Evening Star Newspaper, January 13, 1929, Page 33

EDITORIAL SECTION he Sundwy Star, Reviews of Books ' Part 2—8 Pages WASHINGTON, D. €, SUNDAY MORNING, ANUARY 1 o 3, 1929, EUROPE LOOKS ON PACT ', AS AID TO STATUS QUO Hopes Kellogg Treaty Enforcement Will| Obligate U. S. to Accept League Decisions. BY FRANK H. SIMONDS, ILL the ultimate consequence of the adoption of Kellogg pact by the United | States be a partnership be- tween the League of Na- tions and our own country to police the ‘world? This is the aspect of the concomitant debate over the naval bill and the Kellogg treaty which is at- tracting most attention in Europe and, oddly enough, least on this side of the Atlantic, In a sense the question is old. Ever since we refused to join the League of Nations Europe has been troubled over the possible consequences of a collision between American and League policies, It has, too, been increasingly disturbed as we have seemed likely to insist upon naval equality with Great Britain. For the British fleet plays an enormous role in the League scheme. The present situation is both strange and not without its element of danger. By virtue of articles 10 and 16 of the League of Nations covenant, the mem- ber nations are bound to undertake certain more or less ill-defined opera- tions against any nation guilty of an aggression against a member nation, once the fact of aggression has been y established by the act of the Council. This means that if Germany were to undertake a new invasion of Belgium— to take an illustration quite unlikely in actual fact—Belgium would appeal to the League, the League would declare Germany an aggressor and then it would be the duty of all the member nations to get together to plan a com- mon action against Germany. Blockade One of Main Details. Such a common action would beyond any doubt include as one of its main details the blockade of Germany. Not less important, possibly, would be the decision of the member nations to place Germany under an embargo so far as . Mmoney, food and raw materials were * conterned. Since Germany's military force would not be adequate to repeat the great invasions of 1914 in France, the League powers might agree to limit their military operations to occupying the Rhine barrier and rely upon the blockade and embargo for the rest. Obviously the immediate problem ‘would then be the action of the United States. If our Government declined to accept the decision of the League, if it refused to regard Germany as an outlaw nation, if it should see in the German action not an aggression but a step of actual national self-defense, then it would undoubtedly insist upon its right both to trade with Germany and to lend Germany money, in so far as such ac- tion was not subject to interference under the laws of war. We should then at once come into conflict with the British fleet, which would act with the League. 1If our fleet were equal to the British the naval as well as the legal aspects of the ques- tion would at once be serious. The rea- son Great Britain has so far hesitated to give any real pledge of using her fleet on League business is because of the immediate chance of collision with the United States. ‘What the usfue and the pro- ‘Leaguers of the United States have been working at ever since we rejected the treaty of Versailles, is to find some way to abolish any gos!ibfllty of American interference with League police opera- tions. They want to establish a legal situation which will assure that when the League declares any nation to be an aggressor and liable to punishment, the United States will accept that decision as binding upon it, at least to the ex- tent of waiving its rights as a neutral, ‘Would Obligate Acceptance. On the surface this does not seem an unreasonahble endeavor. But it is clear both that'the decision of the League may easily be such that the United States could fairly question its moral v basis and that, if in advance we agreed to let the League decide the matter for us, we should always be bound to accept the League decision both in cases where it might seem to us morally sound, and in others when it would appear a mere political affair. ‘The league is not only the instrument for preventing future wars, but it is also the machine for enforcing the decisions of the last conflict. - If, for example, Germany and Austria were to vote to unite, and seek to give effect to this vote, that would constitute just as grave | an aggression under the League consti- | tution as a new German invasion of Belgium, ‘Thus, while almost all Americans would agree that the Germans and Austrians were merely exercising the ¢ inalienable right of self-determination in voting to unite, the League, on the application of the French, the Poles or the Czechs, would be bound to declare that Germany had been guilty of an aggression and that she was liable to all the police pursuits prepared by the Council. And the chief among these sanctions would certainly be the block- ade and the embargo. So if we had promised in advance to respect a League blockade, if we had committed ourselves in advance to per- mit the League to decide for us, we should become no more than