Evening Star Newspaper, July 4, 1926, Page 34

THE SUNDAY STAR, WASHINGTON, D. C, JULY 4, 1926—PART V. A March of 43 Days Over Trackless East Africa to Save a Life Editor's Star Ma) many "y army, e ora soldiers 1 vand _of last Sunday a veteran of the British 4 i 1 or "Hative Vaders. e der into British ally traclan de. the British ¢ them to surrender. their refusal the stog charged. In the charge Maj. Lloyd- Jones went down when a buliet shat- Tered his Ieft ank With no_props than rospect wpon ention ds of faced a wdre Jones long t ot why earried ©in neare miles the duri woul Nair Maj of ater b have to be “Havaeh!" aiper in British BY MAJ. W. LLOYD-JO N HOUR or so after we had set out I was seized with the most violent pains. It was, 1 think, cramp, the result of shock. We had to stop, and ull of brandy to alleviate the ago: Every step was torture and, though the porters did their best, the jarving was almost continuous. A little later I noticed the bearers glancing nervously at some moving objects about 100 yards to our left. On ‘further examination the objecis proved to be a troup of five or six lions. The porters were thoroughly fright ind began to talk of lowering the her to the ground. However, alin settled the matter at once by king home the lever of his and ordering them to proceed. on,” he said. “They will not near us, but to put down the stretch - is certain death.” I took a good alani for two days at the rate we were going, so I began on the other two bottles of veronal. I had already finished _the limited supply of brandy we had brought for emergencies. The drug did not give me sleep, but had the effect of producing extraordinary vivid illus (At one moment I thought in the home of my dreams, at another at sea.) v XT day we again approached the lake shore, and for the first and only time 1 saw @ hippo well out of the water. Stopping the stretcher, I asked for my rifle and had a shot at him, but though I could not have failed to hit, he did not go down. I uized that I had missed my last chance of ever getting one of these antediluvian creatures, and indeed it was the last shot I ever fired at one. My leg was now beginning to s and gave me constant pain, but 1 was buoyed up by the hope of finding a doctor, or at least news of one, on | arrival at Loivangalani. On the third | day we strageled into the post. There K. did find a little chloroform and did his best to clean up my wound. While there, both K. and 1 sent reports of the affair to Nairobi, and I felt that the authorities there would immediately and a doctor to meet me. s very anxious to await my relief, as I thought that an officer would arrive before long to | take over the detachment. If an effort | had been made, one man could have been pushed through in very much less time than it had taken us to trek up. The days and nights now were all one to me, though I generally realized when evening was coming on by thé increased pain of my wound and al- ways looked forward to dawn. One afternoon there was a sudden alarm and considerable excitement | grass hut in which I lay. Jand even Dasalin declared that the Havash would follow up to avenge the death of their comrades, though | 1 @id not believe for a moment that | they would dare to approach the post. Gabre Michael, eager to wipe out | his lack of initiative at the attack on the stockude, immediately took out a patrol and found that the cause of the alarm was the presence of a few of the innocuous elmolo on the lake shore. On the tenth day after the skirmish an Indian assistant surgeon arrived with a supply of chloroform and morphia }{ 3 had made a remarkable journey from Marsabit with only one nel and one orderly and had had various adventures en route. During one of the few short halts he had allowed himself he had been stalked by a lion] which followed for a con siderable distance, but fortunately did not attack. | He was L i remarkably clever | kind little man and undoubtedly my life by his devotion. Mr. Parvati, for that w at once put me under ch made a thorough examination of the wound. By this time it wus septic and ngrenous, liberally sprinkled with particles of lead. puttee, and boot- ieather, and swollen to a tremendous size We discuss soon a relief could possibly arrive and what means had best be taken to remove me, though 1 was still very anxious to await the arrival of my successor, as I did not wish to leave the detach. ment without an officer. At last, however, Mr. Parvati in | formed me that I must be moved at | once, or my successor would never | see me alive, so it was determined to vt at once for Marsabit. In an- ticipation of this event, K. had sent up the mountain for a pair of stout poles and had constructed a more easily portable stretcher with a piece ,:);' canvas cut from the inner fly of a tent. 5 That night by the light of the moon I sald “good-bye" to Gizaut and my re- maining Abyssinians and gave my final instructions for the maintenance of the duties at the post. Right well they kept them, too, for my successor told me later that when he marched in some weeks afterward no one would have been able to tell that no European officer was in command. The routine duties and patrols had been meticulously carried out, and even the eggs laid by the fowls since = departure had been carefully ept. nd ved his name, roform and * o k¥ T© move my traveling stretcher. we had