Evening Star Newspaper, October 5, 1924, Page 41

EDITORIAL PAGE - NATIONAL PROBLEMS SPECIAL ARTICLES Part 2—16 Pages BRITISH POLICY RETURNS TO THE MEDITERRANEAN Decision to Send Three Important Units of Battle Fleet Significant of Pendulum’s Swing. BY FRANK H. SIMONDS. HE decision of the British gov ernment, which has recently been announced. to divide,the battle fleet and send very im- portant units to the’ Mediter- ranean has not only set all European commentators to talking, but it is one of the most ‘interesting and signifi- eant circumstances since the close of the war. Actually it marks a new period in imperial policy and must have widespread repercussions.’ In a sense this revival of the Medi- terrancan fleet in its full force is no more than the reversion of British policy to its historic and traditional lines Until the rise of the German fleet in the first years of the present century directly challenged British supremacy in the North Sea and thus in reality in home waters, the Medi- terranean had been the real focus of Rritish naval strength and imperial interest, since through it passed ail the main routes of imperial commerce to Egypt, India, Australia and South Africa. Challenged by Germ: When the German emperor an- nounced that German future lay on the sea .and Admiral von Tirpitz be- zan his great naval construction pro- £ram the Eritish met the challenge in_various ways First. under the Spur of mecessity they made the far- reaching agrcement with France formation of the entente. This first step was the liquidation of all out- sianding colonjal disputes between teh two countries, and the most sig- nificant detail of this agrecment was the surrender by France of all her claims in Egypt and the balancing coneession of Britaln which recog- rized Morocco, subject to a Franco- Spanish adjustment of spheres. as a French preserve. The Franco-Span- ish arrangement, which presen followed. insured to Spain the shores | of Moroceo facing the Straits of Gi- | bralter and .thus insured Britain aguinst a French naval base at Tan- gier facing the great British estab- iishment at the Rock This Anglo-French lenge of 1905, the series of incidenis which led up to the World War itselt. For six years, from the Tangier episode to that of Agadir in 1311, French and German policies were in conflict and Germany sought to break down Anglo-French solidarity and at the same time to secure for herself something which might measurably correspond to the cnormous Frencn colonial gain incident to the acquisi- tion of Morocco. Aroused Germaa Suspicion. In the end Germany blocked Britain stood solidly France and after the very acute ot 1911, following the sending of the German cruiser Panther to Agadir, Germany settled the Moroscan af- fair by recognizing French supremacy in the Sherecfian Empire, receiving in return for her assent considerable French territory in the Congo reglon. British support of France, however, and the sgnsational speech of Lloyd George, then chancellor of the exche- quer, at the height of the crisis, profoundly angered Germany and established in the German mind the belief that Great Britain had adopted a policy of restricting all German overseas expansion. Meantime the Anglo-French liquiti- ation of 1804 had been followed by certain very definite_ steps which amounted to a tacit understanding between the two countries This agreement was expressed in the re- call to the home waters of all the first line units of the British fleet and the transfer to the Mediterranean of all of the similar ships of the ¥rench fleet. Thus, in effect, Britain turned the Mediterranean over to France, and France abandoned the channel and the North Sea to Bri- tain. While no actual alliance was made, this arrangement had all the conse- quences of an alliance because in the crucial days of 1914 Sir Edward Grey, while British course was still unde: cided, was Yorced to notify the Ger- mans that the British fleet would bar any German attack coming through the channel and menacing the north- ern ports of France. Ttalian Attack on Tarkey. first in was behind erisis in | 1904, which was the first step in the | liquidution of | 1904 led directly to the German chal- | the long | Agiadir | Dodecanesus, islands wholly Greek |in history ana population, not only | brought her into sharp collusion with the rising flood of Greek patriotism, but awakened apprehensions in Brit- ain, where Italy’s new aspirations in the Mediterranean were noted. On the morrow of the World War the situation in the Mediterranean was profundly modified, Austria had disappeared as a natlon and her fleet had been destroyed or divided. Before the promise of Italian supremac: in the Adriatic and the Near East, the British and French backed the Jugoslavs in their claims for Fiume and in reality, opposed an Itglian pol- fcy which if it had been realized would have denied the Southern Slavs effective outiet on the Adriatic, while in the Aegean the British pushed the Greeks into Smyrna to forestall Italian occupation and thus Italian mastery of the eastern shore of the Aegean. Italy. thus opposed. presently withdrew from the tolian mainland altogether and con- tented herself by watching the col- lapse of Greek hopes and British pol- icy in the disasters of 1922 Meantime, despite Britis tion, which led to very serious fric- tion during the Paris peace confer- snce and was the first material dif- ference between the recent France established herself in thus obtaining an important base on | the eastern end of the Mediterranean. while the British took Palestine and Mesopotamia beyond. The defeat of the Greeks gravely | Eritish prestige all through the Near | protectorate World War, | quence. British Pesition Weakened. | The British situation in the Mediter- ranean was thus gravely weakened &9 a