an ac- cessory to the League of Nations, not merely in its task of preserving peace, but also in maintaining the status quo in_Europe. ‘That we should do this has been the thope of Europe ever since our with- the | drawal from Europe has seemed likely to endure at least for a considerable | period of years. Thus for Europe the | Kellogg treaty holds out the immediate | promise of opening a way to the reali- zation of the European hope. Obviously ‘u would be a simple matter to argue that the nation which violated the covenant of the League of Nations had also_violated the Kellogg pact, nor would it be less simple to reason that | the United States would agree, at the | very least, not to interfere with a European undertaking to punish the | nation guilty of violating both con- | tracts. | Al this is but one phase of the de- | velopment of the United States as a | world power. Before 1914 Europe had | no reason to pay attention to the | United States, s as it recognized | American policy in the matter of South | America, and, to a lesser extent in Asia. As far as Europe itself was con- cerned, the great powers went on with their alliances, their ententes and their quarrels just as if the United States did not exist. Since the war, however, it has been impossible to ignore the nation that in wealth was plainly the first power on the planet. Our influence, too, was naturally fortified by the development of our Navy and by the proclamation | on our part to equal British sea power. Quite simply, the European problem has been to find some way of insuring themselves against any American in- terference. We have become too power- ful to ignore, but in the face of this fact Europe has been steadily seeking to find a means to neutralize our power. | The League offered just such a means, | for once we were in the League we could always be outvoted in the Council and the decision of the Council would remain binding upon us. As Europe was sure always to preserve a majority in the Council, as the allies of the war were sure for a long time to hold a majority of that majority, had we joined the League we should have been de- prived of all real importance. Our fleet and our wealth would then have been one of the resources of the League powers in enforcing its decisions and of the allied powers of the war in pre- serving the status quo. Once we rejected the League, the problem became acute. Some way must be found to keep us from interfering with the League operations. To a con- siderable extent such a way might have been found if we had' joined the World Court. But when we refused to join the World Court, as we had declined &bj&ln the League, the difficulty per- | Everything turns upon the inter- pretation we are prepared to give the Kellogg treaty. Is it to serve as a bridge to get over the gap left in the European system when we rejected the League and the court? Having ratified this treaty, which bears the name of the American Secretary ‘of State, shall we consent to regard as an aggressor and a criminal any nation which the Coun- cil of the League declares has violated the covenant of the League and which all the interested nations will unite in affirming has similarly violated the Kel- 1og§ pact? If we build our fleet to parity with British, if we refuse to bind ourselves to refrain from using the fleet to protect our rights under international law, whenever the League declares that a nation has sinned and proclaims a sort of holy war against it, then it is quite clear that the machinery of the League for preserving peace has very little real value, because it can only be invoked at the risk of bringing the United States into the quarrel on the side against the League powers and Great Britain into a naval quarrel with us. Would Expese Us to Risks. For us to give any such pledge would mean giving a promise to permit the nations belonging to the League to de- cide our action for us. It would make us one of the most important agencies for the maintenance of the status quo in Europe. Finally, it would expose us to the risks of Fre!t commercial and financial losses incident to blockades. And all this might happen in cases in which the majority of the American even that the weight of moral justifica- tion was on the part of the nations proclaimed to be the criminal. VToday the Council of the League of Nations is the instrument by which Great Britain and France, together with the allies of these powers, dominate Europe. Whenever British and French policies can be combined the Council is the place where this Anglo-French con- trol is expressed. Thus, in any crisis, were France and Britain to agree, it would not be difficult for them to con- trol a majority of the Council and to decide in accordance with Anglo-French interests what to do. And since we are absent from the League, France and; Britain could, were we bound to re- spect the League decision, shape our course to suit, their ends. It is perfectly true that there Is nothing in the text of the Kellogg treaty which opens the way to any such realization of European hopes as has been sketched. On the other hand, it | is just as patent that Europe sees in | the pact the promise of a change in American _point of view toward the League. It hopes that once we have adopted the pact we shall perceive the need of enforcing it, and that that per- ception will bring us to associate our- selves with League police operations. (Copyright, 1929.) _Canal, Developing Enormous Power, Requires Plants to Locate in Canada BY CHARLES LYNCH. OTTAWA.