to cut out the side of the Then we started out across the lava fleld on the first stage of the long journey to Nairobi. The going over the broken Llava rock and big bowlders was very trying and progress was so slow that K. decided to halt about midnight and | a t the dawn. My camp bed was put down and the stretcher iaid gently upon it. The men, exhausted by their strenuous efforts, fell asleep where they stood, | my orderiles by the side of the stretcher. Soon all was still, the lake lay leaden and heavy in the moonlight, I could just distinguish the outline of the old volcano and wondered if 1 was really going to get out its clutch- e It looked almost human and de- termined to hold me. Suddenly I saw two shadowy forms approaching the stretcher. I made a movement to try to frighten them “I SAW TWO SHADOWY FORMS stopped and began to circle slowly around, gradually drawing nearer. They were hyenas and no doubt had scented the wound. Always consid- ered cowardly, they are often bold at night, and will snatch a helpless or dying man from a hut. I tried des- perately, but in vain, to awaken the sleeping figures at my side and had just made up my mind to fire my re- volver when fortunately Mr. Parvati got up to give me an injection of mor- phia. At dawn next day we started to cross the shoulder of Mount Kulal and climbed steadily up from the plain. When we halted for breakfast, I found that my jaw was beginning to stiffen. For_some days I had noticed a_slight “difficulty in my ef- forts to eat, but hoped that it would pass off. Though T hardly dared own it to myself, T now realized that lockjaw was overtaking me. I tried hard to make myself believe that the symp- toms were due to shock caused by the | effect of a heavy bullet. Once I had read in Id book on surgery that such symptoms might be expeeted. o H(I\\'l‘l\']]]‘.‘ s 1 did not propose to die slow t arvation, I tack- led K. on the subjlect, and made him swear to me “by all that he held holy” that if by the next morning the stiffening of the jaw became more pronounced, he would leave me alone for a quarter of an hour with my re. volver and ask no questions. The oc- prevailed. The men were a bit jumpy, away and felt for my revolver. They casion did not arise, though later my APPROAC Jaw became so fixed I had to place a gag in my mouth to prevent it closing altogether, and could only be fed by means of a spoon with liquid while lying flat on my back. There was no doubt about the tetanus then. Upon arrival at the station at Mar- sabit my hopes were dashed to the ground. There were no drugs, no doctor, not even a message to the effect that any action was being taken. For some reason, I was lald out on one of the most uncomfortable beds that I can ever remember and left entirely alone for several hours, That night was a memorable one. 0ddly enough, although in a station, I never felt so utterly alone and cut off. So much did this feeling of depression possess me that I insisted upon re- suming the march next day. We did not get far that day, just off the slopes of the mountain, and camped at the edge of the thorn bush. As ,we were pitching camp Dasalin espled a couple of rhinos nosing about in the bush to our front. As I was giving him orders to go and scare them off, K. came running up and said | that as he had never shot a rhino he would like to go after them. 1 implored him to leave it to the experienced Dasalin, as I was afraid that it was more than likely that he would only drive them through the camp. Off he went, however, but re- turned later without having got a shot. Anxious to be on the move again, accompanied by my orderlies and Mr. Parvati, I insisted on starting before camp was struck. We had hardly :noved 100 yards when there was & Some Signers of Declaration Became Later Citizens of New National Capital BY MARGARET B. DOWNING | not | HIE National Capital is usually associated in the pub- lic mind with the signers of the Declaration of Independ- ence. Philadelphia, the scene | of the struggles and eventual victory, later to be a apital of the young Republic, is given exclusive righ 1o the glory that pertains to these 56 heroes of July 4 admittedly the most remarkable political body which the annals of the world can show. Twenty-four vears elapsed between the signing and the occupation of Washington’s name city on the Po tomac. Of the 56 men who sat in solemn conference in the Continental Congress on that July 4 and_signed the charter of liberty, but 17 were living when the seat of government was removed from Philadelphia into | its permanent quarters in_what was then called the Federal District of | Columbia. Yet of these 17 survivors of mbi cructal period during the war of lib- | eration, the dangerous interval after | Yorktown and the adoption of the Yederal Constitution, 11 were officials, | past or present, of the government. ! There were two who were President | and Vice President, John Adams and | | Thomas Jefferson amuel Chase of Maryland was associate justice of the | Supreme Court, and Willlam Floyd of | New York : member of the House of Representatives. Seven others of the | signers were keeuly interested in the governmental _transition. Thomas McKean of Delaware, then Governor of Pennsyl 1, who was an intimate friend and political lieutenant of Jet ferson, and Dr. Benjamin Rush, the eminent ph N, graduate of Sdinburgh, and Washington's first ublic health officer, since unofficially © had come to the aid of the young Capital, then in the building, during the vellow fever scare in 1798, and he had kept a vigilant eye on its health measures until his death in 1813 Dr. Rush was director of the mint in Philadelphia and his duties later brought him frequently to Washing- ton to confer with the Treasury of- ficials, George Clymer of Pennsyl- vania had been a member of the first United States Congress, but in 1798 he laid down the burden of public service and thencetorth concerned himself with the Indian problem. He rendered valuab! srvice to Presi- dents Jefferson and Madison in framing treaties with the Cherokee: and Creeks. Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts was in the diplomatic service under President Adams and, with John Mar- shall and Charles Cotesworth Pluck- ney. was of that trio of intrepid en- voys to the hostile and venal French Directory of 1 who uttered the stinging rebuke contained in the epi gram, “Millions for defense, but not one cent for tribute This robust patriot was elected on the ticket with James Madison in 1812 and was in- augurated with that Chief Magistrate on March 4, 1813. He dled in the National Capital on, November 23, 1814, and rests under a stately mon- ument in the Congressional Cemetery. This Vice President was the only one of the 56 signers who ended his ca- reer in the Capital of the Nation of which he was in the most complete sense a founder. Senator Peter Goelet | Gerry of Rhode Island is a grandson of the signer. ‘William Ellery of Rhode Island was collector of customs for his native State from 1790 until 1808, and he made regular visits to the Federal City until his death in 1813. Matthew Thornton of New Hampshire followed the healing arts,and he had rendered heroic service to the armies in the fleld during the Reyolutionary:. strie- | Court. | Capital was the scene of his disaster. | the {in the social amenities may be ob- iton’s first gle. Court of Common Pleas and later chief justice of his State. He died in | 1583, but he had spent many months iy Washington after his retirement and had cases before the Supreme In George Walton of Georgia the student of history delights in finding a parallel to the fifighty Lincoln. A poor youth of Frederick County, V apprenticed to a harsh master, Wal ton enjoyed no educational advan- tages, not even in the rudiment From borrowed books he taught him- self the three “R's” After he left Virginfa for Georgla his pecuniary condition improved and he studied law under the best available masters. A Governor of Georgla and one of its first United States Senators, though retired from public life, Waiton was on November 21, 1800, one of the in- terested listeners to President Adams when he addressed the assembled houses of Congress in the north wing of the unfinished Capitol. John Fiske has written that “all American history has since run along the lines marked out by the antago- nism of Jefferson and Hamilton.” John Adams, the first signer to be elected to the presidency, was the first and the most illustrious of the vietims of | the titanic struggle, and the new Considering the reverence and_ag. miration which all Americans have subsequently felt for the signers, and Nation-wide enthusiasm with which the 150th anniversary of their noble deed is greeted, the treatment accorded Adams and Jefferson from partisans, for and against, is an as- tonishing revelation. Nothing in the political turbulence of later days is comparable to the bitter abuse show- ered on the heads of wtnose fathers of the Nation President Adams arrived in the new | city on November 7, 1800, and, to quote the diary of Mrs. William | Thornton, wife of the architect of the | Capitol, who was in general charge of public buildings, under that same date: “The President came by and Dr. Thornton got ready a horse and | some gentlemen to accompany him to | the Capitol. He travels in a chariot | and four and is going to lodge at Tun- nicliffe’s Tavern.” Adams could not | have lodged in the President’s palace, | as it was then called, if he had so' wished, since the furniture which he | had shipped from Philadelphia, when | the. lease on his mansion there had expired, was not yet put in order. Mrs. Adams came to Washington on November 16, 1800, and after this date she becomes the historian of the White House, and all details of that venerable mansion’s first participation tained from her letter: Tunnicliffe’s Tavern was the most ' tentfous in the city, located at | First and A streets northeast/and such elegance and fashion as could be mus- tered in 1800 was there. Washing- | dancing assemblies were | staged in its fine old ballroom and! such dinner parties as the resources of the small village could afford were given there. But the ‘“‘court,” as the | Federalists loved to call the official circle, had nothing to compare with the brilllant surroundings of Phila- delphia. Every scribe of the period sketched gloomy tales of the hardships of living in the new Capital. Thus John Cot- | ton Smith, a member of the House. wrote to a constituent in Connecti- cut two years after the Government had moved: ‘“There are no buildings and no roads except a road with two buildings on each side, called New Jer- sey avenue. The Pennsylvania ave- AR VADELs |seethed with political activity at that | who, !since