result of rhe World War and jthe events which followed it and were a logical consequence of it Not only was the British title to Egypt abolished. but Egyptian hos- tility at one time challenged British contro! of the Suez Canal. the vital link in imperial connections, and raised the issue of possession of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan. At the same time British appre- hensions were aroused by the un- ! mistakable drift of Italian policy. Of {the aliies of the World War, Italy had fared worst so far as' profits were | concerned. She had. to be sure, ac- | quired Trieste and the Trentino, thus | establishing her own security and |gaining the greatest port of the | Adriatic, as she finally acquired | Fiume. also. But in place of”the i crumbling Hapsburg monarchy she was now faced across the Adriatic | by a virile Slav state, which chal- | lengea all her holdings from |mouth of the Isonzo southward { Moreover, not only did her cffort to rtablish a protectorate in Albania | fail. but British support of Greece | promised to bar her expansion in the | | Aegean. as American backing of the | Serbs had thwarted her larger hopes in the Adriatic. In addition, while France had ac- | quired Syria, large areas in the Kongo |and Cameroon regions and most of | Tosoland, thus rounding out her| enormous African empire and giving | ‘her a solid base in the Near East. Italy had gained nothing and had to be contented with later concessions | rather grudgingly made by the French | proc was imed during the a further conse- the western and in Bast_Afric land Moreover, the furthered angered by the attempt on | the part of the British to make even | | these concessions contingent upon a | withdrawal from {he Dodecanesusand Rhodes and by the prompt British | veto to Italian occupation of Corfu, following the incident of last Sum- mer—that fs, of 1923. Souxht Uslen With Greece. By conirast. as 1 have said, the British viewed with alarm increas- ingly bitter Ttaliar. agitation for the “recovery” of Malta and for the pos- session of the Bay of Solum on the frontier hetween Tripoli and Egypt, which might be developed into a | very strong naval base facing British | lines of communication. Opposition | to Itallan possessior. of Rhodes and the Didecanesus, measurably balane- ine Cyprus, was also apparent while BY OLIVER OWEN KUHN. NTERNATIONALISM as exemplified in de- cisions reached by the League of Nations in Geneva is assailing the impregnability of America’s decisions to maintain her policy of “interested disinterestedness” in the -closely knit affairs of Ilurope. Members of the league embracing all but three powers of the world have subscribed to a resolution urging adoption of a protocol de- signed to forever end international combut. The covenant of the league, which already has caused one of the bitterest fights in American political history, has been amended so as to incorporate principles considered by many even more objectionable than the original. in Ana- | opposi- | allies, | compromised | ! East, and the later retirement from | | Egypt—that is, the renunciation of the | PAN-AMERICAN PARLEY TO STUDY STANDARDS| in the Sahara Desert, straightening'|are expected to benefit from a con- | southern frontier . ference on standardization, lines of Tripoli. and by the Bfitish!gll of the American nations are to in the area of Juba- | participate, Italians were | future. order that obstreperous nations may be singled out.and punished for violating faith in be- coming aggressive. There is no hedging, little equivocation, in the decision that if any nation for whatsoever rea- son takes up arms against a member nation. it shall be made to feel the wrath of all and forever respect the world's verdict that there shall be no more war on any pretext Means of determining an aggressor nation e fixed and when a nation once becomes in- volved as an aggressor then the weight of all nations is pledged to the process of economic. political, finuncial and moral suasion League Obtains “Teeth.” It is the reiterated principle of “force gain peace Which the statesmen involved in the Paris peace conference sought but were anable to gain by virtue of the wave of op- position, actual and potential. greeting the intimation that such a thing would be neces- sary to actually avoid war. It was the plan shelved for that which provided arbitral pro- crastination with the hope of adjustment. bup which did not ban war as such in any contin- gency. leaving the powers that final privilege when all other avenucs. principally those set up by the league, were exhausted The recent session of the league but put teeth” into its own mouth that it might masticate the general problem of maintaining world peace instead of mincing the to merely EDITORIAL SECTION he Sundy St WASHINGTON, D. C., SUNDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 5., 1924 U. S. Now Is Facing Serious Hurdles, Either in or Out of League of Nations one of the alternative courses. But, before that time has arrived, it always must be con- sidered that the will to do as exemplified in the Geneva protocol is not actuality,and that before all necessary governments have ratified the protocol there is time for ample consideration. Should the pro- tocol fail of adoption by most interested governments, then counsel of the league will declare it null. But with this failure would come the falure of the present effort to insure the world against further war. For, bound up with the question of banning war through ystem of arbitration specifically provided in the league’s machinery is the proposed arbi- tral conference next Summer and subsequent disarmament, which, coupled with Security, are considered the bed rocks of effective endeavor looking toward general peace. What United States Faces. In viewing the