—United States manufac- turers must establish thelr factories in Canada if they want electrical energy which will be developed by the proposed Beauharnois Canal, which now awaits the probable approval of the Dominion federal government. The Beauharnois project proposes to construct a power canal 14 miles long and 4,000 feet wide, on the St. Lawrence | River from Lake St. Francis to Lake St. Louis, and sell the power developed. The 83-foot fall of water with an average flow of 40,000 cubic feet a sec- ond will be harnessed to generate 500,000 horsepower as the initial de- velopment, and will be capable of 2,000,000 horsepower. As a result of energy belng developed as cheap as $15 per horsepower, it is estimated that new industry involving an' outlay of $150.000.000 will result. The new concerns lined up are British and American. The Beauharnois Canal will lie en- tirely in the Province of Quebec. be an all-Canadian project. as been found economically feasible by | 5 : has | traditionally a mark of the bourgeoisie. the Quebec government. which granted a lease for 75 years It will | anal The plan | with the | navigation through the canal and also | to prevent any lowering of the level of Montreal Harbor or the St. Lawrence | River below. ‘The Beauharnois project will be one | of the largest power projects in the | world and is backed by a syndicate of | 150 persons, including some of the lead- | ing Canadian capitalists and most of the large investment and banking concerns. An _expenditure of $65,000,000 is in- | volved. Power to the extent of 500,000 horse will be available within the next three years. The Beauharnois project does not impede the ultimate development of the St. Lawrence-Lakes- to-Gulf waterway. 38 Newspaper Men Win Swedish Seats The “sons” have it, at least as far the law-making activities of the | Swedish government are concerned. An discloses that 150 of the 380 members | have family names ending in *son, The sociological change in the com- Testriction that no electric power shall | position of the law-making bodies has power be sold to a company that ex- electrical _energy. Permission, orts Eowu'er. is granted for the sale of power to the Province of Ontarlo. The plans are drawn to take care of places in the second be exported from Canada, nor any |even, brought the newspaper man into his own, according to list of professions represented in the two chambers. Six- teen scribes have managed to win seats in the upper chamber while 22 hold house. - people felt they were not concerned or [‘ministration is Republican; and the re- of the two houses of parliament | TR AT AR TR T IICTACH RS \ BY REX COLLIER. N President-elect Herbert Hoover the National Capital has not only a distinguished citizen who claims residence therein, but a friend sympathetic to its needs and will- ing to do all in his power to further its aspirations of becoming the world’s most beautiful city. The next President has seen a few capitals in his time. He has noted their beauties and their shortcomings. He has profited by what he has learned, for cut of the composite picture there has come to hime a quite definite con- ception of what America’s capital should be like. - Mr. Hoover, this correspondent has ascertained, belleves no pains should BY MARK SULLIVAN. President, in Selecting HERE is now under way one of the most important processes of the Government of the United States, cabinet making. Besides being important, it is humanly interesting, in that the selection is made wholly by one man. It reflects one man intently and sometimes anxiously survey- ing the United States to find ten men best able to administer the Government. The ten men chosen by a President as his cabinet to a large extent make the record he himself will have in history. To say a President seeks the “best ten men” is of course subject to some qualifications. ‘The men, or most of them, must be sufficiently identified with orthodox Republicanism when the ad- verse, of course, when the administra- tion is Democratic. Another qualifica- tion lies in the capacity of men for team work. A man might be the one best in his field, but unavailable for a cabinet. All in all, cabinet picking is delicate business for the man who has the re- sponsibility. Leeway for President. True, the cabinet must be chosen in the manner prescribed by the Constitu- tion—that is, selection by the President, followed by confirmation on the part of the Senate. But by a kind of common consent the senatorial prerogative of confirmation, of looking into the character and fitness of nominees pro- posed by the President for various offices, is exercised less vigorously in the case of nominees for the cabinet than in any other class of appointments. There is a feeling that the President is entitled to appoint_these ten members of