been enacted in the halls of the 'was committed the | simplicity. . | Lewis Morris of New York. the signer, the whole dis- tance a_deep moruss covered with al- der bushes—which were cut through the, width of the intended avenue dur- ing this Winter.” Jefferson found a congenial abode at Conrad & Munn's boarding house, at New Jersey avenue and ( strest southeast, afterward the New Varnum Hotel. Here the author of the Decla- ration gathered his cohorts. Gov. Me- Kean came from Phlladelphia and Gov. Monroe from Virginia to confer on political measures. Albert Galla- tin, the financial wizard, later to be Jefferson’s Secretary of the Treasury. was often in conference with his chief about the needful sinews of war, and James M ison always sat at the councll table. Conrad's boarding house time, and was centier than the White Hou President Adams, who be ground between Jeffersonians and Hamiltonians in their struggle for su- premacy. then held only the shell of the Federal power. Hamilton never came to Washington during those feverish d; He worked through his battalion of disciples, especially through Timothy Pickering, Oliver Wolcott, Jr.. and James McHenry, though members of Adams’ cabinet, took their orders from Ham ilton. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, Aaron Burr, with Adams and Jeffer son, were candidates for the pres dency. Hamilton masked his opposi tion to Adams by instructing his fol- lowers to vote for Pinckney. Later his faction switched to Aaron Burr, | who had seemingly become amenable to Pederal ambitions. So divided was the vote that the State electors placed the matter in the hands of Congress. From Conrad’s on the morning of February 11, 1801 Jefferson fared | forth in" a blinding snowstorm to the Capitol, where the yotes were to be counted in a joint session of the two Houses. Many exciting dramas have | far more important to national legislature, but none were to surpass that scene when, for the first | time, to the House of Representatives task of electing the President of the United States. | This second signer of the Declaration | to be honored with the Chief Mag-| istracy and within the confines of the | National Capital is written graphically | into the fAirst quarter of the century of its history. This signal event occasioned the| first {llumination of the small village | which was then the capital. Jeffer- son’s election is an outstanding event, in that it seemed that destiny had arranged a new setting for the new | national drama on which the curtain had now risen. The aristocratic Federal party had thrived in the at- mosphere of luxury, furnished by Philadelphia_with Its wealthy and fashionable citizens and its scores of princely houses. But a keen political observer has remarked that with the triumph of democracy consistency called for a stage setting of greater Gouverneur Morris. _brother of had just been elected to the Senate and took his seat in the early days of this intense excitement. Of the new seat of government, he wrote: “It i na needs only houses, cellars, kitchens, scholarly men, amiable women and a few other such trifles to be a perfect city.” He added, in prophetic strain; “Bullding stone is plentiful, excellent brick are baked here, and sites are not wanting for magnificent mansions —in a word, this is the best city inthe world to live in—in the future.” Samuel Chase of Maryland moved to Washington with the official world in November, 1800, as an associ- ate justice of tha-Suprewe Cowrte Ha 'y But before 1800 he had turned |from the Capitol to the presidential | was a man of simple taste, and was | to the law, had been justice of the |mansion, was ni frequently quoted as protesting against the luxury and elegance of life in Philadelphia as unbecoming a republican form of government. Jus- tice Chase passed 11 years in the new capital, living simply on Capitol Hill, in what was called a *“Congressional Mess.” There is no recorded criticism of his of the Capital City, and in this he stands out luminously among the public servants of his era. Robert Morris, the financier of the Revolution, had an intimate but pain- ful association with Washington. Against the advice of his wise ang prudent friend, the first President, he speculated so wildly in the real estate in the new city that he Involved his entire fortune and suffered the humili- ation of the debtors’ prison. But nevertheless this signer was an im- portant factor in Washington's ma- terial development. He had splendid dreams of its commercial destiny, and he saw the banks of the Anacostia River and the Potomac in its north- east course lined with warehouses, and galleons sailing laden with grain and tobacco and returning from dis- tant ports filled with potential for- tunes. Robert Morris, with Gouver- neur Morris, his frequent business associate, in the early 1790's, had fitted out a fleet of ships which made the port of Canton, China, the very first to anchor in that venerable har- bor flying the American flag. This had proven a profitable venture, and Morris was persuaded that the city on the Potomac could be made one of the great ports of the world. But it was not the wish of Washington, its found- er, that the Natlonal Capital should ever be commercial, but that it re- main as it is today, a qulet, lovely, leisurely city, with political activities alone. Sons and other relatives