mittee seems to perfect the healing. | 1s the Republican cleavage perma- i nently over? Or will it revive in the coming session? So far as one can see, there are no signs of its revival. ‘ As late as one, two and three years ago, one would have said it would be | utterly impossible for the Republicans to take up tariff revision in a session of Congress without causing cleavage. | Farm Relief Cause. | At that time, as recently as a year ago, some Western Republicans used to | talk about Eastern Republicans much | as some Northern Democrats now talk | about Southern Democrats. In those | expressions of bitterness from corn belt Republicans, the grievance they dwelt upon was farm depression and the need | of farm relief. | They devised a specific kind of relief which became familiar as the McNary Haugen bill. They said they must have the McNary-Haugen bill in precisely the shape in which they formulated it. If the Eastern Republicans would not grant it to them, they said, they would turn upon the Eastern Republican: Specifically and pointedly and repeated- ly, they said they would join the Demo- crats in an assault upon the sacred cow of the Eastern Republicans, the pro- tective tariff. They forced the McNary-Haugen bill through Congress—and President Cool- idge vetoed it. Then they said they would compel the Republican party to nominate Lowden on the issue of the McNary-Haugen bill, but the Repub- lican party did not nominate Lowden— and did nominate Mr. Hoover, who was the outstanding opponent of the Mc- i Nary-Haugen bill. Faction Loses in Tilt. ‘Thereupon the McNary-Haugen lead- ers took their cause to the Democratic convention—and received some sym- pathy, though not a full indorsement, from the Democratic platform and can- didate. In the campaign, the McNary- Haugen leaders said they would take several Western Republican States to Smith. They received some hundreds of thousands of dollars from the Demo- cratic treasurer—but they. did not take any Western State away from the Re- publicans, nor measurably reduce the Republican strength in any Western State. | The McNary-Haugen bill is dead as | anything in politics can be (by Me- i Nary-Haugen bill is meant the essential feature, the equalization fee; the rest of the McNary-Haugen bill, speaking not objectionable -to the | | lican side. Certainly it is they, and | broadly, i they alone, who have any occasion to| Orthodox Republicans and may be the smile or approve so deep a cleavage as | basis of the farm relief that will be this incident reflects in the Democratic | ;rr;:r)n by the coming session of Con- party. ; If there was true intention in the Looked upon from the disinterested | standpoint, of & country that has two | (0ol Of. those corh, belt Bepublicans great 951"1';’" ":{‘:’:“ “3:'::‘1‘0:"::“‘:;“: ern manufacturers, right now would be upon _their m o Cleavage Is not & thing to smile about, | e time when they would make their While one deplores i, one ean umder- it S gy e e stant . Mr. Garrett and other members of No Leader in Ranks. his party from the South undoubtedly| If one speculates about the peason, feel that historically they have priority | the answer is the one that has been as custodians of the party’s traditions. | stated classically by Carlyle, Emerson ‘They represent the territory that year|and various other historians and phi- in and year out has produced Demo- | cratic electoral votes in presidential elections—often at times when Massa- chusetts was going Republican, Bostonians Represent Power, On the other hand, the facts will support the feeling of the two Repre- sentatives from Boston, that they rep- resent ‘the denser bulk of the Demo- cratic party as it is today. ‘That part of the Democratic party which in the last election came from the Northern cities cast more votes than the Southern portion of the party. In Representative Douglass’ district the Democrats are so powerful that he had no opposition in the election last Fall. In Representative McCormack’s district he got 64,351 votes to his Republican opponent’s 19,937, However that may be, whatever may be the respective extenuations, the fact that stands out is historically important and seems to have unhappy future meaning. One may state it thus: The Democratic party, dividing angrily upon an aspect of the last election, incapacitates itself from winning a fu- ture election. That exchange between a Tennessee Democrat and the two Bos- ton Democrats was precisely in the angry spirit of the 1924 convention— :;\% forecasts a similar outcome for Two Parties Viewed. That episode in Congress constitutes losophers. Insurgency in the Republi- can party is dead because there is no powerful perso; thing that La Follette stood for is dead, because La Follette is dead. True, the La Follette dynasty lives on in a way, in the son whom everybody in Washington calls “Young Bob.” Robert, jr, sits in his father's seat. Young Bob, standing upon his own qualities, is an impressive per- son. Considering his youth, he is a | remarkable person. But for the handi- ! cap of health that is none too