his per- sonal official family with a minimum of interference. & Confirmation by the Senate is r?q\llrl‘d; by the Constitution. But the process of confirmation is almost always per- functory. Only once in 50 years, so far as I can recall from memory and hasty examination of records, has the Senate refused confirmation to a man_proposed as a cabinet member by the President, This case occurred under President Coolidge. He proposed to fill & vacancy occuring in the office of Attorney Gen- eral by appointing Charles B. Warren of Michigan. The appointment was re- jected by the Senate, chiefly on the ground that one of the most. important official functions of the Attorney Gen- eral is to enforce the anti-trust act, and that Warren, some years ago, had a rather conspicuous record as a legal de- fender of a trust which at that time was looked upon as a flagrant offender against anti-trust law and sentiment. Process is Varied. The process of cabinet making is as! varied as the temperaments and the| peculiar circumstances of the Presidents. | Probably when Mr. Hoover’s cabinet is finally made public it will be apparent that Mr. Hoover’s method of choice differed from that of any of his pre- decesso! The method followed by every President is unique, for each of them has his own conception of the duties of the cabinet departments, his own body of acquaintance among pub- lic men and his own “slant” about in- dividuals. The late President Wilson was peculiarly a law unto himself in the method he adopted for seeking out cabi- net material. Some idea of the considerations in- fluencing the choice of cabinet mem- bers may be had by recalling and sur- veying the latest cabinet that was chesen as a whole and all at one time. This was the cabinet selected by the late President Harding in 1921. The e et chosen by Harding has not been changed as a whole; that is, there has bren no naming of 10 men fo compose a new cabinet. ~As individuals resigned from Harding's cabinet he named their suceessors. When Mr.' Coolidge became President, as the result of Harding's ! N N Hoover and the Capital President-elect to Further Idea of “World’s Most Beautiful City”’—Some Things He Would Change AND THE PROPOSED MALL DEVELOPMENT (LOWER). be spared to make Washington elo- quently expressive of the enviable posi- tion of the United States in the society of nations. To accomplish that end he would have the best thought in American art go into the architectural composition of the city. Through that composition, he holds, should run a motif o simple dignity like that already expressed in certain public buildings, such as the Lincoln Memorial, the Treasury Building and the Capitol. The picture at present is far from perfect, to the mind of such a friendly critic as the President-elect. He fis known to shudder at such inharmoni- ous splotches in the very foreground as the architecturally overworked State, War and Navy Building and at the death, he kept all of Harding's cabinet. As individuals resigned Mr. Coolidge appointed their successors. When Mr. Coolidge became President in his own right in 1925 he retained his cabinet as it then existed, except with respect to one resignation. Harding's selection of 10 men in 1921 was therefore the last example we have had of the making of a complete cabi- ret. The Harding method of selection was as different as possible, probably, from what the Hoover method will be, but Harding's experience will serve to illustrate the method. ‘The writer of this article called on Harding at his home in Marion, Ohio, Some Poor lack of structural uniformity along ‘Washington's most famous thorough- fare, Pennsylvania avenue. Mr. ‘Hoover from the first has taken a deep personal interest in the so-called triangle _development plan, now in course of realization. The $50,000,000 worth of public buildings which will rise on the Mall between the Capitol and the Ellipse will eliminate the dis- cordant part of the picture south of Pennsylvania avenue. But the Presi- dent-to-be thinks that something should be done about the other side of that great boulevarde, now in unhappy con- trast to what is planned to the south. It is understood Mr. Hoover is wholly sympathetic to the proposal to give the Fine Arts Commission much more au- Picking a New Cabinet His Official Advisers, Has Several Problems to Face—Process Interesting on January 1, 1921. Harding had then been practically two months elected President and had two months remain- ing before he should assume the office. He was in the midst of his cabinet meking—and just about midway of a curious and interesting evolution of thought cn this subject through which he passed. He spoke, in substance, as follows: “I find this matter of selecting a cabinet is a heavy responsibility, and very different from what I supposed. Before the election, during the cam- paign, so far as I thought about it at all, I thought of the selection of a cabinet as being one of the real pleas- Blind Folk Have Never Seen a Miracle * BY BRUCE BARTON. ERE is an important dis- tinction that many peo- ple overlook. God made the world; but He does not make your world, He provides the raw materials, and out of them