Evening Star Newspaper, May 31, 1925, Page 45

EDITORIAL PAGE NATIONAL PROBLEMS SPECIAL FEATURES EDITORIAL SECTION he Sundlay Star Part 214 Pages WASHINGTON, D. €., SUNDAY MORNING, MAY 31, 1925. EVOLUTION TRIAL TO TEST | . . 11d Cities SIS EARCEN OB Washington, Unique Among World Cities, | Owes Its Manifold Beauties to L’Enfant BY EDWARD M. TABER. N June 4 will occur the 100th anni- versary of the death of the man to whose artistic and engineering skill, imaginative power and prophetic “ Society News I GERMANY IS REVIVING “MITTELEUROPA” DREAM {Reich Must Grow to South to Regain the Power Lost Through Poor Statesmanship Before War. Power to Control Curriculum of Public Schools and Where It Ends Believed Issue in Tennessee. range a grand banquet in honor of the birth of the dauphin, he had a hall built espectally for that purpose In Philadelphia, which L'Enfant designed. e also made the plans for a splendid residence in Philadelphia for Robert Morris, without whose financial aid BY BEN McKELWAY. HE case of the State of Ten- nessee against John Thomas Scopes promises little in the way of a knockout, technical or otherwise, against either of the two issues which at first appear to be primarily _involved—namely, whether Moses or Darwin is to be held infallible in his conception of the origin of mankind. It 4s conceivable, for instance, should the courts decide in favor of the State of Tennesseg that countless scientists and layme® will still sub- scribe to the belief unscientifically speaking, that man 4 descended from a monkey. On the other hand, should the learned jurists conclude that John Thomas Scopes and his brethren may lawfully expound the theory of evolu tion tq the innocent children of Ten- nesses, it is reasonable to believe that countless others will continue like- wise to read the Book of Genesis and subscrdbe to the letter of the version of creation centained therein. Whaf Court Must Do. When the promised display of foren- sl fireworkd has subsided, when Wil- liam Jennings Bryan completes what is certain to be an impassioned appeal, and when the newspapers of the coun- try over have handed fat checks to men of wisdom for airing in the public prints their views, both pro and con the courts will probably have before them & comparatively clear-cut ques- tion for decision. They must eventu- ally pass an opinion on whether a State may preseribe a curriculum for the schools which it supports—possi- bly that and nothing more. In his interesting article written for The Evening Star, Mr. Scopes, whose violation of the newly-enacted Ten- nesses law is to be made a test case, cites the fact that the legislation is a reversion to that stage of civilization, 8o recently passed, when scientists were persecuted for advocating the truth. " He further maintains that the new law violates the principle of re- ligious freedom. Tt is doubtful, how. ever, shether any court in the land will attempt to settle the “‘truth” url falsity of the theory of evolution. And if the theory of evolution is to be.argued on the ground of religious freedom and thereby shown to be a it subject for teaching in the public schoole, there should be no justifiable complaint on' the same grounds against including in the curriculum of fhe public schools courses in Baha- isg, sun worship and Mohammedan- ism. On the other hand, there is this to say about the religious freedom side of the controversy: The church which has control of a State's public school system will come very nearly being the “official church”—if such a term may be used here—of that State. Fol- lowing the same line of thought, it is possible for a State which has the power to control the curriculum of its public schools deliberately to cut out all reference to religion or religious controversy In its text books: in fact, to adopt text boots in history, for in- stance, which purposely emphasize the doctrines of a selected cult or belief. | Tn this way it is obvious that a State might control in {ts public scho the religion which is to be taught its | public school children. This might | not deliberately abridge the right of freedom of worship as lald down in the Constitution, but it would form an example of a church-controlled State government, which is at least in op- . position to the principle of absolute separation of church and state. But the point seems to be not that Mr. Scopes and his fellow-scientists are prohibited from teaching the theory of evolution in Tennessee—or, for that matter, teaching anything they want to—so long as they confine their| téaching to pupils who are not in the | State-supported public schools. The | question is whether or net the State of Tennessee can prevent Mr. Scopes | and others from teaching certain sub- | jects in the public schools and the ex tent of this regulatory power. Other- wie it would be a clearcut victory for Mr. Scopes, for the Constitution grants him this freedom Other Law Unconstitutional. When the country was writhing in patriotic ecstacy at the close of the war & number of the State legislatures passed laws which prohibited the | teaching of German—and, in fact, all | modern languages, except English— in the schools of the State, public private and paroclt ., to children un der.a specified age. The United States Supreme Court declared such laws | imnconstitutional, and as there are| points covered in these cases not wholly dissimilar from those