of the gners of the Declaration have fig- ured conspicuously in local history. Richard Rush, son of Benjamin, the signer, was Attorney General under Madison, and lived in a handsome brick house on H strest above Seven- teenth northwest. He was afterward Monroe's Minister to Great Britain, and Andrew Jackson used his knowl- edge and experience of the court of St. James for the strenuous task of compelling the British government to v in gold the legacy bequeathed by James Smithson, founder of the Smithsonian Institution. Oliver Wol- cott, 2d, Secretary of the Treasury for two years under Washington, remain- ed under ,Adams unt{l his resigna- tion was asked by that magistrate for his participation in the conspiracy with Hamilton, Pickering and Mec- Henry. Caesar Rodney, son of the signer of the same name from Dela- ware, was Jefferson's Attorney Gen- eral and served James Madison for two years in the same capacity. John Rutledge of South Carolina, Chief Jus- tice of the Supreme Court of the United States, was the brother of Ed- ward Rutledge, the signer, from South Carolina, and Gouverneur Morris, Senator from New York for the first six years of the National Capital's existence, was the brother of Lewis Morris, the signer. Charles Lee, the capable Attorney General in Wash- ington’s cabinet from 1795 to 1797, was the cousin of Richard Henry Lee and Francis Lightfoot Lee, signers, from Virginia, and.brother of Gen. Harry Lightfoot Lee, the gallant Revolutionary leader. Charles Lee was in the cabinet of John Adams in 1800 and 1801, and with Joseph Ha- bersham of Georgia, Postmaster Gen- eral, and Benjamin Stoddert of Georgetown, first Secretary of the Navy, he shares the honor of being the only loyal officials in the cabinet of the eminent signer of the Declara- tion Lrom. John Adasus. G THE STRETCHER: THEY BEGAN TO CIRCLE SLOWLY AROUND, GRADUALLY DRAWING NEARER! THEY WERE HYENAS.” snort in the bush and the two rhinos of the dvening before emerged, appar- ently about to charge. 1 ordered the stretcher to halt and pulled out my revolver. Abdul Gadir and Dasalln stepped quickly forward to cover the stretcher, but I ordered them to hold their fire. From about 60 yards the two rhinos came straight for us, The' two orderlies were armed only with single-loading rifies firing solid /303 bullets. On my word “Piga” (fire), they very coolly commenced to plaster the beasts with well aimed shots. * X ¥ ¥ ASALIN was laughing and thor- oughly enjoying himself. Keeping one eye on the porters, he ordered Abdul Gadir to take the hindmost beast, as If one of the rhinos had “got home" it would have been quite as bad as the two. Feebly waving my revolver, but re- serving my fire, I imagined how the old rhino would enjoy hurling the stretcher Into the air, but at about 20 vards the heasts veered away and thundered past us like a couple of traction engines running down hill out of control. After that incident I was careful not to start again in rhino country before the advance guard. My jaws had become 8o fixed by this time that I had to hold a folded hand- kerchief between my teeth to prevent them from closing together, and I dared not sleep. These nights seemed an eternity as I lay waiting and long- ing for the dawn and to be again on the move. K. and T both felt that a doctor with proper equipment must be awaiting us at Archer's Post on the River Uaso Nyiro, which could certainly have been reached from Nairobi in consid- erably less time than we had already been on the march from Loiyangalani. It was three weeks after the fight that we arrived at the river and found that not even a message had been sent up to meet us. Fortunately, a trader produced a box of raw oplum pills, which he was good enough to glve me. Mr. Parvati tried to take possession of these, but (by now almost demented by exhaustion and suffering) I seized the box and swallowed half a dozen at once. Dasalin and Abdul Gadir nursed me like a sick child. Nothing was too much trouble and there seemed no limit to their patience and tenderness. Across the river we went and now arrived in the grass country of the western slopes of Mount Kenya. The golng was here a bit easier. By this time I was wasted to a shadow, very weak, and heavily drugged with brandy and opium. W WE marched all that night, as I was eager to get in to Meru, the next post, from which 1 could get into touch with my brother by runner and telegraph. I was now quite desper- ate, and had given up all hope of help from the medical authorities in Nalir- obi, and meant to rely on my brother. A day or so out of Meru we sud- denly met a detachment of K. A. R. with two young officers golng up to my relief. They were evidently in no hurry, as apparently they had re- mained a couple of days in Meru to take part in some sports. With the detachment was my old orderly, Tekla Silas, who immediately came to_my side. By this time I could hardly speak, but merely signified that I wished him to remain with me and not go on with the relief to Lolyangalani. This arrangement was agreed to on condi- tion that Dasalin returned to Lake Rudolph with the detachment, as he knew the route and would be more useful than any local gulde. So now I was left with only Abdul Gadir of my original “braves,” though Tekla Silas was of course invaluable. Once more the stretcher jogged along again on its weary way. Late the next afternoon