every man selects what he wants and builds an individual world for him The fool looks over the wealth of material provided, and selects a few plates of ham and eggs, a few pairs of trousers, a few dol- lar bills—and is satisfied. The wise man builds his world out of wonderful sunsets, and thrilling experiences, and the song of the stars, and romances and miracl Nothing wonderful ever hap- pens in the life of the fool. A primrose by a river's brim, A yellow primrose is to him. And it is nothing more. An electric light simply an electric light; a telephone is only a telephone—nothing unusual at all. But the iwise man never ceases to wonder how a tiny speck of seed, apparently dead and buried, can produce a beautiful yellow flower...He never lifts a tele- phone receiver or switches on an electric light without a certain feeling of awe. And think what a mira this harnessing of electr the service of man! Who, unless his sense of awe had grown blunt ‘through con- | stant familiarity, would believe it? b The sun, the center of our uni- verse, goes down behind the western horizon. | touch a but- ton, and presto! | have called it back—the room is flooded anew with light. The thunder that men once called the voice of God rolls out its mighty waves of sound, and the sound carries only a few score miles. But I—puny speck upon the face of the earth—I lift a little instrument: and, be- hold, my whisper is heard a thousand miles away. Prometheus stole fire from the gods and brought it down to earth. For that crime the gods chained him to a lonely rock and sent .a huge bird to feed upon his_vitals. Each night the d, and each day it was torn open again. That was the punishment of the man who dared to wrest away the richest treasure of the gods. But fire—the treasure of the gods—has almost disappeared out of our daily life: we scorn ? a button: and lo, heat, invi ilent, all-pervasive, flows our homes over a copper wire. Do we need power? We have but to press another switch, and giants come to us over the same slender roadway. Clothed in in- visible garments, they clean our hom wash our clothes, crank our utomob — do everything that once taxed the strength of men and hurried women into unlovely old age. Don't let your life become a prosaic affair: don't let familiar- ity with the marvels about you breed thoughtlessness and con- tempt. Let the fool build his world out of more food and drink and clothes: you fashion yours out of marvelous experiences: furnish and decorate it with miracles. your mind in the train your soul to reverent awe. If you had stood with Moses on the shore of the Red Sea, and had seen it divide to let the chil- dren of I pasa over, you would have had no difficulty in recognizing that as a miracle. But every night when the sun goes down a man stands in a powerhouse in your city and throws a switch, and instantly the city and the country for miles around are flooded with sunshine. And ypu say to yourself casually: “Oh, | see the lights are on.” (Copyrisht, 1029.) PRESIDENT-ELECT HOOVER AND THE STATE, WAR AND NAVY BUILDING (UPPER LEFT), THE LINCOLN MEMORIAL (UPPER RIGHT), thority than it now possesses—authority to regulate the type of construction along certain prominent avenués and public spaces | unity may be achieved. He would have | this power_exercised in no light man- ner along Pennsylvania avenue, he has indicated to friends. That State, War and Navy Building hurts Mr. Hoover's esthetic sense so much that he has given considerable thought_to the problem it presents, in an unofficial and informal way. learned on good authority that he would like to strip off all the architec- tural gewgaws and other grotesque em- bellishments distinguishing that edifice " (Continued on Fifth Page) g ures of the presidency. I really sup- posed at that time that what a Presi- dent should do was to pick out 10| friends who had been most loyal to him and give them the honor of the highest gifts at his command. I really supposed that would be the way I would go about it. I Jooked forward to the chance to | be kind to my friends in this way as cne of the compensations of the presi- | dency. I looked forward to the pleas- | ure my friends would show when I| told them I was going to put them in the cabinet. Of course, I knew the men would have to be Republicans and would have to be otherwise equipped ard available, but I thought of cabinet making wholly in terms of personal friendship.” Couldn't Be Done. ! Thus far Harding spoke, and then, | with a most appealing gesture of hu- mility, of meaning to do his best, of | being surprised by a high ideal, he put | his hand on his heart and said, with | almost evangelical earngstness: “But I find you can't do it that way. You just can’t. You must get big men for the cabinet. It pains me to think of the friends that I cannot appoint. I hate to think of meeting them. I am going through torment right now about a man I would like to appoint, who, I think, expects to be appointed, and who will be disappointed and who will feel hurt, together with his friends, when I don’t appoint him.” Recalling that Harding, at the time he said this, was just in the midst of his cabinet making, that he had arrived | at about five of his appointments and had five yet to make, one can survey the Harding appointments in the light of the change occurring in his psy- chology. It will refresh recent memory to print the entire Harding cabinet as it was announced and took office some | two months after the conversation here | recited: Secretary of State, Charles E. Hughes. Secretary of the Treasury, Andrew ‘W. Mellon. l Secretary of War, John W. Weeks. Attorney General, Harry M. Daugh- Tty. Postmaster General, Will H. Hays. Secretary of the Navy, Edwin Denby. " ?ecretny of the Interior, Albert B. 