possibilities in so far as they muy affect this Government. naturally two of contingencies must be considered. rst of all if the United States enters the and as long as present sentiment pre- vails it will not—it immedlately subjects its will to the will of the majority nations therein represented unless it has the influence and power to mold sentiment in the league along lines desired by it. Kurope's past ready ac- ceptance of the purported disinterested atti- tude of the United States on many major ques- tions is regarded by proponents of league en- trance as a good augury of the power of the United States to protect itself at all junctures. But in entering the league the United States at once assumes all the obligations of the league and immediately becomes committed in advance to its decisions. Naturally such situ- ation is regarded as restrictive of independent endeavor and and infringement upon American sovereignty. This country immediately would lend itself to the enforcement of all decisions of the league and commit itself to ablde bs decisions in regard to questions which now may be considered purely domestic in char- icter. All of these may be considered danger cus to America’s future and her policies in connection with tween the two classes would be difficult of differentiation, so similar are the general char- acteristics of each. Where to draw the line between the two is always a matter of doubt. The Japanese question is a case in point. The question of immigration generally is regarded as a domestic problem. Japan herself so re- gards it .in her dealings with other Asiatics. Turope, t0o, accepts the theory. Japan. on the other hand, declares that when the immigration question pecomes a contentious one on the ground of discrimination between the races by any one country and hazarding national honor and integrity of the nation discriminated against, then the whole question becomes in- ternational in character. Should the United States become a member of the league and should Japan raise the immigration question for arbitration on the ground that it was in- ternational in character the United States might, in long negotiation in and out of the World Court (which might uphold Jupan). be forced to modify her present position that the question is an affair of the United States and is neither subject to questioning or attack. As to Domestic Insues. It is specifically provided in the ,protocol that domestic question may be taken up by both court and league if they endanger the Dpeace of two nations or are of such conten- tious character as to create strife. This being the case, any of the hundreds of matters now regarded by member nations as strictly do- mestic might be regarded as provocative of war and therefore subject to arbitration and league action. The heart of the whole mat- ter in 5o far as the United States’ adherence to the league is concerned is whether this country would wish to be in position to detend every complaint that might be registered against her domestic policies and stand the chance of having them declared beyond ti province of purely local authority. Should this come to pass the United States would find itself circumseribed in dealing with domestic problems directly or indirectly involving other natibns Contentious questions always would be sub- ject to arbitration, even though the Washing- issue In the process the league American Government other than as to whether this Gover; remain out of the leaguc indefinite to the and array forces with those of the world in the attempt natory n itself with the nant and protocol powers resolu to banish war. As time goes one there that this Government must and will de = Manufacturers Seek Specifying of Grades, and Sizes That Business Conditions May Be Bettered. BY HENRY L. SWEINHART. MERICAN manufacturers, from | those who make saws and isels to those who turn out locomotives and iron bridges or steel building frameworlk, | which | to be held the in near At the same time producers of raw | products—grain, cotton, hides and | skins, wool, and so forth—both in | the United States and in the 20 other | .American republics, will share in the gains which will come, it is con- fidently believed by officials here. from the uniformity of grading and other marketing conditions which the conference is expected to bring about. This conference is looked on as one of if not the most important business gathering which has ever been held among the American na- tions. It will meet at Lima, Peru, December 23, and will be known as the First Pan-American Standar: tion Conference. Its meetings will be simultaneous with those of the Third Pan-American Srientm}- Con- gress, which will be holding its se: sions at the same time. unquestionably nas opened up another great question for the That question is none is every | of Commerce, of which the Bureau of | Standards is a branch, will also send It has been pointed out the protocol, which has received th ment of the reprefentatives of practically all that this in no measure treads upon nations nment shali 1y or array cove- o intended. accurate. In’ international rate divisions, those strictly indication the cases that might a been taking a deep interest in the coming standardization conference in Lima. They have been giving careful study to the subjects to be discussed. None of the busimess concerns or &roups in the United States will be | represented officially at the confer- | ence. it is stated, although one or more | of such groups may send unofficial representatives to be on hand and present their views on various sub- Jec which come before the con- gress as occasion may arise. Expertx to Reprexent United States. The United States will be repre- gented officially by A. W. Whitney of rman of the American ginecring Standards Committee, a