good, he might conceivably perform the miracle ?nt‘ll-x actually be a new edition of his ather, Elder La Follette Would Act. If the elder La Follette were living now, what he would be doing can be visualized by any one who knew him. With tremendous energy he would be compiling the figures which show that American manufacturing as a whole has been enormously profitable. He would be assembling accurate data about the dividends, and the extra dividends, and | the stock dividends. and the increases |in valuation on the New York Stock | Exchange—the sum of which amount, | in many cases, to literally hundreds of per cent. Alongside that, La Follette would show that hardly an average farm in the country is as high in price 9sday {as it was in 1914. Starting with tha | comparison of manufacturers that Ve an apt beginning for a consideration of | prospered enormously, with farms thas the state of the two great parties at | have prospered not at all, La Folistte, the moment when a new presidential | in hours ‘of speeches in’ the Senate, administration is beginning and a new Congress is about to function. The Democrats are divided. The Re- publicans, on the other hand. are less divided than at any time during more than 20 years. To find a period in which the Republicans dwelt in such unity as they do today one would need to go back to the McKinley adminis- tration, preceding the insurgency that arose in Roosevelt's administration. born as partially a reflection of Roose- velt's personality, that expressed itself in a prolonged and finally successful fight against Speaker Cannon and his rules, that became in 1912 a seceding third party larger than the Republican party itself, and that continued until the ‘death of La Follette, about four years ago—that insurgency which be- deviled the Republican party for prac- tically 20 years, apparently is now as dead a5 La Follette and Roosevelt them- selv | Frear Restoration Significant. Of the healing of ancient griefs with- in the Republican party, there is com- paratively minor and yet distinct sig- nificance in the restoration of Repre- sentative Frear of Wisconsin to a place on the ways and means committee. The presence or absence from the ways and means committee of one Representative —even so conspicuous and able a one as Frear, may not mean much to the casual reader. To the close observer of politics, however, it mcans the end of the defection from the Republican party that came to its height in 1924, when La Follette ran as a third party candidate. After that election, when Congress met, the orthodox Republican leaders decided to excommunicate such Republicans as had supported La Fol- lette or been friendly to him. In both the Senate and House, the Republicans solemnly met and went formally through the ritual of expelling La Follette's friends and supporters from the com- mittees upon which they had formerly held places. i Departure From Wisdom. ‘That variation from Republican ur- banity was also a departure from wis- dom. With cooler tempers came better sense. One by one the outlaws were restored to grace, the heretics forgiven. The restoration, just now, of Frear The Republican insurgency that was | to |tain. | would demand to know if manufactur- | ing needs higher tariffs. | Largely because there is no instrge | ency of ‘this sort. there is no materiai ;cxmvm in the Republican party. | (Copsright, 1920.) |Fish Frozen Alive | Can Be Revived Can life exist at absolute zero of tem« | perature? This temperature which is | the lowest that we can ever expect ta obtain is equal to 459.6 degrees below zero Fahrenheit, the zero to which we refer in ordinary temperature measures ments. In an article in Tycos-Rochess ter, for January. S. R. Winters quotes Dr. C. W. Kanolt, of the Bureau of Mines, who came within 22 degrees of this temperature in experiments when at the Bureau of Standards. “Some very simple forms of life,” says Dr. Kanolt, “can exist at very low tem- peratures. Fer example, a fish may be | frozen alive and restored to normal condition without injury, provided both the freezing and the thawing processes are applied gradually. By the same token, it is reasonable to assume that a fish could be brought to the Bureau of | Standards and subjected to the extreme | cold environment necessary to the pro- | duction of liquid air—not thrust therein | Without sacrificing its life. Once frozen | the fish would be immune to the ex- | tremes of temperature in the neighbor- | hood of absolute zero. If, however, such | frozen fish is to be restored to normat condition, the thawing process would also have to be slow; otherwise, the fish would burst into pleces by reason of any | quick restoration. Roof Gardens for Airport. Roof gardens and cafes with prome- nades are to be features of an airport that is to be constructed by French en- gineers. In their plan to popularize avi- ation they also will have a tower from which spectators may see the planes arrive and depart. Hotel a tions and waiting rooms are to be pro. vided. The main building will also con- administrative offices.