'all. Secretary of Agriculture, Henry C. Wallace. | e so that architectural | Tt is | PERIOD OF A Business and Indust Nation to Still BY SENATOR ARTHUR CAPPER. | ‘ h 75 are entering the most glori- | clouds in the sky, economic conditions are good, except | in a few industries, such as agriculture, | | raising the living standards of all the | people. Not only that, but we have clected a man to the presidency who major difficulties in human administra- | tion. I believe, therefore, that the | United States will make substantial | bave been left to the *“let alone”| cconomists. | Perhaps it is not necessary to enter | ps himself informed as'to the prog- | ress of the American Nation. But some | are very evident, as the one in agri- | country from the standpoint of profits | ever since the depression of 1920 started. | | Some other industries also are in a | wages in certain lines of industry and | in various localities are subnormal; any | | one who wishes to go into this angle to | | Department of Commerce, the Federal Trade Commission and the National | | Industrial Conference Board. And there | ! subscribe to the old belief that a mil- | lion men out of work in this country is |a normal or healthful condition. Ican | {from job to job, but I think that a | million is excessive. ~And when the number becomes much larger than this, | thousands of folks. Denies Full Employment. T favor the gospel of full employment. economists, in reference to industrial | production: “If the right numbers of | people are engaged in the different lines | such thing as overproduction; the only | possible result of such a system is to raise the standards of living for us all.” | of that theory in the progress industrial life has made during the last few years in America. Isn't it possible to carry the brains to do just that job. And it seems to me that it is divided into three general divisions. The first deals | matter. Briefly, any industry that ex- | pects to make the greatest progress must_design a system which will bring utives, the subexecutives (some of whom will take the more important places in the years to come) and the men in the groups. And some organizations are obtaining these. It has seemed to me that the General Motors Corporation, three classes, and this is no doubt re- sponsible for much of the outstanding progress it has made in the last few the national one. I feel that we should make greater progress in buying larger human values with the higher incomes decline in moral standards among the American people in the last few years, and while T am hopeful for the future | real welfare of the country we should do more in developing the cultural and artistic values in American life. In values in organized society, which must always be in the foreground of our thinking if our Nation is to make\the Then there is the matter of the rela- tionship of the Government to busi- ness in general and to the employes. is the proposal that we arrange for wn elaborate program of internal improf>- ments, which would be started at thLe ;stem, _another insurance _against panics. I.favor the idea, and I believe it will ba possible to work out some- that in this highy complex age in which we live it is necessary for the Government to go a considerable dis- year basis. There is an illustration of that in the Boulder Dam project. While there was plenty of disagreement national lawmaking body, ard the dam will be constructed. Good Roads Program. Secretary of Commerce, Herbert Hoo- ver, Secretary of Labor, James J. Dav (Incidentally, it was interesting to observe that of those 10 cabinet mem- | bers who took office March 4, 1921, two, Secretary of the Treasury Mellon and | Secretary of Labor Davis, are still in| office. A third, Secretary Hoover of the | Commerce Department, remained in of- fice until his nomination for the Presi- dency last June, and but for that nom- | ination probably would have remained to the end.) 1 Overlapping Categories. | In the process that selected these 10 members of the Harding cabinet there were really four overlapping cate- gories rather than the two that Hard- ing mentioned. Some were selected primarily, and in two cases almost ex- clusively, on the basis of old personal friendship. The Attorney General, Harry Daugh- erty, had been Harding's intimate per- sonal friend for many years. Onlg that_friendship, and no other quali- | fication, counted for the Daugherty ap- | pointment. It is true that Daugherty. in addition to his personal iniimacy | with Harding, had been politically serviceable to him, had been his