which seem to be involved in the Tenne case, they are worth some discussion at this time. The Nebraska case, how- ever, differs fundamentally from the Tennessee case, in that Nebraska en acted a law which pplied to all schools within its Swisdiction. while Tennessee has restricted application of its new law to the public schools of the Rtate, which are. of course, sup- ported by public fun: The Nebraska case came into court when a teacher in a religious school was arrested for teaching a youngster the German language. the reading les sons, by the way, being selected verse: from the Bible. The Supreme Court of the State of Nebraska upheld the Legislature. The law was attacked before the United States Supreme Court on the sround that the Constitution permits a itizen to choose and pursue a legiti- mate vocation, and that as teaching was this teacher’s vocation his rights were encroached upon by the State. Tmparting knowledge in a foreign lan- guage, it was argued, is not inherently immoral or inimicable to the public welfare (notwithstanding the bellefs of thousands of school children who | aré at this hour wrestling with French ivregular verbs) yior a subject for pro- hibitory legislation. Argument for State. The law was defended at the same | ttme on the ground that it did not | deny teachers a living. as it left those engaged in giving private lessons free to pursue their courses. The statute, | it was contended, was a legitimate ercise of the State's police power. “Jf jtg within the police power of tie State to regulate wages. to legis. aie respecting housing conditions in rowded citles, to prohibit dark rooms iii tenement houses, to compel land- lords to place windows in their tene- ments which will ~abte their tenants te enjey ihe sunshine, it is within 5@ police power of the State to com- pel every resident of Nebraska to edu cate his children so that the sunshine of American ideals will permeate the life "of the future citizens of this re- public.” The United Sta Supreme Court, its deliberation was whether the law unreasonably infringes the" liberty guaranteed by the fourteenth amend- ment—"No State * * ¢ =zhall de- prive any person of life, liberty or property without due process of law."” Supreme Court Ruling. “Without doubt,” said the court's opinion, “it (the amendment) denotes not only freedom from bodily restraint but also the right of the individual to contract, to engage in any of the com- mon occupations of life, to acquire useful kpowledge, to marry, establish a home and bring up children, to wor- ship God according to the dictates of his own consclence, and generally to enjoy those privileges long recognized at common law as essential to the or- derly pursuits of happiness by free man. “The established doctrine is that this liberty may not be interfered with, under the guise of protecting the public interest, by legislative ac- tion which is arbitrarily or without some reasonable relation to some pur- pose within the competency of the State to effect. Determination by the Legislature of what constitutes proper exercise of police power is not final or conclusive, but is subject to super- vision by the courts. “The American people have always regarded education and adquisition of knowledge as matters of supreme im. portance which should be diligently promoted. The ordinance of 1787 de- clares: ‘Religion, morality and knowl- edge being necessary to good govern. ment and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of education shall forever be encouraged.” Corre- sponding to the right of control, it is the natural duty of every parent to give his children education suitable to their station in life, and nearly all the States, including Nebraska, enforce the obligation by compulsory laws, ¢ ¢ o Rights Must Be Respected. “That the State may do much—go very far, indeed—in order to improve the quality of its citizens, physically. | mentally and morally, is ciear; but the | individual has certain fundamental rights which must be respected. The protection of the Constitution extendsy to all, to those who speak other lan- guages as well as to those born with English on the tongue. Perhaps it would be highly advantageous if all had reary understanding of our ordi- nary language, but this cannot be coerced by methods which conflict with the Constitution—a desirable end cannot be promoted by prohibited means.” Justice McReynolds, who delivered the court’s opinion, recalled that | Sparta, to submerge the individual | and develop ideal citizens, assembled males of seven years into barracks and intrusted their subsequent train- ing and education to official guardians “Although such measures have been deliberately zpproved by men of great genius,” he continued, ‘‘their ideas touchinig the relation between individual and state were wholly dif-| ferent from those upon which our in- | stitutions rest; and it hardly will be affirmed that any legislature could | impose such restrictions upon the people of a State without doing vio | lence to both letter and spirit of the | “onstitution { Question of Harm Raised. “The power of the State to compel attendance at some schools and to make reasonable regulations for all schools, Including a requirement that they shall give instruction in Eng- lish, is not questicned. Nor has chal lenge been made of the State’s power to prescribe a curriculum for institu tions which it supports. Those