we arrived at Meru and were most kindly re- ceived by the district commissioner, who put his house at my disposal and made me, for the first time since I was wounded, comparatively com- fortable. From Meru I sent tele- grams asking for help to my brother at Kibwezi and to the matron of a nursing home at Nairobl whom I knew. Next day, as no news came, we de- cided to commence the next stage of the journey over the western shoulder of Kenya to Nyerl. From nbw enwards, although there was a track, we had frequently to cross the streams rushing down the mountain side. Approaching one of the biggest and most difficult to ne gotlate of these one night, 1 felt too weak to attempt the crossing and ordered the stretcher to be put down. K., exhausted by the day’s march, fell asleep as soon as his tent was pitched. It was very cold, so I had a big fire lighted and lay talking to Abdul Gadir and Tekla Silas. Suddenly, though not in pain, I felt very cold and sinking. Quite convinced that for me the end of the trek had come, I explained to them that I did not expect to see the dawn. They were very quiet, but Tekla Silas remarked: “Commandant, it is a pity, for it is certain that your brother will be here soon, as he is one who acts swiftly and surely. Those in Nairobi do not understand. We (the men of the Abyssinian. Company who had re- mained at Nairobl when the remain der had gone up with me to Lake Rudolph) knew that something serious had happened wnen no news came for so long. “We even went to see the com- manding officer and asked to be al- lowed to come up to your help, for we knew you and we also knew the customs of the Havash. We were sure that there had been a fight. Your brothe: also came and was greatly disturbed in his mind and wanted news, but they would not hear and sent him away telling him that all was well.” Too weary to reply, I told them that now I must sleep and passed into what I then sincerely hoped was my last long rest. I was worn out and exhausted with suffiering, broken down with despair. After all, my job was done and the detachment was relieved. At dawn, to my disgust, I found myself across the river and hobbing along again on the stretcher. Appar- ently Tekla Silas had awakened Mr. Parvati, who had injected strychnine. It was an interesting experience, for I had no regrets and no desire to awaken again on this earth. A morning or so later, while we were halted above another of the Kenya rivers, Tekla Silas suddenly uttered a shout of joy and rushed for- ward toward the stream. Looking up, I saw a solitary horse- man urging his tired mount into the river. It was my brother, who, on re- ceiving my telegram, had pushed straight through from Nairobi with- out halting even for food or rest. Un- doubtedly he saved my life, for I was about at the end of my tether. Now I determined to live. I knew that my brother would see me through. It was not till next day that a doctor appeared on the scene, although he could easily have reached me at Archers Post, be~ fore by brother had even starteh from Kibwezi, which is several hours by train beyond Nairobi. ‘The doctor, however, could do noth- ing on the march, as he had brought no instruments with him, though he did try to limit my morphia and brandy on which I was now chiefly subsisting, as he evidently feared for my reason. We were now among the farms of the western Kanya and spent the night with a settler who put his house at our disposal. The last trek into the post of Nyeri seemed endless, but at last we ar- rived and found everything prepared in one of the government bungalows. A white-capped nurse bustled out to meet the stretcher. She was the first white woman I had seen since leaving Nairobi early in April. * o ow % T last I could be removed from the stretcher and put in a clean bed. We had been marching for 43 days, and had certainly covered up- ward of 400 miles over some of the most difficult, inhospitable and track: less country imaginable. The doctor decided to put me under chloroform that afternoon at 4 o'clock, to see if anything could be done for my leg, but I was in such pain that I implored him to proceed to busine at once, if only that I might get rel from the anesthetic. Accordingly. about 2:30 he began work, assisted | by another doctor who happened to be in the station. When I came to, I found myself lying on my bed with my leg swing- is, T believe, called cradle. T was in great puin, which was hardly surprising, s they had trying to break down the callous h had formed round the shat d hone with a chizel and hammer ling very weak, I asked the nurse what had happened. She re tused to tell me, but repl You must ask the doc I asked for my orderlies, but was informed that for the present I could see 1o one. I then realized that T was in for a bad time. In the evening the doctor came in to see me, and on my asking him if he could save my lez, he told me probably part of it would have to go. Two or three days luter my brother had to return to his job, and I felt very helpless and alone. One eve- ning, feelinz worse than usual, I again gave up hope and did not feel inclined to make the necessary effort to take nourishment. Turning to the nurse who used to remain with me at night, I told her that I wished that I had not let my brother go. She plied_at once, “Shall we send f him?" Then I knew that they did not ex pect me to