suc- cessful political manager. But Daugh- erty would hardly have been made At- torney General on the basis of political services alone. The Secretary of the Interior, Albert Fall, was another of Harding’s intimates. It was these two, parenthetically, who got Harding into (Contin | pople is a question that is, of course, | roads program | highway | apparently has amazed every one, in- | |crete road from Topeka to Kansas ous age this Nation has ever | known. There are no war | and steady progress is being made | | through the aid of mass production in has demonstrated that he has an un-| usual capacity for working out the | progress in the next few yvears in solv- ing economic problems which so far | | into an extensive catalog of these, as | they are familiar to every person who | culture, for example. This business has | been out of line with the rest of the | depressed condition, as coal and tex- tiles, for instance. Average annual | modern _business ~ conditions can find | | ample data from the reports of the | i5 altogether too much unemployment, | |in my judgment. Personally I do not | understand that some men will be out tof work at any time, as they change tas it was a year ago, living conditions | become very unhappy for hundreds of | And my mind keeps going back to an old axiom, accepted by at least many | of work and the channels of distribu- | {tion are kept open, there can be no: | It seems to me we have had a consider- able demonstration of the correctness | the movement much further? Personally, I believe this Nation has| with the problems of business adminis- tration; it is purely an organization out the best that is in three classes of | | employes—the directing or major exec- shop. Maximum loyalty and enthusiasm for the job are necessary with all three for example, is doing a mighty good job in developing individual initiative in all years. The National Angle. ‘The second angle to this problem is and greater leisure brought by mass production. We hear much about the over that angle of our national life, I| do feel that from the standpoint of the other words, I am looking toward the promotion of the more substantial progress which we have a right to exnact. This takes many forms. One which e hear a good deal about these days first signs of unemployment, thus pro- viding, along with the Federal Reserve thing along that line which will be helpful. Not only that, but it is evident tance with internal improvements as a settled, definite policy, on a year-by- over this undertaking, both in Con- gress and outside, it finally passed the Whether it will work out from the standpoint of economic benefits to the in the lap of the gods, but there is no question as to how our national good is working out. The increasing traffic over the surfaced 's in the last five or six years | cluding the engineers who built them, and who perhaps have been regarded as optimistic folks. Take the con- City, for example, which I have had ample cpportunity to observe. At the time it was built, just following the World War, it carried very little traffic. This has increased year by year, until it now is an enormous volume. In many places the road has had a con- siderable influence in the development of more profitable types of agriculture. It is obvious that from the standpoint of organized society this highway has been a good investment. And it is typical of most of the improved roads. | I forecast that the same result will be obtained from the improvement of the rivers, which will be one of the major projects in internal improvements of the next few years. NATION NEAR GLORIOUS DVANCEMENT ry Exvected to Aid Higher Plane of Prosperity. adequate public buildings, are of such a nature that they can b2 handled only by the Government. And I can see no logical reason why this work cannot be directed in a way that will contribute to the economic progress and stability of all the people. Protective Tariff. Another paramount problem eon- fronting Congress which has a most intimate relationship to our whole economic fabric is that of the pro- tective tariff. A revision of the sched- ules doubtless will be cne of the main tasks undertaken by the House and Senate when they meet next Decem - ber for the long session. I am hopeful over our ability to do a good job: it seems to me that we need to bring a maximum of ° constructive economic reasoning to bear on this problem and a minimum of political manipulation It seems to me that changes should be made with the greatest atten! {he industries that are out of line with the march of economic progress. In other words, I believe in making a gen- eral application of the benefits of the protective tariff. Any -discussion now of the fundamental soundness of the protective principle can only be of an academic nature; we have developed our amazing prosperity behind the Great Wall, and there, in my judg- ment, it is going to remain. Its posi- tion has been strengthened by the legisiation of recent years that las been - designed to keep out competing labor. And an adequate foundation aas been provided by the- vast mineral and agricultural resources of the country. But,.despite all these helps, the