clearing house for a group of engi- neering associations which favor standardization. Mr. Whitney is also a delegate to the Pan-American S entific Congress, being assigned to the section on engincering. He is con- sidered one of the best experts in his line in the United States. He will be ably assisted by Dr. Guillermo A. Sherwell, secretary of the Inter- American High Commission, who will be onc of the technical advisers. Tt is expected also that the Department the domestic issues of any This cannot be taken as wholly usage there are two &epa- to international garded as purely domestic. indorse- national pursue its o country and is not dom of movement always about by the constant knowledge that ton Government regarded that a question of honor was at stake and desired to wn methods of settlement. Free- would be .hedged every question might be subject of arbitral decisions, possibly, in questions pertaining ‘M affairs and those re- In 90 per cent of tial! Nation, ned to trust many cases to the dirinterest of though leaguc leaders are in- to the integrity and impar- v of the World Court in all such matters rise the difference be- (Continued on Third Page.) 'CAMPAIGN OF THIS YEAR SIMILAR TO THAT OF 1800 Republicanism of Jefferson, Bom of i French Revolution, Likened to Policies of Progressives Following La Follette. BY J. C. RANSOM. HE national presidential cam- paign this year presents some points of resemblance to that ©of 1800, which resulted in the election of Thomas Jefferson | to the presidency and Aaron Burr to the vice presidency. The wave of radi- calism which has spread over the| Northwest and finds sympathy in other parts of the country resembles in many ways the “Republicanism” of 1800. on the crest of which Jefferson | was carried into power, through lhl‘: votes of the House of Representa-| tives, after a deadlock which lasted | six days The radicals of 1500 complained of misrule by the Federalistic adminis- trations of Washington and Adams, bewailing an intolerable tax burden, accusing the Government of gross ex- travagance, and assailing the Army and Navy as costly accessorfes of power, useless in a republic. They clamored for a government which should represent the people rather than a minority of tories and aristocrats. The Republicans., back of Jefferson, raised the hue and cry because Con- Rre; had authorized the expenditure of $97.000 on the President's House in the District of Columbia, and than a hundred pected to be. Candidates for the elective Federal offices were named by caucuses in Congress, not by political conven- tions as now. The congressional caucuses for naming party candidates were informal meetings of partisans held some time during the session prior to the presidential campaigr. These caucuses in 1800 named John Adams and C. C. Pinckney for the Federalists and Thomas Jefferson and ! Aaron Burr for the Republicans. This | was done some days prior to May 14/ that year. | Electors were chosen generally by the State legislatures and not by party State committees as now. In 1800 much difficulty was experienced at the State capitais to find men who would stay put politically and vote in the electoral colleges as they were instructed to do. If an ancient pro- totype of the national Democratic convention in New York this year is sought it will be found in the| wranglings of the Legisiatures of Fennsylvania, Maryland and Vermont in the earlier months of 1¥00. Result No Eleetion. Finally the elections of November, | 1800, resulted in no election, a thing | vears could be ex- Society News BY BEN McKELWAY. NE of the least radical of Sen- ator La Follette's theories is his attitude toward the United States Supreme Court and the Federal judiciary. Yet his proposals to amend the Con- stitution and thereby prevent nulli- fication of Congress-made laws by an Court have been attacked far and wide as tending toward bolshevi John W. Davis put it rather neatly the other day when he referred to the La Follette proposals as savering more of London than of Moscow. For what Mr. La Follette wants England has had for many years. As for the upreme Court, that stately craft has | been buffeted about os much by the 1‘\IDYm§ and squalls of a century, yet {lived to weather other gales, that its | seaworthiness has been amply tried. | Senator La Follette is not the first | to have become alarmed at the pow- |ers of the Supreme Court and the { Federal judiciary. He can cite au- thorities in his favor as far back as Thomas Jefferson. For the attitude jtoward the courts and their control ‘of legislation has always depended upon the individual's point of view. Contrasting Viewpoints. Those who belicve in the theory of checks and balances and the protec- tion of property rights at whatever | cost will uphold the Supreme Court and the Federal judiciary in its con- trol over legislation. Those who con- | sider the “popular rule” as dependent upon legislative and executive su- premacy have always sought to curb | the veto powers of the judiciary. Those who believe that a law en- acted by Congress represents the ex- pressed will of the people and that Congress is a fit judge of its consti- tutionality decry the right of the courts to nullify it. Those who be- Jieve in the rigidity and inflexibility of the Constitution are unwilling to allow any but | pass upon its possible infringement. Senator La IFollette contends that the Constitution never intended, that the courts have usurped., not only the vetoing power which the founders confined to the President, but the power to nullify laws after they have been in operation, thus {tending to place, within the courts | the declaration of what is to be the | public policy i Congrens Interested Party. No one comtests this point with | Mr. La Foilette. But his eritics and jthose who favor