mat- ters are not within the present con troversy. Our concern is with the | prohibition approved by the Supreme | Court, * * "* that mere abuse in-| cident to an occupation ordinarily | 1seful is not enough to Justify its abolition, although regulation may be entirely proper. No emergency has arisen which renders knowledge by a cthild of some language other than English so clearly harmful as to jus- tify its inhibition, with the consequent infringement of rights long freely enjoyed.” So it would seem that as the Su. preme Court has upheld the right of an_individual te conduct a school ac- cording to his own theorles and be- liefs it would likewise follow that a State possesses the same privilege. In the present case the burden of dis- cussing evolution. with all the compli- cations such a_discussion necessarily must involve, lies with the defense, while the prosecution may restrict its | argument to the law, pure and sim- ple. And the children of Tennessee in the meantime will be learning more about the theories of evolution than they would ever have dreamed of absorb- ing into their systems before. Tt is possible, in fact, that hundreds of Tennessee children—who heretofore held the opinion that evolution was a bugaboo which caught and ate little youngsters who didn't go to Sunday school—wlll drop that harmless be- lief and go to work to find out what it really is. | | Londoners Marvel | " At Modern Building | | One of London’'s newest buildings— they are springing up like mushrooms these days—attracts unusual atten- tion not only because of its prominent position at the corner of the Strand and Wellington street but because of a strange departure from the form that has characterized London struc- tures for centuries. It attracts the interest of every one who sees fit. Passers-by stand for long periods gaz- ing at the chaste lines of the white stone, wondering what 1is lacking, until finally it dawns on them that there are no chimney pots. “Straw- dinary!” they exclaim and shake,their heads over the fact that the introduc- tion of steam heat has produced in London a flat-topped building without a chimney visible from the street. S Compulsory Voting In Argentina Fails Compulsory voting does niot seem to have solved the problems of bad gov- | ernment in Argentina. For several vears that country has had compul- sory voting laws, but the idea does not seem to fit the Latin tempera- ment. After every election it is found that the percentage of blank ballots yowever, foumi that the subject for cast 18 very high. A vision the city of Washington is indebted for the grandeur of its plan, for the splendor of its parks and for the manifold beauties which make it unique among the cities of the world. Soldier, engineer, architect, artist and adopt- ed citizen of the Republic, Plerre Charles L'Enfant dled June 4, 1825, just across the District line in Maryland and within sight of the Capitol, in poverty and neglect, and throughout: the length and breadth of the District of Columbia no street, avenue, park or bullding bears his name, and there is ab- solutely nothing to commemorate his history and achlevements or to save them from an unmerited oblivion. He was born in Paris August 2, 1754. He was the son of Plerre I'Enfant, who bore by royal decree the title “Painter in Ordinary to the King in the Manufacture of the Gobelins,” and painted several plctures of famous battles in which the armies of France participated. Service to This Country. In 1777 Pierre Charles L'Enfant, then 23 yvears of age and a brevet lieutenant in the French colonial troops, came to America and offered his services to Washington without pay. He served as a volunteer at his own expense until February, 1778, when he was given a commission as captain of engineers and as- signed to duty with the Inspector general, but he was not content with staff duty and was eager %o get into the fighting line, and was so earnest in his request for active duty that he was sent to join the Army in the South and permitted to serve as a volunteer officer with the Infantry. He led the advance column under D'Estaing and Lincoln at the battle of Savannah, October 9, 1779, and was seriously wounded and confined to his bed for several months and compelled to use crutches for some time after, but before he was fit for duty he insisted on rejoining his command. He participated in the battle of Charleston, May 12, 1780, and was taken prisoner when the city was forced to capit- ulate. Commended by Washington. He was a prisoner of war until January, 1782, when, through the efforts of Rocham- beau, he was exchanged for Capt. von Hey- den, a Hesslan officer. Washington wrote him a personal letter after the battle of Savannab commending him for his zeal and bravery, and stated that Congress would doubtless reward him by promotion, and soon after an act was passed by which he was made a major of engineers. The war being over, L'Enfant sailed for France in November, 1783. Washington had made him the first president of the Order of the Cincinnati, and while in his native land he or- zanized the French branch of the order. He had become so much attached to America, however, that he remained in France but a few months, returning tosNew York April 29, 1784. He, took up his abode in that city, where his talents as an engineer and archi- Pierre Charles I'Enfant. From the original plan of L'Enfant * * * v of