live. However, | managed to hang on somehow and, after Iyving at Nyerl for about 10 days, I was e e e Home at Nairobi. The journey had to be done in three stuges, as we Gould not, of course, travel fust. I soon began to pick up at the Nursing Home and wanted to get back to England to see if could be done for my leg, wh by now some four inches short. heard storie ing in what h was I had of the wonders of mod- ern surgery, and I was Iiving in hopes that perhaps I might even be able to continue soldiering -e 3 AFTER about a month in Nat: I was taken to Mombasa still supported by Ahdul Tekla Si put aboard the ln General. We had a very plea: voyage, though I half regretted I ing Africa and hoped to return again On arrival in London I was taken straight to Sister Agnes’ Hospital where I was soon reass d and ma comfortable, though the tetanus both- ered me for some little time. Distin- guished surgeons visited me, but ft soon became apparent that nothing could be done for my leg; in fact, amputation 5 ed as prob- ably the wisest course. Some months later 1 alled at Whitehall and though I was not exa cordially received, hs ction of learning that G lde Mariam Abdu! Gadir, and Dasalin were to be decorated for gallantry. Nearly a ‘vear after the affalr. own participation in the destructio of the H sh lair was recognized, my real reward came later in form of the last sentence of a lette from K. some 20 months after the encounter “Recently a ru »u had died sound of woe. 3 imba dead? It c: you see you are not gotten here i« and sadir_and or came through then indeed there la, La ot b for- pyright. 1926.) o = A City Watch Tower. [XPIANAPOLIS maintains a watch tower on top of skvscraper and in it three veteran firemen in relavs scan the skyline for the first wisp of smoke, which might mean a fire. As 4 s 300 fires are sighted annu- : One of the watchers, Henry G Cook, has a record of having sighted. without binocu a fire 30 miles west of the city Historical Accuracy Shown in Painting By Trumbull of Signing of Declaration BY GEORGE PORTER. S all Americans know, our coun- try is this year celebrating the 150th ‘anniversary of the adop- tion of the Declaration of In- dependence, an event which, of necessity, went unrecorded photogra- phically, but which we can all readily picture, our conceptions being based on a painting of the subject that is universally famillar. That such a con- dition prevadls is a remarkable tribute to the genius of the artist, John Trum- bull, who, having seen service as a soldier in the Revolutionary War, and enjoyed the personal friendship of both George Washington and Thomas Jefferson, was uniquely fitted to por- tray the event which marked the birth of our Nation. It {s commonly known that Trum- bull made the picture of the adoption of the Declaration of Independence, which is now in the Capitol Building at Washington, but it is not so well known that that picture is a replica artistically regarded as inferior to the original. Neither is 1t common knowl- edge that the painter who produced them both had an exceptionally long and eventful life—for a painter— which included imprisonment as a war reprisal. Although he was pald a fair price foe his works for the Capitol by Con- gress, and was what might be termed a “popular” artist, Trumbull never made a fortune from his pictures. However, he felt that he had been pald in a currency better than dollar bills. ~ In life's greatest treusures, friendship and experience, he was con- tent to take his reward. He enjoyed the confidence of such men as La- fayette, Franklin, John Adams and lidmund Burke. In following his pro- fession he visited all the important cities in the United States, and his ability was recognized in London and Paris. He saw parts of the greatest two historic happenings that occurred during his lifetime--the American and French revolutions. The ‘“‘Declaration of Independence’ is considered to be one of Trumbull's masterpieces. Like most masterpieces, its perfection becomes increasingly evident upon close examination. To begin with, the artist had a large and difficult subject. KEach of the 47 faces in-the picture is an accurate reproduction of the likeness of a signer of the Declaration. In addition, though the members of the Conti- nental Congress were doing something highly dramatic from a historic stand- point in pledging their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor to the cause of freedom, the actual perform- ance was by no means dramatic from an artistic standpoint. Without resorting to theatrical effects such as handwaving and deflant postures, and almost without deviating from the details of the occurrence, Trumbull painted a picture that forcefully ‘told the story” by stressing the sim- plicity, sincerity and seriousness of the scene. ‘The main feature in which he ex- ercised his “‘painter’s prerogative’'—the artistic equivalent of poetic license —was explained by the artist himself: “In order to give some variety to the composition, I found it necessary to depart from the usual practice of re- porting an act, and made the whole committee of flve advance to the table of the president to make their report instead of having the chairman rise in his place for the purpose; the silence and solemnity of the scene offered such real difficulties to a picturesque and agreeable composition as to justify this departure from custom and fact. The room is copied from that in which Congress held its sessions at the time —such as it was before the spirit of innovation laid unhallowed hands upon it and violated its venerable walls by sq:called moden improvement.