Great Wall -has proved its worth: now let’s use it in the most efficient way, which will give a square deal for all the peo- ple, just as nearly as this can be hu- manly determined. General Service Agencies. I think that the Government should give increased support to general serve ice agencies, such as the Departmenf of Agriculture and the Department of Commerce, which have taken such a constructive place in the development of national thought and in studying research problems of a type that only the Government can undertaks. And that is true in other places: when we are against such troubles as the fiu epidemic, for example, we sae *he value of providing for agencies whica will aid in keeping such serious matters under control. A long catologue could easily be made of the outstandin; achievements of the Department o Agriculture. which would show many places where it has been decidedly helpful in the material and paysice: well-being of the people. From time to time the Government should change its policies in reference to business to make them conform to our changing conditions in this highly complex era. I feel, for example, that it should extend its control over the futures trading in some lines of food products, as wheat, as this has degen- erated on some markets into an evil and a decided nuisance to both the producers and the consumers. On.the other hand, it is-not impossible that at some time in the future a change will be made in the “consent decree” as it re- lates to the packers, although this is, of course, a move that the courts must undertake. This decree dates back about 15 years to a time when there was great objection to the packers en- gaging in the retailing of meats, and some court action. As a compromise, the “consent decree” eliminated the packers from the retailing of their products. But with the rise of the chain stores in recent years, we have lost much of our fear of the chain idea, Now there are many folks in this coun- try—I encounter them in increasing numbers—who-believe that the packers should be in the retailing business. Sees Progress Ahead. Whether they should be allowed to do this is not, after all, the point—the “big idea” is that we should try to conduct the Government in a way so it will be of the greatest service to all the people. 1 think that under the leadership of Herbert Hoover this Na- tion will make real progress along that line, and I forecast, too, that he will get more co-operation of a constructive nature from Congress than some of the critics of that body will now admit is possible. Congress may be a fearful and wonderful organization and it may contain some “fatheads,” as the pes- simistic brethren declare, and it may be lacking in an economic background, but I have found that most of the folks in both houses—at least, a huge ma- jority of them—are trying to do the right thing: and if they have leader- ship in which they have confidence, they will line up all right. I feel that :-{le’;ben Hoover will supply that leader- Uniform Irish H;l_el Rate Scale Is Sought . The Irish Free State is' serious in its efforts to establish a profitable tour- ist ‘rade. It is regarded as a passibly fruitiul source of national income, and the example of Switzerland is quoted to show its benefits. One difficulty in the way 3s the Irish hotels. All th» efforts of the Touist Association to set up a standard scale of rates have had but a limited effect. As a rule one pays most for the worst accommodation, while the best hotels are modeled on the best of other countries, and their bills are normal and calculable. It is suggested, as thé only solution, that 4he covernment deal witn the matter by act of Parialzcnt angd forbid oVercharging. Another difficulty, inferior cooking; 1s being dealt with and the Hotel Keepers' Association has started cuiinary ciusses in the technical schools. There are ses both for chefs and for the ordi- woman cooks. Scholarshipz are offered, and success means a sure job in a hotel. Japan’s Girl Students Urging Co-Education Girl students at Nihon University in Tokio are making a vigorous campaign for co-education in universities. and preparatory schools throughout Japan. Miss Tsuru Obayashi, one of the 100 girl students allowed at the university as “visitors” and the leader of the co- educational movement, contends that until the ministry of education is finan- cially able to establish universities for women it should allow them full prive ileges in existing institutions. She cha acterized the authorities' neglect as due to excessive worry over possible immor- ality. Many universities in Japan ad- ‘We are entering an age which re- quires that a real effort be made in the development of the natural resources. Much of this work will be done by private initiative. Bui some of the projects, such as road, harbor and river improvements and the construction of oy mit girls as “visitors” but not as fulle fledged students because there are no preparatory institutions which qualify girls for admission. The girl students ars not regarded as university grade uates even if they complete the regu- lar course with high standing. It 1’ this which- irks- them- most:-