Washington. the Revolu tion would have failed, but the plans called for such a large expenditure of money that the mansion was never bulit. Selected to Make City Plans. July 16, dent Wash Potomac Ri which should become ‘Washington 1790, Congress authorized Presi- ington to select a site “on the ver, a territory of 10 miles square,” “Federal territory.” already had made up his mind as to the site to be chosen, after much ex- ploration on horseback of the land bordering on the Potomac, and, recognizing the genius of L’Enfan t as an engineer and architect, selected him to make the plans for the “Fed- eral Cit. L'Enfant greatest enthusiasm soul into th self with parks, but many uniq tures. But cially appr ideas were were made most every laying out streets, accepted the commission with the and threw his whole He did not content him- avenues and bufldings and e work. designeg, public ue and beautiful decorative fea- . although his plans were offi- oved and adopted, many of his not carrfed out, and deviations from his plans which were, in al- instance, detrimental and without good reason or justification. beautiful p countries, then called The young engineer projected a serles of ublic buildings, gardens and spa- clous residences for ministers from foreign to occupy all the south frontage of Pennsylvania avenue between the “Palace of the President” as the White House and and the “Federal House,” the Capitol were Other Interesting Plans On the present site of the Patent Office Building was to be a national non-sectarian church, where memorial addresses and funeral orations were to be delivered and monuments to the illustrious dead preserved—an American Westminster Abbey. from the C: commemora toric incidents. At precisely 5,280 feet apitol a column was to be erected tive of the Revolution and its his- The distance between two ex- actly marked points on the column and the Capitol was to constitute an dfficial measuremer street was fare, lined with fine stores and arcades. Creek was cascade. TI projects, fa and short-s gifted with imagination could tect subsisted him During this period he submitted to Congress a memorial of a system of national defens elaborate plans and sketches of fortifications. also remodeled drew turing city French Minister, La would comfortably for a while. ‘The prising Carroll, Samuel L with D the old New York City the plans for the manufac- Paterson, N. J. When the of Capitol of ritory. principal the Notley dington Manor,” Young owned what unit of 1t—a standard mile. st Capitol to be a splendid business thorough- Tiber to be beautified by an artificial hese, with many other of L’Enfant’s iled to find favor with his prosaic ighted compatriots, who were not his esthetic inspiration, his fertile or his prophetic vision. Like the hero of “Locksley Hall,” he dipped into the future far as human eye see, Saw the vision of the world, and all the wonder that be owners of the land com- 10 miles square were Danlel Young, David Burns and avidson. Carroll owned “Dud- which was practically all Hill and considerable adjacent ter- is _now the Luzerne, desired to ar- [® NEW POLITICAL ISSUE IS RAISED BY COOLIDGE Interrelationships of Federal and State Governments Brought to Fore—Cen- tralization Trend Again Gets Blow. By N. 0. MESSENGER RESIDENT COOLIDGE, in the | course of his Memorial day address vesterday, made some | observations on the relations | between the States and the Federal Government which politicians declare are likely to produce profound discussion of economic and govern mental affairs. The politicians say that President Coolidge has created a new political issue which may be ranked as promising to claim the attention of the Nation and to affect legislation and governmental action in_the future. President Coolidge is recognized as having directed public thought and consideration of subjects into new channels in two notable instances since he assumed the presidency. He is given credit for having aroused public interest in reduced taxation, and the necessary corollary of re- trenchment of governmental expenses, to extend uitimately to reduced do- mestic extravagance. Quoting the President literally, what he said yesterday was, ““What we need 16 not more Federal Government, but better local government. From every position of consistency with our sy tem, more centralization ought to be avoided.” From that statement he broadened easily to an admonition to the States and localities of realiza- tion of the necessity for recognition of local responsibilities. He declared that the reason for increasing de- mands on the Federal Government is that the States have not discharged their full duty. While some States had done better and others worse in this direction, he insisted that as a whole they have not done all they should. From this, he argued, has grown up a demand for greater con- centration of powers in the Federal Government. He unhesitatingly de- clared that the remedy would be worse than the disease. He realizes that the States would protest promptly enough anything savoring of Federal usurpation. The President s cognizant of the drift of public sentiment at this time against the encroachment of the Fed- eral Government, resentful of any in- dications in that direction. The re- jection of the constitutional amend- ment on child labor which is now forecast by the action of States thus far in refusing ratification, is