™ TRUMBULL'S “SIGNING THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE,” IN THE ROTUNDA OF THE CAPITOL. It was one of Trumbull's chief de- sires in executing the painting to pre- serve the features of those who were present at the scene. Although only 10 years had elapsed since the time of the event and the commencement of the painting, it was difficult to obtain a complete list of those who should be pictured. After consultation with John Adams and Thomas Jefferson on this matter, it was decided that the signatures on the original act should be the guide. It is said the artist carried a small canvas in a special container in his carriage as he traveled about the country, making sketches of the origi- nal signers. He drew 36 portraits in this manner. The pictures of 9 others were copled from the works of different painters, while that of Gen. ‘Whipple of New Hampshire was done from memory, and that of Benjamin Harrison of Virginia from description aided by memory. It was impossible to obtain a likeness of 13 others known to have been in the room on that memorable July 4, and they were omitted from the picture. Trumbull's “Declaration of Inde- pendence” was begun while the artist was a guest of Thomas Jefferson at Paris In 1785. The painter had enter- tained the idea for such an undertak- ing for some months and was particu- larly fitted for the task by his ex- periences previous to that time, which had afforded him every opportunity to absorb the spirit of the men who were 80 bold as to proclaim their equality and independence in a day when the divine right of kings was an ac- cepted theory. In his early vears Trumbull had been a child prodigy, entering the junior class of Harvard College at the age of 15. At the outbreak of,the Revolu- tion he was made adjutant of the 1st Regiment of Connecticut Vohun- teers. His father, Jonathan Trumbull, was governor of that colony, and highly respected by George Washing- ton, whose letter to him _containing the' passage, “Let us hear what Brother Jonathan has to say,” resulted in the nickname ‘‘Brother Jonathan™ being applied to the United States. Young Trumbull was at Roxbury during the Battle of Bunker Hill, and from there was able to see the battle, which was later to become the subject of one of his famous pictures. Short- Iy afterward the artist was transfer- red to the staff of Gen. Washington. Less than a year fater he accompa- nied Gen. Gates as deputy adjutant general to Albany and Ticonderoga. During 1778 he served Gen. Sullivan as alde-de-camp in the campaign to re- cover Rhode Island. When that proj- ect failed Trumbull definitely left the Army and devoted his full time to ar- tistic pursuits. On the advice of sev- eral of his friends he sailed for Eu- rope in the Spring of 1780, to continue his studies. While on the continent he met Benjamin Franklin and John Adams. Franklin gave him a letter of introduction to Benjamin West, the famous English artist, who received him kindly and became his teacher. ‘West had barely begun instructing the American when news reached England of the execution of Maj. Andre. As Trumbull had occupied a position in the Colonial Army similar to that of Andre in the British army, he was arrested and imprisoned for seven months. During that time his instructor, Mr. West, kept him sup- plled with painting materials, which he used to advantage. The artist was taught by the “old master”” method. Instead of drawing original compositions he would copy the great works of famous painters on the principle that such practice would give the pupil the necessary know! edge of design, coloring and other es sentials of good pictures. Fortunate. 1y Trumbuill's originality was not killed by such a course. It was in Mr. West's London studio that Trumbull produced his painting of the Battle of Bunker Hill. That together with another war "The Death of Gen. Montgom ery at the Storming of Quebec,” pleased and helped gain the friend ship of Thomas Jefferson, who visited London in 1785. He invited the artist to become his guest at Paris, an invi- tation which was accepted and led to the painting of the adoption of the Declaration of Independence. The portrait for the picture of Thomas Jefferson which appears in the paint- ing was drawn in the French capital, while, to quote from the artist’s diary, “in the Summer of 1787, Mr. John Adams having taken leave of the court of St. James and combed the powder out of his hair, 1 took that op- portunity to paint his pertrait in the picture. Trumbull's friendship with the in- fluential men of the day helped him achieve his life ambition of painting incidents of the Revolution for the Nation. Several members of Congress. became interested in his works, espe- clally Timothy Pitkins and John Ran- dolph. After some debate his friends succeeded in having a resolution passed authorizing the artist to exe- cute four commemorative paintings for the Capitol Building. The subjects and sizes were to be decided upon by President Madiso Those chosen were “The Declaration' of Independ “The Surrender of Burgoyn: “T;l &urmflder n;{‘lmrd Cornwalli: and “Washington Resigning His Com- mission."