the checking power of the judiciary point out that it | could not have been otherwise. The | Constitution was adopted as the { foundation of the Governmont. Any |1aw passed by Congress must con- | i form to the Con | an established | terpretation of the court of justice. | "It Congress. were allowed to pass |on the constitutionality of a law, it | has been pointed out that, being an [interested party. it would decide in its own favor. This would tend to | subjugate the Constitution to Con- | Bress, instead of following the in- jtent of the founders to require that | Congress perform its functions un- | der_the Constitution. | The President, who was given the | power of veto, is not necessarily a |lawyer, nor is he a disinterested | party. Interpretation of laws, and. | therefore, decisions, as to stitutionality, gradualiy came under the judiciary, mainly because there was nobody else to take the job. tution, and it nciple that the aw belongs is in- to | La Follette View Not New. Senator La Follette is correct in his contention that the courts have gradually usurped for themselves a power which was never expressly given under the Constitu- tion. The Supreme Court's decisions were throwing the country into long before the minimum wage law or the two child labor laws were ever conceived. The first attacks on the court fol- lowed a decision that it had jurisdic- tion to entertain suits by private persons against a State. Interpreting article iii of the Constitution in 1793, the Supreme Court decided that an action lay against the State of Georgia at the suit of a private plain- Gff. ~Georgia refused to appear in court, and the Supreme Court gave judgment against her by default. in perfectly LA FOLLETTE’ PLEA PARALLELED IN 1801 Thomas Jefferson Loudly Protested De- cision by Marshall—Public Opinion Held Check on Abuse of Power. inferior Federal judge of the Supreme the trained jurist to | but | their con- | fits | S COURT CURB | appointment was lega! and Manburs was entitled to the writ, but—and this was the first case of its kind was the law of 1789 constitution. The Constitution gave the court ap- pellate jurisdiction, but the writ of mandamus could only be used in original jurisdiction. The court cided that the law was unconstitu ! tional. From Chief Justice Marshall's opin- ion in that case the judiciary gathered 1o itself the present co over legislation. Part of his de sion will bear quoting here, as it used as an effective answer to thos wha_contend against this veto pow “The Constitution,” Chief Justice Marshall held, “is either a superior paramount law, unchangeable b, ordinary means, or it is on a leve with ordin legislative acts, anid like other acts is alterable when the legislature shall please to alter If the former part of the alternative be true, then a legislative act cor trary to the Constitution is no law if the latter part be true, then writ ten constitutions are absurd attemp: on the part of the people to limit power in its own nature illimitable “Certainly all those ¥ who framed written constitutions conier plate them as forming the fu mental and paramount law of th: Nation, and consequently the theors of every h government must be that an act of the legislature repug nant to the constitution is void. Th theory essentially attached written constitution and is con quentiy to be considered by this co as one of the principles of our society. * * * It is emphaticall the province and duty of the judicia departmen say what the law ® s o If two laws conflict wit each other, the courts must decide the operation of cach From that time on the power the courts to declare a law uncor stitutional and therefore invalid never been successfully disputed Thomas Jefferson protested ar and bitterly . against the decis perhaps more angrily and more b terly than the “radical” Mr. La Fol- lette The next important decision of the upreme Court was one of the factor ich hastened the Civil War and the { Republican party—imagine publican party—denounced t on in the strongest language a onvention which nominated Abrahar Lincoln. The dec Dred Scott case, i held that a slave taken temporarily into a free State or Territory in whic Congress had forbidden slavery and brought back into the slave stats afterward, was not a citizen capabis of suing in ederal courts if I the laws of the he was 1l & slave. The adopted after ment. negatived this decision ourtecnth am Early Close Decision. A peculiar situation which, acc ing to historians, affected public « fidence in the court, arose over a five-to-three decision 1870, which h invalid a law making govern- ment paper legal tender for debts [ This decision was reversed by the court & year later. and again in 1874 The first reversal came about with the creation of an additional judge ship and the appointment of a new judge, and this time the decision was by a five-to-four majority. Finally, in 1874, the same question was brought up for decision and the court again reyersed its first decision with one’ dissenting vote The case brought to is considered to be one of the dan- gerous weaknesses of the Supreme |Court. The Constitution does specify the number of judg: is nothing to prevent an ad tion from forcing through Con some measure the constitutionalit of which is questionable. The five- to-four decisions prove that interpre tation depends not only on legal | training, but upon the jurist's point of view. Witness the minimum wage law. The President, by the simple expedient of appointing additional judges whose general outlook on problems are known, may easily suc- ceed in having a measure declared constitutional by one sct of judzes which assuredly would be declarcd invalid by another group Public Opinion Safeguarded. There is nothing to prevent this ex light what ne ® 2 = s s i a 3 a ad | cept public epinion. but that alone To the United States the Ereatest|y technical delegate. 