regarded by politiclans as an undoubted indi- cation of the state of the public mind on the subject of what seems to be invasion of the reserved rights of the States. Sees Weakening of State. President Coolidge finds that Tone insidious practice which sugarcoats the dose of Federal intrusion is the division of expense for public improve ments or services between State and National treasuries. ~ “The ardent State rights advocate,” he said, “sees in this practice a vicious weakening of the States system. The extreme Federalist Is apt to look upon it=in cynical fashion as bribing the States into subordination. The average American believing in our dual sov- | with the easy assumption that | which produ; must feel that the tional doles through the d and may become disas- may go on yet for a time if the States will not the Nation must,’ but that way lies trouble. President Coolidge example is In connection with the Fed eral contribution to road building constant demands for more Federal contributiong and sees the possibility of an economic injus tice on one side and a political injury on the other. The President expressed his appre hension of the evasion of the respon- sibllity by the local Government units which he feels is starting on the vicious way of disregard of law and axity of living. “The police force which is administered on the assump- | tion that the violations of some laws may be ignored has started toward demoralization.” finds that one Problems of State Relations. The President recognizes that we still have problems of interstate rela- tions to handle. He refutes the claim that this is a land of equal opportu- nity for all, but that is not so because of ‘the divergencies of laws between the different States. He said, “So long as some can go to a distant State for divorces which others are denied at home there is not equality in this regard. When some States grant valuable exemptions from taxa tlon which other States impose, one person may enjoy while another is denied these benefits.” The President pointed out if ques- tions which the States will not fairly | settle on their own account, will have to be settled for them by the Fed-| eral authorities, it will only be because some States will have refused to dis charge obvious * dutles. He found there is another responsibility of the States, quite aside from this one of jurisdiction, the subject of law en- forcement. “We are not a lawles: people,” he said, “but we are too fre- quently a careless one.” President Coolidge's Memorial day address will be widely distributed when its full purpose and the tenets he advocates are weighed and duly considered after first reading. Since his entry into public life he has been recognized as a profound thinker on constitutional questions and economic policies. J Politicians here think that his ad- dress yesterday can be classed as in reality a state paper. They foresee his remarks being taken up by editors and writers throughout the country and that they will be commented upon by members of Congress who will rec- ognize the rcgency of his arguments and the appropriateness of the time of their presentation. It seems to be a coincidence of the man, the time and the place. 13 Jewelers Located in 50-Yard Street Black Lionyard, near Whitechapel Church, London, although only 50 vards in length, houses 13 jewelry' shops, I3xcept for four other shops and one public house, Black Lionvard goes in solidly for glamonds, gold and silver. BY LINCOLN C. ANDREWS. | Assistant Secretary of the Treasury charge of prohibition enforcement Coast Guard. the Customs Service Narcotie Disision UR fight in the and igainst rum smug &ling has not yet begun. We have only heen experiment- ing thus far. All of our ships are not vet ready for duty on the coasts, and we have not been able as vet to put into effect the regu- lations which have for their object the stoppage of the liquor transporta- tion across the Canadian and Mexican borders. It is hardly two months since I have been co-ordinating various agencies of Government charged with law enforce ment, and T am not yet prepared to announce the Government’s plan of ction. The concentration dividual rum-runners was decided upon merely as an experiment to de termine what further measures would be necessary when all operations of the Government were really under way and our entire fleet of ships ready for action. I have just returned from a very important international conference on |the Mexican border with the dele- gates of the republic of Mexico and I am expecting soon in Washington to meet a Canadian delegation to dis- cuss regulations carrying into ef- fect the convention negotiated last “all. T am glad to say that the spirit of the Mexican delegation was one of cordlal co-operation and T am deeply impressed with the desire of the new government in Mexico to work with is in preventing all manner of smug- gling on the border. The trea BY GIFFORD PINCHOT, Governor of Pennsylvania. Public opinion accumulates like the water behind a dam. There is mo noise, no fuss, nothing but the grad- ual, almost imperceptible, rising of the water. Finally the day comes when the last necessary pound of pressure has been accumulated, the dam gives way and the imprisoned flood, long held quiet and ineffective, sweeps [ everything before it. So it will be with law enforcement. When the flood of indignant public |sentiment is finally