3501085 onlthe BuNAthe: Sbth e CaptiaE case she did not appear and plead | cept 1 pinion. but that alen But while the 1904 agreement had very considerable consequences so far ag France and Britain were con- cerned directly, and was a factor in the arrival of the World War itself, although it was in reality conceived as a paclfic not a provocative step, there were other and at least equally grave consequences clsewhere. having always looked upon Tripoli as a field of colonial expansion, re- ceived Anglo-French assent to a de- scent upon these Turkish shores in re- turn for her acceptance of the Anglo- French adjustment with respect of Egypt and Morocco, Following the Agadir arrangement Jtaly saw her moment as come and suddenly attacked Turkey. The war which followed was long and the Turks were only constrained to make peace by the threat of attack from the newly rising association of Balkan powers. The treaty with Italy, which assigned to the victors not only Trip- olf, but the right of occupation of Rhodes and the Dodecanesus in the Aegean, was hardly signed when the four Balkan states—Bulgaria, Ser- bia, Montenegro and Greece—attacked the Turk. Agaln the Turks were defeated, lost all thelr European territories, al- though they recovered Adrianople and Thrace east of the Maritza as a consequence of the second Balkan war, which was a quarrel between the victors over the spoils. These two Balkan wars, however, so ag- grandized Serbia as to make her an immediate menace to Austrian integ- rity and the World War followed with astonishing rapidity. Meantime, to complete the picture, France had been forced to make, considerable, al- though successful military campaigns in_Morocco, while Spain had been in- volved in the long, and. so far, unsuc- cessful, campaign in the Rifffan -re- glons, her sphere of Morocco, whith may yet have as a consequence lne overthrow of the dynasty In Spain amd.the arrival of a new European révelution. Weaned From Triple Alliance. In the gradual development of the new Mediterranean situation Italy had been led by bargains over Tripoli into new relations with both Britain and France and - her loyalty to the triple alliance under- mined. On the other hand, her attack upon - Turkey had been bitterly re- sented in Germany and Austria, while Thus Ttaly, | the British situation in Cyprus itself was complicated by the demand of the inhabitants, wholly Greek by race,' for union with the Greck state, itself. | As Anglo-French relations grew {less and less frierdly, moreover, the British were brought to contemplate the situation now occupied by the re- | cent ally. The French navy, so far s battleships were concerned, had | censed to be a factor, since the exi- gencies of the war had prevented French building and the poverty of France at the erd of the struggle forbade any later expansion of the battle fleet.” Ttaly, too, was in a simi- lar sityation and at the Washington conference, Britain successfully car- ried her proposal which was that she should be allowed a number of bat- tleships and a permanent ratio which | would make her fleet superior to the combined Franco-Italian fleets and | thus give her the assured supremacy of the Mediterrancan, so far as bat- tleships were concerned. But the development of the sub- marine and the airplane had materi- ally modified the situation, while the failure to place any limit upon cruisers also represented a- British loss. For France, possessing nearly a thousard miles of North African shore, directly facing the British route from Gibraltar to Malta, pos- sessing the fortified harbors of Cran, Alglers, Philippeville and Bona and the great naval base of Bizerta, would be able fatally to cripple If not actually to interrupt British com- munication through the great inland | seas. | Fremch Expansion in Atrica. | Recent years, too, had seen an enorm- | ous expapsion of French development |in all three of the old*Barbary states, {Tunis, Algiers and finally Morocc | More than a millicn Europeans hav |been established in these lards, ex- clusive of the armies of occupation, | |more than two-thirds of - whom are French citizens. 5,000 miles of rail- way connect Casablanca, the great harbor on the Atlantic with Tunis. Moreover in the World War, Algerla. Moroceo and Tunis sent several hurn- !dred thousand shock troops to the front in France and the extension of conscription to the native populations bas insured France a sure source of 4 | will | | many hundreds of thousands of re- craits in the near future. Thus French North Africa is st once a fo! gain in a commercial way from Il\"; coming conference will probably be in the industrial and manufm'lurm:l field. Facilitics will be afforded for | improving and increasing business | transactions with all the other Amer- | ican countries. As for the republics | of South and Central America, Mexi- | co and the West Indies—they being mainly producers of agricultural and other raw products rather than of | manufactured goods—their chief gain be derived from the improve- ments which will come in the mar- keting of their wheat and their wool, their hides and skins, coffee, sugar, tobacco and similar products. As for the manufacturer and the business man, he will benefit prin- cipally through standardigation of specifications on machinery, tools, supplies and other merchandise. The producers and sellers of raw products will benefit through uniform classi- fication and grading of the different raw materials. The establishment of this uniform grading and nomencla- ture, it is believed, will enable the prodjcer of cotton, grain, hides. cof- fee and other products to market his products more easily and at a better price than if they are shipped with- out the exporter or