turned loose the men who winked at law-breaking and encouraged crime and otherwise stood in the way of respect for the Consti- tution will have no more pressing busi- ness than to climb the nearest tree. ‘Whether the present campaign of the Treasury ~Department against baotleg liquer from foreign ports in- dicates that the dam is beginning to {quiver T do not know. The real test { will not be an expensive and spectacu- lar effort, however successful, to stop the comparatively small trickle of for- eign bootleg liquor which seeps Into this country from rum row. The real of Coast | | Guard vessels and the picketing of in ontinued on Third Page.) RUM-SMUGGLING FIGHT | ON BORDERS JUST BEGUN KDry Head Says Border and Coast Block- ades Against Bootleggers Are Still in Experimental Stage. |arawn up is reciprocal. We are not |asking Mexico to do a thing that we {are not obligating ourselves to do for Mexico. It is a long border, but every agency that can be utilized will | | be_brought into play. | "For we must realize that the prob lem of breaking up the “bootlegging business” is not merely to secure re spect for the eighteenth amendment but to prevent the growth of corrup tion in other lines of business which are more or less related to the illicit traffic in liquor. Freight agents, railroad employes, in fact thousands of persons who or- dinarily would not regard their action as criminal, are assisting others to commit crime by participating in mak- ing false bills of lading and other practices that have for their object the defeat of law enforcement. The very stability of American busi ness is at stake. Ior if corruption is countenanced in one line of business it will spread to others, and respect for the law will be diminished. We cannot afford to allow corruption to grow, and we cannot afford to allow any agency of the Government to remain ineffective in the face of organized or_unorganized lawlessness. What progress have we made so far on rum row? We haven't started. We have not yet completed our sys tem for the gathering of information about the ‘“enemy.” but I can say that we expect effective co-operatipn from foreign governments, and we ex- pect to put enough vessels on the coast te break up any more concen trated invasions of our coast line. Tt will take time, but in the end the Government will win because it must ht, 1925.) Foresees Dry Law Violators Routed by Indignant Public| test will be whether or not the Treas- ury Department decides to use and ac- tually does use its power and re. sources (both of which are already the abundant streams of denatured al- the basis of nearly all our homemade bootleg liquor. It can, if it chooses, No good citizen naturally can question the desirability of wiping out rum row. Every shot that is fired against a rum. runner is another of those shots that are heard around the world: It is a be won. Anything less would be in- tolerable, since the Government forces have undertaken the task of win- ning it. Meanwhile, the ~rux of the enforce- ment problem must be faced ashore. Unless homemade polson liquor is cuf off the attack on rum row will have no real effect. Its result will only be to decrease by an unimportant per- centage the amount of poisoned boot- leg drink. But if both the foreign and the domestic bootleggers are hit at the same tlme we shall get real progress. Copy-ight, but it never vet has made that choice. | shot in a battle that of necessity must i | | { | | | 1 | | | victorious Germany to come to C: | occup: | may BY FRANK H. SIMONDS. HAT is to be the foreign pol- icy of the new Germany? No question of all the many which press upon Euro- pean statesmep at the present hour is more arresting, more |important.That there is a new Ger- many, in the sense that the sixty-odd millions of German people remaining in the Reich after the r have escaped or are very rapidly escaping from the restraining influences of the defeat is self-evident. It is true that for ten years more foreign armies of fon will hamper the freedom of German action, but it iz not less true that within a decade the occu pation of Germany will come to an | end and Germany will be completely master within German frontiers. Three courses lie obviously the German nation. It may accept the territorial decisions of the Paris | peace and seek to develop within its | Balkan | the day when these Balkan st own frontlers, to become, as it can, the greatest economic and industrial force in Europe. It may, by contrast, reject all of the territorfal decisions and prepare for a new war, a war of revenge and reconstruction against all of its old European foes. There re- mains a third course: Germany may accept as final the decisions in the west and arrive at understandings with France and Belgium, with Brit- aln as a participating nation, which would eliminate the present appre- hensions of new German aggre: s in the west. Want Lands Back. Now of the three solutions, the first is, on the whole, the least likely. be accepted as axiomatic that Germany will never, save by reason of force, accept her eastern frontier as nade at Paris. To recover Danzig, he Polish Corridor and the mineral- | ized and industrial area of Upper Si-| German lesia is as firmly fixed in mind as was the recovery of Alsace Lorraine in the French mind after 1870. You have only to:spend a few hours in Germany to discover that there is a unanimous national deter- mination on this point, which seems susceptible of no accommodation other than the recovery of the lost prov inces As to the second possibility, general conflict with her neighbors, designed to recover Alsace-Lorraine, taken by France, Eupen and Malmedy taken by Belgium, Northern Slesvig, taken by Denmark, as well as the Polish marches, here again one encounters similar German hesitations. The Ger- [ recognizes that he cannot attack nce without involving Great Brit- in, that Britain will never permit a is war in_which and to Ostend. And : | Britain is a participant means for the | ably a new defeat. | position and to acquire for third the formation Germans a new blockade and prob. Therefore the im- pression one gathers in Berlin is that the mass of Germans and the ablest of German leaders are prepared to re- nounce the general war of revenge and to accept as final the frontiers laid down in the west, with the pro- vision, not gemerally voiced as yet, that as compensation for this renun- clation Germany shall be allowed a free hand elsewhere. Expansion Plans. What does this free hand mean ex actly? Obviously in the first the chance to recover Danzig, the Corridor and Upper Silesla, save for Pless and Rybnik, which are, even on German _testimony, overwhelmingly Polish. But this purpose can only be a detail. There is no great possibility of eastward expansion for the Ger- man. A solid block of twenty mil- lion Poles bars this road, and the Ger- mans have discovered from experi ence that it is impossible to absorb Polish population. Even the question of retaking Posen vet in Berlin, for Polish, save in a tricts. To recover lands lost to Poland. then, does not offer Germany any real opportunity to regain her position as a great power, which she unques- tionably lost as a result of the war. Even with Danzig, the Corridor and Upper Silesia, she would be territo- rially smaller than France, while she would still lack all colonies; more over, she would find tre British veto interposing between her and any new accession of foreign dominions. which in reality would only be p ible at the expense of France, Belgium, Por tugal or Great Britain B There remains a single possibility for the future. assuming that Ger. many means ultimately to recover her totally dis Posen is few frontier the foundations of greatness in the future. This possibility lies patently to the southward, up the valley of the Elbe on the one and and down the valley of the Danube on the other. In a word, the German dream for the future, so far as it exists, must be discoverable in the reconstruction of that Mitteleuropa which for several vears did exist during the World War. Mitteleuropa Poiicy. 1f you look back for a moment over the histery of the last half centu that which preceded the World War, it will be discovered that the foreign policy of Germany, the continental policy, was based upon the purpose to establish German supremacy in middle Europe. The first step was the defeat of Austria in 1866, the sec ond the defeat of France in 1870, the with Austria of hat alliance, later expanded into the Triple Alliance by the adhesion of Ttaly, which was the dominant factor in the European situation right up to the catastrophe of 1914. But from the congress of Berlin onward the real necessity of Germany was to maintain the crumbling edifice of the Hapsburg Empire. Russia, be- come the champion of the southern Slavs and seeking always the goal of | Constantinople, steadily developed as fully adequate) to stop at the source | | ence. cohol inside our boundaries, which is | the supreme menace to Austrian exist- But Austria_was essential to Germany because within the Austrian half of the dual monarchy, ten mil- lion Germans dominated nearly twenty millions of subject nationali ties, while Hungary, the Magyars, about equally numerous, in partne ship with the Germans of Austria. exercised similar control over fifteen milllons of Slavs and Rumanians. ‘While Austria-Hungary endured, then, German supremacy, exercised by the Austrian Germans in partner. ship with the Magyars, existed from Bavaria to the Iron Gates. And each | vear made this Austro-Hungarian con- trol more and more dependent upgp German protection. Thus in suppos ing Hapsburg power the German Em- pire supported a German control in the center of Europe, which might eventually pass directly into German hands. Insensibly Austria lost her in- dependence as her perils increased and her own power diminished Since France and Russia inevitably Tt | conflict | place | fell into accord, France refusing al- ways to accept the loss of Alsaces Lorraine, the continental situation was balanced by those two alliances, Great Britain remaining neutrai, al though toward the close of the last century very obviously tending to the German rather than the nco- Russian combination. This latter combination, by contrast, was strengthened by the growing power of the several Balkan states, notably Serbfa and Rumania. which looked forward to acquiring lands inhabited by men of their race but held by Austria and Hungary. From the German point of view the supreme blunder that was made was the challenge of Britain in the matter of naval supremacy. This challenge deliberately drove Britain over to the Franco-Russian side, pushed Ita out, of the Triple Alliance, fortified France and Russla, encouraged the states and led inevit feated Turkey, become z