foreign furchaser knowing exactly what grade of prod- uct he is buying. - How Manufacturers Will Benefit. Manufacturers of practically all kinds will benefit from the establish- ment of this standardization, it is believed, through the better facility it will furnish them in carrying on their business transactions with pur- chasers of their products in ‘other countries. This proposed uniformity of nomenclature and of specification will be particulariy helpful to them, it is pointed out, in the drafting of contracts with their foreign buyers. At the present time, without any in- ternational agreement in regard to/ specifications of various manufactur- ed products—locomotives, iron and steel, building materials or what not —it is frequently difficult to sumply the products in exact accordance with the terms of the contract. The con- tract may provide, for instance, that one part of a machine be built in accorliance with certain British or German standards, while another part of the same machine be built in ac- cordance with a certain French or other standgrd, . Both Government officials and rep- The Department of Agriculture, | which is interested because of the question of uniform grading of agri- cultural products of various kinds, if it does not send a technical dele- gate will prepare and send a number of papers to be read or presented to the congress. One very valuable bul- letin of the Department of Agricul- ture, relating to the skinning, curing and marketing of hides and skins just been translated into Spanish and published with all the original illus- trations, and copies of this bulletin are to be sent to all the different Pan- American governments as an 1llustra- tion of one kind of standardization, namely, in the skinningeand market- ing of hides, which is proving very profitable to the producers in that line. Plans for the development of stronger national organizations and more centralized efforts toward na- tional and international standardiza- tion, particularly between the coun- tries of the Western Hemisphere, will be discussed at the conference. This will include the creation of new bod- ies and the strengthening of such available machinery as individual or- ganizations; national trade, engineer- ing and scientific organizations; col- leges and universities and Govern- ment bureaus. . Warning Is Issued Of Spurious Bills Two more counterfieit bills have been discovered, and a warning was sent out yesterday by Chief Moran of the’ secret service to banks and others concerned, with descriptions of the bogus money. The better counterfeit of the two, Chief Moran said, is a $50 gold cer- tificate printed from photo-mechani- cal plates of “excellent workman- ship on genuine paper obtained by bleaching the printing from $1 bills.” It is further described as ‘“series of 1922, check letter ‘B, plate No. 11; H. V. Speelman, register of the Treas- ury; Frank White, Treasurer of the United States; portrait of Grant.” The other counterfieit is a $5 federal reserve note on the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland, It is described as a “poorly executed zinc etching on menace to British communications in Presentatives of different groups of | a single plece of paper without silk her - elzure of Rhodes and the |~ (Continued on Fourteenth Page) business in the United States have ' threads or imitation of them.” when the Federal Treasury was put to serious straits to obtain the money to pay the interest on the public| debt. The Republicans of that day ad- vocated the prompt payment of the public debt, even at the cost of di-| rect taxation. They fought the alien and sedition laws and their Demo- cratic sympathies still responded to the expioded ideals of French com- munism, now shot to death by the guns of Napoleon. Complaints Similar. The Progressives of 1924 are raising the same hue and cry over the tax burden growing out of the World War. They are voicing a similar la- ment over the downtrodden masses and the tyrannies and extravagance of the Federal Government. The Re- publicans of 1800 desired to destroy the Army and the Navy and to re- duce the power of the National Gov- ernment, and the radicals of 1924 would weaken the authority and pres- tige of the Supreme Court and start the ownership and operation of pub- lic_utilities by the Government. * Of the candidates of 1924 John W. Davis more nearly resembles Thomas Jefferson than any of the others, and ‘o make the resemblances more per- tect he should be running -as a Progressive rather than a Democrat. Thomas Jefferson was not a Repub- lican, by education, character or po- litical sentiment and experience. He was ambitious and a master poli- tician, and he used the only means at hand to place himself in control of the Government. He was about the same kind of a liberal Republican that Mr, Davis is a progressive Dem- ocrat. Mr. Coolidge stands, of course, for John Adams, who with the Federal- ists behind him, represented the “common sense” government of that day and age. Old Aaron Burr and “Brother. Charles” do not resemble each other so much, but to keep up the scheme of resemblances they must go to- gether. Mr. Dawes really has no par- allel in the political history of our country, but it will do to group him with Pinckney of 1800. Resemblances Somewhat Strained. 