partner, remade the map of th ans, and what was acq the resources and the confidence to prepare for the war of liberation agalnst Austria-Hungary worse, Under Non The result is now consequence of Gern tria-Hungary has disappear has been reduced to a state of 6 500,000 inhabitants, Hung to a fragment containing 8,000,000 people. Today the lands south of Germany are petitioned be taly. Czecho- slovakia and Jugoslavakia, while F mania has taken over nearly half of {Hungary. Middle Europe, as the | German dreamed it, has been replaced by a new condition with Italy at | Trieste and Fiume, Greece at Solon- ika and a free Czech state holding the Bohemian frontier. Today instead of ten million Ger- mans dominating twenty millions of | other races, upwards of five millions of Germans are themselves under non- German rule, counting in this num- | ber Germans who were under Hun- | garian rule before 1918 In place of |an ally to the south, Germany finds three strong and hostile States, Czechoslovakia, Rumania and Ju | slavia, have forty millions of people and united in a firm alliance, the Lit- tle Entente. Moreover, it sees these for millions tending to closer rela- s with the 30.000.000 of Poland to | the eastward. If the situation which now exists consolidates, if time per- | mits the consolidation of these new or newly expanded peoples, then G many is forever barred from | southward expansion and is demned to the narrow limits which represent her present ar narrow limits which would not be significantly | extended, even if sk recovered Dane | zig and the Polish Corridor. Nevertheless there is for Germany a measure of possibility. Provided she can make peace with France, pro- vided France, with British guarantea feels herself safe and withdraws her present support of the status quo in the center of Eurape, abandons her alliances with Poland. Czechoslovakia, {and her understandings with mania and Jugoslavia, might still be done. But only | basis of permanent ugreem | France, Britain and Italy Ally In Hungary. The possbility rests upon thess conditions: The partition of Hungarv has left this proud people resentful and passionately resclved to recover thelr lost lands, particularly the lands lost to the Czech and the Rumanian, those ceded to the Southern Slavs are. rman Rule. manifest. defeat, As a Aus- con is_hardly debated | herself | from the Magyar point of view in the main less jmportant. Germany would find a ready ally in Hungary. were she to seek to change conditions on the Upper Elbe and the M N Danube. Against Rumania and Ju slavia she would also find an equ ready ally in Bulgaria, which claims Macedonia and the Dobr To annex Austria, encircle Cz slovakia, restore Slovakia to Hungary. compel Jugoslavia to give back Macesy donia to Bulgaria, and Rumania to give up the Dobrudja to Bulgaria and Transylvania and the Banat to | Hungary—this would at one time as- sure Germany of the support of | Hungary and Bulgaria and make themn | for the future dependent states, since | they could retain the restored lands |only by German protection. Thus/ | very briefly, Germany would re-estap-! |lish middle Europe to the Turkigh: | frontter, where she could easily jain hands with Turkey. To complete tifs {edifice by taking Saloniki froh Greece, on behalf of Bulgaria, might, be a final step. Here, then, is the single real pos sibility for Germany in the future, Germany is to be a great nation in the real sense of the word. She must. remake the map of Europe, she must restore the Austrian Germans con trol over the Czech, to the Magyars control over the Slovak and the Ru- manian and establish Bulgaria at the! expense of Greece, Rumania and Jugo- slavia. At the same time she must. restore her own frontiers on:the east at the expense of Poland, which, when Danzig is in German hands. will he- come economically a dependency of; Germany. Must Avoid Row. But to realize any such scheme, what must Germany do? IFirst,. avoid any new quarrel with Britain:+ that is, avoid the mistake of the Kaisef. Second, eliminate the Treneh guap-i antee of Poland and Czechoslovakia. Third, achleve the union of Austri with Germany, thus bringing Get. many to the confines of Hungary. Fourth, be permitted a long peridd of freedom from any Russian,menac, for when Russia does ‘‘come bar‘l'(f the great Slav state is bound to sume its march for Constantinopl, and finding Germany bent in the same: direction, to take up the historic clmvg{ grandione: pionship of the southern Slav and the Czech as well. Finally, Italy mu be placated like France, for Itulian on | position to the annexation of Austria, ‘mixht prove troublesome if not fat Tn this situation what has Germany already done? She has. with the tadit approval of Britain, offered to guafhh antee the frontiers of France and Bel-t gium: she has proposed the neutraliza tion of the Rhineland, but the neu- tralization against France as well as herself. That is to say, she has sug- gested that an nrea be created be- tween France and herself which shall be neatralized, forbidden alike to French and to German armies, which means that if in the future Germany attacked Poland or Czechoslovakia, France could mot intervene in the’ Raineland. Britain indorses this Germany ges- ture because the British are perfectly willing to give Germany a free hand on the lower Vistwia and the middie Danube If only peace can be assured (Continued on Twelfth ze.)