1t will now be seen that this pro- gram of resemblances is in some Te- spects a little strained, but the main lines of the plan are correct, and the two compalgns are quite as similar as political events separated by more which many fear will foliow this year. The results were known then within a few days, just as they will be this year, but in 1800 the clectors had not all been chosen and the country was in an agony of suspense from November to Kebruary, when the electoral vote was counted and recorded. The electors in Pennsyi- vania were not chosen until two days before the time set by the Con- stitution for the meeting of the elec- toral college. The electors of Mary- land and Vermont were divided and Some technical irregularity was found in the vote of Georgia. As announced in the joint seasion in the House and Senate in February, Jefter- fon and Burr each received 73 elec- toral votes, Adams had 65 and Pinck- ney 64. This gave eight States to Jefferson_and six to Burr, with the vote of Maryland and Vermont di- vided. There were 16 States and Jef- ferson did riot have a majority. Thus the choice of President was thrown into the House of Representatives, and under the Constitution the vote must be taken by States according to the “unit rute.” The balloting began February 11 and was in deadlock until February 17. Thirty-six ballots were cast before a choice, which was reached by a gen- tleman’s understanding between the leaders of the Federalists and the suc- cessful candidate, Thomas Jefferson. The House of Representatives was Federalist, but, under the Constitu- tion, it was forced to make its choice between two Republicans, Jefferson ‘and Burr. The majority, in the be- ginning, inclined to Burr, but Jeffer- son paid the price for his election in political promises, and such was pub- lic confidence in the man that he was chosen by Federalist votes on the thirty-sixth ballot. Alexander Ham- fiton, probably more than any other man, worked out this solution of the puzzle, and the wrath of the defeated candidate was not appeased until Hamilton lgy dead by a bullet from the pistol of Aaron Burr. Freach Sympathies Prevai Leading up to the elections of 1800 had been a long and bitter poliical agitation, dating back to 1789, when the sympathies of Americans with re- publican France gave birth to the Re- publican party of that day. In 1793 this wave of radicalism went to ex- tremes and threatened the very life of our new. republic. Those were the days of “Citizen” Genet and his pre- 7 (Contlnued on TN Fage) before a fixed da such a howl. ably supported by Alex- ander Hamilton, that other State | came rushing to her rescue, and Con- | gress accordingly added the eleventh jamendment to the Constitution. | The Supreme Court then rested on its laurels until 1801. President | Adams in the last hours of his ad- ministration appointed several jus- | tices of the peace in the District of Columbia, among them being William Marbury. But the incoming Secre- tary of State, James Madison, who had just been appointed by the new President, Thomas Jefferson, refused to turn over the official commissions to the justices of the peace, holding that Adams had made the appoint- ments to perpetuate his friends in office. Historie Decision Ma The appointments had been con- firmed, signed and sealed and in the possession of the Secretary of State. Marbury asked the Supreme Court to deliver a writ of mandamus to the Secretary, ordering him to de- liver the commissions. The judiciary act of 1789 authorized the Supreme Court to grant a mandamus, and the court held that under the law the | The United States Government not only preserves historic documents, 1ike the Constitution in the Congres- gional Library and other relics in the Smithsonian Institution, but it also door landmarks and specimens in the museum of nature. For example, experts in the Forest Service are now protecting a juniper tree, more than 3,000 years old. said by experts to be the oldest tree of its kind in the world, in the Cache Na- tional Forest in northern Utah. Sci- entists from the Utah College of Ag- riculture, co-operating ‘with Carl B. Arentson, a forest supervisor, place this particular tree on a par with some of the oldest of the big redwood trees in California which are so often spoken of as “the oldest llving things Georgia raised | takes care to prolong the life of out- | is the greatest safeguard against the unscrupulous use of such a situation Criticism has been made of the preme Court in that it does not keep | abreast of the progress of mankind |in sociological development. Th court which would have declared ur constitutional a law enacted 100 years ago, might easily recognize the valid- ity of a statute enacted today in a more enlightened period. It has been said that had the minimum wage law come before the court 25, or maybe 50 vears hence, there would have been little question of its cunstitu- tionality. Those who hold to the judicial con- trol of legislation, however, point to the decision of the Supreme Court in the child labor law, to uphold their beliefs just as readily as the oppon- ents of judicial control te it as an example of the need for a change. The former declare there is no doubt of the need for child labor regulation —that all its evils are granted. The Supreme Court’s decision pointed to a weakness in the Constitution, they sa, rather than exemplifying the evils of the court's veto power. It is the Constitution, not the method of guarding it, which needs repairin now and the: Tree, 3,000 Years Old, Taken Under Government Care on earth.” What these scientists de- duced was surprising. At breast height, the diameter of this tree is 7 feet 6 inches. It is 42 feet high. Only a few hundred years ago this tree was growing as rapidly as at any other time during its life The first 2 inches of growth required, 200 years, which indicates that thé tree's struggle for existence was un- der adverse conditions. Later the tree was growing at the rate of inches every 60 years, which is con- sidered a remarkable fact, consider- ing its location and age. This tree is on the main Logan Canyon Highway and seen by many thousands of tourists each vear. A sign has just been erected to herald the principal facts about the tree and warn against its defacement or me- lestation,